thesis statement banning violent video games

Essay on Banning Violent Video Games

Students are often asked to write an essay on Banning Violent Video Games in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Banning Violent Video Games

Introduction.

Violent video games have been a topic of concern for many. Some believe they can lead to aggressive behavior in children.

Reasons for Banning

Critics argue that violent games can desensitize players to real-world violence, making them more likely to behave aggressively.

Counter-Arguments

However, others argue that such games can provide a safe outlet for natural aggression and have no proven link to real-world violence.

The debate on banning violent video games is complex. It is essential to consider both the potential risks and benefits before making decisions.

250 Words Essay on Banning Violent Video Games

The debate on banning violent video games has been a hot topic for years. Advocates argue that these games trigger aggressive behavior, while opponents claim they are a harmless form of entertainment.

The Argument for Banning

Those in favor of banning violent video games posit that they contribute to increased aggression and desensitization to violence. They believe that the interactive nature of video games, where players actively participate in violence, can lead to real-world aggression. This is particularly concerning for young players who may not yet fully differentiate between virtual and real-world consequences.

The Counter-Argument

However, opponents of the ban argue that there is no definitive proof linking video game violence to real-world violence. They contend that millions of people play violent video games without exhibiting aggressive behavior. They further argue that video games, like any form of media, are a form of expression protected by the right to free speech.

While the debate continues, it’s crucial to consider the potential effects of violent video games on individuals and society. A middle-ground approach might be more effective, such as implementing stricter age restrictions and parental controls. This way, the rights of gamers are preserved, while potentially harmful effects on impressionable minds are minimized.

500 Words Essay on Banning Violent Video Games

The debate on whether violent video games should be banned has been a topic of intense discussion among policymakers, psychologists, and the general public. The critical concern is the potential influence these games could have on the behavior of players, especially young people.

The Impact of Violent Video Games

Research has shown that violent video games can have both positive and negative effects on players. On the one hand, they can enhance cognitive skills, decision-making abilities, and hand-eye coordination. Conversely, they are also associated with increased aggression, desensitization to violence, and decreased empathy.

Arguments for Banning Violent Video Games

Counter arguments.

Opponents of the ban, however, argue that it infringes upon freedom of expression and the right to access information. They posit that there is not enough empirical evidence linking violent video games directly to criminal violence. They also argue that parental control, rather than a blanket ban, should be the solution.

The Role of Parental Control

Parental control plays a pivotal role in mitigating the potential negative effects of violent video games. Parents can limit the time their children spend playing these games, monitor the content of the games, and explain the difference between video game violence and real-world consequences. This approach may be more effective than a ban, as it encourages responsible consumption of media.

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Christopher J. Ferguson, The Conversation Christopher J. Ferguson, The Conversation

• Copy URL https://www.pbs.org/newshour/science/analysis-why-its-time-to-stop-blaming-video-games-for-real-world-violence

Analysis: Why it’s time to stop blaming video games for real-world violence

In the wake of the El Paso shooting on Aug. 3 that left 21 dead and dozens injured, a familiar trope has reemerged: Often, when a young man is the shooter, people try to blame the tragedy on violent video games and other forms of media.

This time around, Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick placed some of the blame on a video game industry that “ teaches young people to kill .” Republican House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy of California went on to condemn video games that “dehumanize individuals” as a “problem for future generations.” And President Trump pointed to society’s “glorification of violence,” including “ gruesome and grisly video games .”

These are the same connections a Florida lawmaker made after the Parkland shooting in February 2018, suggesting that the gunman in that case “was prepared to pick off students like it’s a video game .”

Kevin McCarthy, the GOP House minority leader, also tells Fox News that video games are the problem following the mass shootings in El Paso and Dayton. pic.twitter.com/w7DmlJ9O1K — John Whitehouse (@existentialfish) August 4, 2019

But, speaking as a researcher who has studied violent video games for almost 15 years, I can state that there is no evidence to support these claims that violent media and real-world violence are connected. As far back as 2011, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that research did not find a clear connection between violent video games and aggressive behavior.

Criminologists who study mass shootings specifically refer to those sorts of connections as a “ myth .” And in 2017, the Media Psychology and Technology division of the American Psychological Association released a statement I helped craft, suggesting reporters and policymakers cease linking mass shootings to violent media, given the lack of evidence for a link.

A history of a moral panic

So why are so many policymakers inclined to blame violent video games for violence? There are two main reasons.

The first is the psychological research community’s efforts to market itself as strictly scientific. This led to a replication crisis instead, with researchers often unable to repeat the results of their studies. Now, psychology researchers are reassessing their analyses of a wide range of issues – not just violent video games, but implicit racism , power poses and more.

The other part of the answer lies in the troubled history of violent video game research specifically.

An attendee dressed as a Fortnite character poses for a picture in a costume at Comic Con International in San Diego, California, U.S., July 19, 2019. Photo by REUTERS/Mike Blake

Beginning in the early 2000s, some scholars, anti-media advocates and professional groups like the APA began working to connect a methodologically messy and often contradictory set of results to public health concerns about violence. This echoed historical patterns of moral panic, such as 1950s concerns about comic books and Tipper Gore’s efforts to blame pop and rock music in the 1980s for violence, sex and satanism.

Particularly in the early 2000s, dubious evidence regarding violent video games was uncritically promoted . But over the years, confidence among scholars that violent video games influence aggression or violence has crumbled .

Reviewing all the scholarly literature

My own research has examined the degree to which violent video games can – or can’t – predict youth aggression and violence. In a 2015 meta-analysis , I examined 101 studies on the subject and found that violent video games had little impact on kids’ aggression, mood, helping behavior or grades.

Two years later, I found evidence that scholarly journals’ editorial biases had distorted the scientific record on violent video games. Experimental studies that found effects were more likely to be published than studies that had found none. This was consistent with others’ findings . As the Supreme Court noted, any impacts due to video games are nearly impossible to distinguish from the effects of other media, like cartoons and movies.

Any claims that there is consistent evidence that violent video games encourage aggression are simply false.

Spikes in violent video games’ popularity are well-known to correlate with substantial declines in youth violence – not increases. These correlations are very strong, stronger than most seen in behavioral research. More recent research suggests that the releases of highly popular violent video games are associated with immediate declines in violent crime, hinting that the releases may cause the drop-off.

The role of professional groups

With so little evidence, why are people like Kentucky Gov. Matt Bevin still trying to blame violent video games for mass shootings by young men? Can groups like the National Rifle Association seriously blame imaginary guns for gun violence?

A key element of that problem is the willingness of professional guild organizations such as the APA to promote false beliefs about violent video games. (I’m a fellow of the APA.) These groups mainly exist to promote a profession among news media, the public and policymakers, influencing licensing and insurance laws . They also make it easier to get grants and newspaper headlines. Psychologists and psychology researchers like myself pay them yearly dues to increase the public profile of psychology. But there is a risk the general public may mistake promotional positions for objective science.

In 2005 the APA released its first policy statement linking violent video games to aggression. However, my recent analysis of internal APA documents with criminologist Allen Copenhaver found that the APA ignored inconsistencies and methodological problems in the research data.

The APA updated its statement in 2015, but that sparked controversy immediately: More than 230 scholars wrote to the group asking it to stop releasing policy statements altogether. I and others objected to perceived conflicts of interest and lack of transparency tainting the process.

It’s bad enough that these statements misrepresent the actual scholarly research and misinform the public. But it’s worse when those falsehoods give advocacy groups like the NRA cover to shift blame for violence onto non-issues like video games. The resulting misunderstanding hinders efforts to address mental illness and other issues, such as the need for gun control, that are actually related to gun violence.

This article was originally published in The Conversation. Read the original article . This story was updated from an earlier version to reflect the events surrounding the El Paso and Dayton shootings.

Christopher J. Ferguson is a professor of psychology at Stetson University. He's coauthor of " Moral Combat: Why the War on Violent Video Games is Wrong ."

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El Paso shooting is domestic terrorism, investigators say

Nation Aug 04

Why We Need to Return to the Question of the Effects of Violent Video Games

June 28, 2024

Troubling social phenomena—such as a spike in mass shootings —stem from a multitude of interrelated factors. Reality is complicated; humans are complicated. But in an effort to condense findings for a general audience, make headlines, or both, the scientific community sometimes issues authoritative-sounding statements that muddle, rather than clarify, public understanding. This is the case with potential links between video games and violence.

In 2020, the American Psychological Association (APA) released a statement declaring, “There is insufficient scientific evidence to support a causal link between violent video games and violent behavior.” The statement is reasonable when read carefully, with particular attention to the phrase “insufficient scientific evidence.” But mainstream news outlets and even some researchers and medical professionals have interpreted the statement as saying that there is no causal relationship between video games and violence. This is an incorrect interpretation because it adds certainty to the statement that is not actually there. Instead, the takeaway should be that it is unclear based on experimental research whether, or to what extent, violent games facilitate offline violence. As then-APA President Sandra L. Shullman highlighted in 2020, “Violence is a complex social problem that likely stems from many factors that warrant attention from researchers, policymakers and the public.” Still, one of these many factors could be participation in violent-themed video games, especially those in which racist and other hate-based rhetoric is endemic.

Research on multiplayer online games indicates that extremist statements and hate-based harassment are prevalent in many gaming communities. In a representative survey commissioned by our Center, 51% of multiplayer gamers reported that they had come across extremist narratives—statements like, “violence against women is justified” and “a particular ethnicity should be eliminated”—while playing multiplayer games during the previous year. Other researchers have suggested that the sustained prevalence of extremism in games has led to its normalization . Moreover, a pattern of real-world incidents involving mass shootings by young men who were also devoted gamers—and who used gaming aesthetics in their “ gamified ” acts of violence—suggests that, in some cases, participation in gaming communities contributes to radicalization. These findings and real-world observations ought to figure in the conversation about video games and violence.

The point is not to revive a moral panic around video games. The vast majority of the billions of people worldwide who play online games do not engage in mass violence. Moreover, given how widespread gaming is among young people—around 70% of US children under 18 play video games regularly—there is a high probability that the few young people committing violence would also be gamers.

The problem is also not with the medium itself. Video games come in many varieties, and some are designed to increase empathy and positive social behavior. The issue is that certain popular video games—and the communities surrounding them—have helped to normalize racist, misogynist, and other hate-based ideologies among gamers. Participation in such toxic online environments, when combined with preexisting vulnerabilities and access to firearms, can lead to offline violence. It is not a simple causal story but one that deserves careful examination and nuanced reporting.

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Pro and Con: Violent Video Games

To access extended pro and con arguments, sources, and discussion questions about whether violent video games contribute to youth violence, go to ProCon.org .

Around 73% of American kids age 2-17 played video games in 2019, a 6% increase over 2018. Video games accounted for 17% of kids’ entertainment time and 11% of their entertainment spending. The global video game industry was worth contributing $159.3 billion in 2020, a 9.3% increase of 9.3% from 2019.

The debate over violent video games can be traced back to the 1976 release of the game Death Race. The object of the game was to run over screaming “gremlins” with a car, at which point they would turn into tombstones. Controversy erupted because the “gremlins” resembled stick-figure humans, and it was reported that the working title of the game was Pedestrian. After protestors dragged Death Race machines out of arcades and burned them in parking lots, production of the game ceased.

In 1993, public outcry following the release of violent video games Mortal Kombat and Night Trap prompted Congress to hold hearings on regulating the sale of video games. During the hearings, California Attorney General Dan Lungren testified that violent video games have “a desensitizing impact on young, impressionable minds.” Threatened with the creation of a federal regulatory commission, the video game industry voluntarily established the  Entertainment Software Rating Board  (ESRB) on Sep. 1, 1994 to create a ratings system. Based on the video game’s content, the ESRB assigns one of the following ratings: “Early Childhood,” “Everyone,” “Everyone 10+,” “Teen,” “Mature,” “Adults Only,” or “Rating Pending” (only for use in advertising for games not yet rated). In a Pew Research Center 2008 survey, 50% of boys and 14% of girls aged 12-17 listed a game with a “Mature” or “Adults Only” rating in their current top three favorite games.

An Aug. 2015 report from the American Psychological Association determined that playing violent video games is linked to increased aggression, but it did not find sufficient evidence of a link between the games and increased violence. The organization reaffirmed this position in 2020: “There is insufficient scientific evidence to support a causal link between violent video games and violent behavior… [T]he new task force report reaffirms that there is a small, reliable association between violent video game use and aggressive outcomes, such as yelling and pushing. However, these research findings are difficult to extend to more violent outcomes.” 

• Playing violent video games causes more aggression, bullying, and fighting.
• Simulating violence such as shooting guns and hand-to-hand combat in video games can cause real-life violent behavior.
• Many perpetrators of mass shootings played violent video games.
• Violent video games desensitize players to real-life violence.
• By inhabiting violent characters in video games, children are more likely to imitate the behaviors of those characters and have difficulty distinguishing reality from fantasy.
• Exposure to violent video games is linked to lower empathy and decreased kindness.
• Video games that portray violence against women lead to more harmful attitudes and sexually violent actions towards women.
• Violent video games reinforce fighting as a means of dealing with conflict by rewarding the use of violent action with increased life force, more weapons, moving on to higher levels, and more.
• The US military uses violent video games to train soldiers to kill.
• Studies have shown violent video games may cause aggression, not violence. Further, any competitive video game or activity may cause aggression.
• Violent video games are a convenient scapegoat for those who would rather not deal with the actual causes of violence in the US.
• Simple statistics do not support the claim that violent video games cause mass shootings or other violence.
• As sales of violent video games have significantly increased, violent juvenile crime rates have significantly decreased.
• Studies have shown that violent video games can have a positive effect on kindness, civic engagement, and prosocial behaviors.
• Many risk factors are associated with youth violence, but video games are not among them.
• Violent video game players know the difference between virtual violence in the context of a game and appropriate behavior in the real world.
• Violent video games provide opportunities for children to explore consequences of violent actions, develop their moral compasses and release their stress and anger (catharsis) in the game, leading to less real world aggression.
• Studies claiming a causal link between video game violence and real life violence are flawed.

This article was published on June 8, 2021, at Britannica’s ProCon.org , a nonpartisan issue-information source.

Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Violence in Video Games

Essays on Violence in Video Games

Hook examples for violence in video games essays, anecdotal hook.

Imagine a world where pixels and virtual landscapes blur the lines between reality and fantasy, where the controller in your hand wields the power of life and death. As we venture into the realm of violent video games, we must grapple with complex questions about their impact on individuals and society.

Quotation Hook

"Violent video games desensitize players to real-world violence." These words, often cited in debates, highlight a contentious issue. Let's dive into the heated discussion surrounding the influence of violent video games on behavior and attitudes.

The Psychology of Virtual Violence Hook

What happens in the minds of players when they engage in virtual acts of violence? Explore the psychological aspects of gaming and how exposure to violence in games can impact behavior and perceptions.

The Debate Over Regulation Hook

Violent video games have sparked debates over regulation and censorship. Analyze the arguments for and against government intervention in the gaming industry to restrict access to violent content.

Media Influence and Responsibility Hook

Media plays a significant role in shaping our perceptions and attitudes. Investigate the responsibilities of game developers, the media, and parents in addressing the potential influence of violent video games on young minds.

Violence in Gaming Culture Hook

Violence is a prevalent theme in gaming culture. Delve into the portrayal of violence in video games, the impact on player communities, and the blurred boundaries between fiction and reality.

Alternative Perspectives on Gaming Hook

Not all gamers view violent video games through the same lens. Explore alternative perspectives, including arguments that emphasize the cathartic and escapist qualities of gaming.

The Multifaceted Benefits of Responsible Video Gaming

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Beneficial and Harmful Effects of Playing Video Games

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How Violence in Video Games Affects People

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Influence of Violence in Video Games

The influence of video game violence on children, the effects of video game violence on the desensitization of children, the evolution of video game violence, criticism against video games, how violent video games are making troubled kids, the effects of video games, statement that video games cause violence is a misconception, the panic over video games violence in today's society, investigation of whether video games cause violence in children, the reasons why 'fortnite' must be banned, review of 'fortnite' impact on kids, the effects of computer games: why fortnite is bad, discussion on whether video games cause violence in youth, answering the question on whether video games cause violence or not, an enduring debate on 'do video games cause violence', a controversial topic of video games as a cause of violence, analysis of how video games cause violence among teenagers, fist stick knife and gun summary, relevant topics.

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60 Violence in Video Games Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

🏆 best violent games essay topics and examples, 📌 most interesting video game argument topics, 🎮 video games cause violence – essay topics, ❓ research questions about video games and violence.

• The Negative Effects of Video Games on Children Essay Development of knuckle pads in children is associated with addiction to playing video games. Most of the young children tend to think that what they see in video games is a reality.
• Examining the Perception of Violence in Video Games To examine the perception of violence in video games and their effects a survey was conducted addressing the current view on video games in general and the visualized violence in particular.
• Violence in Video Games To conclude, it is assumed that the dispute among researchers, the public, and authorities on the question of the relationship between violent video games and aggressive behavior may not have a universal answer.
• Does Violence in Video Games Affect Youth? Our concern in this paper is to concentrate on the violent video games, the effects to the youths through participation in the violent video games, the counter arguments and finally the remarks or conclusion.
• Research of Violence in the Media The left frontal lobe of the participants was analyzed and found to be more active in the control group than in the exposed group. Exposure of children to violence in the mass media leads to […]
• Video Games and Violent Behavior As opposed to watching the violence on TV, in these video games the player is the one who commits the acts of violence. In the survey, a group of 10 young men were allowed to […]
• Violent Video Games and How They Affect Youth Violence However, despite the overwhelming outcry against the youth playing violent video games, there are a number of researchers and advocates who oppose the idea of directly linking the exposure of young adults to violent scenes […]
• Violence exposure in real-life, video games, television, movies, and the internet: Is there desensitization? The article under consideration entitled “Violence exposure in real-life, video games, television, movies, and the internet: Is there desensitization?” investigates the links between the violent content of TV programs, video games and the increase of […]
• Do Violent Video Games Lead to Aggressive Behavior? Everyone is however in agreement that the violent video games are in compromise of morals and expose the young kids to in appropriate content.
• Video Games and Violence in Children There have been arguments that such behavior is as a result of a pre-disposition to violence in the media as well as in video games.
• A Look at the Violence in Video Games, Movies and Music: A Bad Influence on Our Children
• An Analysis of the Negative Effects of Violence in Video Games
• An Analysis of Violence in Video Games and Violence in Teens
• An Argument Against the Claim That Violence in Video Games Promote Violence in Real Life
• An Argument Against the Opinion on Effects of Violence in Video Games
• Blame Games: Does Violence In Video Games Influence Players To Commit Mass Shootings
• Children And Violence in Video Games
• Critical Argumentations on Violence in Video Games
• Dangers in Media: How Violence in Video Games Affects the Youth
• Does Violence In Video Games Affect Children’s Behavior
• Does Violence in Video Games Contribute to Misconduct
• How Does the Portrayal of Violence in Video Games Influence Children
• Increase In Violence In Video Games Targeted At Children
• Legal and Ethical Issues Concerning Violence in Video Games
• Positive Influence of Violence in Video Games
• Presence Of Sex And Violence In Video Games
• The Consequences Of Video Game Violence In Video Games
• The Debate over Whether the Government Should Restrict Violence in Video Games
• The Depiction of Violence in Video Games
• The Impact of Violence in Video Games on the Intellectual Development of Young People: Grand Theft Auto
• The Problem of Violence in Video Games
• The Use Of Violence In Video Games And Its Impact On Young
• The Vehement Vilification Of Violence In Video Games
• Violence In Video Games and Aggression
• Violence in Video Games and the Role of the Government
• Violence in Video Games Can Be Transferred to the Children’s Real-Life Attitudes and Behaviors
• Violence in Video Games Does Not Create Violence
• Violence in Video Games Do Not Affect Agression
• Violence in Video Games Increases Violence in Children
• What Is Your Take on Violence in Video Games, Movies, and Music?
• Can Violence in Video Games Have a Bad Influence on Our Children?
• What Could Be the Analysis of the Negative Consequences of Violence in Video Games?
• What Argument Can Be Made Against the Claim?
• Violence in Video Games Contributes to Violence in Real Life?
• What Are the Arguments Against the Opinion About the Consequences of Violence in Video Games?
• Does Violence in Video Games Affect Children?
• How Does Violence in Video Games Relate to Violence in Reality?
• Can Video Game Violence Affect Players in Mass Shootings?
• Can Violence in Video Games Encourage Misconduct?
• How Do Video Game Depictions of Violence Can Affect Children?
• What Are the Legal and Ethical Aspects of Violence in Video Games?
• What Is the Connection Between Video Game Violence and Future Technology?
• How Is Youth Aggression Related to Video Game Violence?
• How Negatively Does Aggression in Video Games Affect Today’s Youth?
• How Does Violence in Video Games Cause Ethical Issues?
• What Can Be Done To Prevent the Development of Violence in Children?
• How Can Parents Influence the Development of Violence in Children?
• How Does Violence in Video Games Affect the Maladaptive?
• How Does Violence in Video Games Generally Affect Society?
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Should Violent Video-Games Be Banned?

With the recent spurt of highly publicised killings, the debate about violence and video games has again taken the spotlight. Many stakeholders and institutions believe that playing violent video games is morally and ethically objectionable as it leads to contribution and promotion of violence. In this essay I would be looking at the general objections being raised by such stakeholders and also subject these criticisms to the test of various juridprudential tests. I would be focussing on the deontological and utilitarian approach to understand these objections as raised. Furthermore, I have tried to study the structure of modern day video games looking at the root question of whether such a link between violence and video games exist or not? The last question being presented is whether such video games should merely be regulated or banned, and would it curtail freedom of speech. Methodology The methodology followed by the researcher is a doctrinal one, in which the researcher relies...

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What is a game? What are we doing when we play a game? What is the value of playing games? Several different philosophical sub disciplines have attempted to answer these questions using very distinctive frameworks. Some have approached games as something like a text, deploying theoretical frameworks from the study of narrative, fiction, and rhetoric to interrogate games for their representational content. Others have approached games as artworks and asked questions about the authorship of games, about the ontology of the work and its performance. Yet others, from the philosophy of sport, have focused on normative issues of fairness, rule application, and competition. The primary purpose of this article is to provide an overview of several different philosophical approaches to games and, hopefully, demonstrate the relevance and value of the different approaches to each other. Early academic attempts to cope with games tried to treat games as a subtype of narrative and to interpret games exactly as one might interpret a static, linear narrative. A faction of game studies, self‐described as “ludologists,” argued that games were a substantially novel form and could not be treated with traditional tools for narrative analysis. In traditional narrative, an audience is told and interprets the story, where in a game, the player enacts and creates the story. Since that early debate, theorists have attempted to offer more nuanced accounts of how games might achieve similar ends to more traditional texts. For example, games might be seen as a novel type of fiction, which uses interactive techniques to achieve immersion in a fictional world. Alternately, games might be seen as a new way to represent causal systems, and so a new way to criticize social and political entities. Work from contemporary analytic philosophy of art has, on the other hand, asked questions whether games could be artworks and, if so, what kind. Much of this debate has concerned the precise nature of the artwork, and the relationship between the artist and the audience. Some have claimed that the audience is a cocreator of the artwork, and so games are a uniquely unfinished and cooperative art form. Others have claimed that, instead, the audience does not help create the artwork; rather, interacting with the artwork is how an audience member appreciates the artist's finished production. Other streams of work have focused less on the game as a text or work, and more on game play as a kind of activity. One common view is that game play occurs in a “magic circle.” Inside the magic circle, players take on new roles, follow different rules, and actions have different meanings. Actions inside the magic circle do not have their usual consequences for the rest of life. Enemies of the magic circle view have claimed that the view ignores the deep integration of game life from ordinary life and point to gambling, gold farming, and the status effects of sports. Philosophers of sport, on the other hand, have approached games with an entirely different framework. This has lead into investigations about the normative nature of games—what guides the applications of rules and how those rules might be applied, interpreted, or even changed. Furthermore, they have investigated games as social practices and as forms of life.

Ethics and Information Technology

Matt McCormick

Many people have a strong intuition that there is something morallyobjectionable about playing violent video games, particularly withincreases in the number of people who are playing them and the games'alleged contribution to some highly publicized crimes. In this paper,I use the framework of utilitarian, deontological, and virtue ethicaltheories to analyze the possibility that there might be some philosophicalfoundation for these intuitions. I raise the broader question of whetheror not participating in authentic simulations of immoral acts in generalis wrong. I argue that neither the utilitarian, nor the Kantian hassubstantial objections to violent game playing, although they offersome important insights into playing games in general and what it ismorally to be a ``good sport.'' The Aristotelian, however, has a plausibleand intuitive way to protest participation in authentic simulations ofviolent acts in terms of character: engaging in simulated immoral actserodes one's character and makes it more difficult for one to live afulfilled eudaimonic life.

Shawn Doherty

Reasoning .07 .06 Emotional Stability .18 .11 Rule Consciousness -.27* -.21 Utilitarian versus Personal Focus -.10 -.05

Stephanie Patridge

In this paper, I consider a particular amoralist challenge against those who would morally criticize our single-player video play, viz., “come on, it’s only a game!” The amoralist challenge with which I engage gains strength from two facts: the activities to which the amoralist lays claim are only those that do not involve interactions with other rational or sentient creatures, and the amoralist concedes that there may be extrinsic, consequentialist considerations that support legitimate moral criticisms. I argue that the amoralist is mistaken and that there are non-consequentialist resources for morally evaluating our single-player game play. On my view, some video games contain details that anyone who has a proper understanding of and is properly sensitive to features of a shared moral reality will see as having an incorrigible social meaning that targets groups of individuals, e.g., women and minorities. I offer arguments to support the claim that there are such incorrigible social meanings and that they constrain the imaginative world so that challenges like “it’s only a game” lose their credibility. I also argue that our responses to such meanings bear on evaluations of our character, and in light of this fact video game designers have a duty to understand and work against the meanings of such imagery.

David Waddington

Jeffrey Earp , Francesca Pozzi

This paper reports on a literature review investigating the main ethically-related themes appearing in the academic literature on digital games, and considers their connections with games and learning, identity development, and the construction of personal beliefs. The themes explored include how videogames can shape players' attitudes or encourage the development of ethical (or unethical) behaviours (like aggression, to mention just one example), the treatment of personal and social identity, positive and negative effects concerning interaction processes in digital gaming circles, and the use of exploitative game mechanics intended to increase player engagement. These questions are explored by drawing on and updating a broadly based literature review that was carried out within the H2020 project Gaming Horizons. As well as reporting on those themes from an academic viewpoint, this paper offers some indications of both a theoretical and practical nature that may prove useful to a variety of game-world stakeholders, including game developers and marketers, researchers, educators and teachers, policy makers, and gaming enthusiasts of various kinds.

Games and Culture

Mahli-Ann Butt

The presence of women within videogames has progressed to a state where narratives about the empowerment of women are becoming popular; however, such games still invite a number of gendered stereotypes. Housed in the genre of adventure games, The Walking Dead: Season Two and Life Is Strange appear to follow in the spirit of this emerging women’s revolution but inevitably reestablish traditional presentations of sexism in the treatment of their endings. In particular, the presentation of the infamous Trolley Problem and its inherent utilitarian framework is an incendiary moment wherein these games mark rebellious women as necessary sacrifices for the greater good and the continuation of the community. This article explores these two specific moments of sacrifice at the conclusions of Life Is Strange and The Walking Dead: Season Two and engages with tensions between the status quo and the resistances that challenges these norms.

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APA Reaffirms Position on Violent Video Games and Violent Behavior

• Physical Abuse and Violence
• Video Games

Cautions against oversimplification of complex issue

WASHINGTON — There is insufficient scientific evidence to support a causal link between violent video games and violent behavior, according to an updated resolution (PDF, 60KB) adopted by the American Psychological Association. 

APA’s governing Council of Representatives seated a task force to review its August 2015 resolution in light of many occasions in which members of the media or policymakers have cited that resolution as evidence that violent video games are the cause of violent behavior, including mass shootings.

“Violence is a complex social problem that likely stems from many factors that warrant attention from researchers, policymakers and the public,” said APA President Sandra L. Shullman, PhD. “Attributing violence to video gaming is not scientifically sound and draws attention away from other factors, such as a history of violence, which we know from the research is a major predictor of future violence.”

The 2015 resolution was updated by the Council of Representatives on March 1 with this caution. Based on a review of the current literature, the new task force report (PDF, 285KB) reaffirms that there is a small, reliable association between violent video game use and aggressive outcomes, such as yelling and pushing. However, these research findings are difficult to extend to more violent outcomes. These findings mirror those of an APA literature review (PDF, 413KB) conducted in 2015. 

APA has worked for years to study the effects of video games and other media on children while encouraging the industry to design video games with adequate parental controls. It has also pushed to refine the video game rating system to reflect the levels and characteristics of violence in these games.

APA will continue to work closely with school officials and community leaders to raise awareness about the issue, the resolution said.

Kim I. Mills

(202) 336-6048

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Masters Theses & Specialist Projects

The effects of violence in video games on individual levels of hostility in young adults.

Grant Jones , Western Kentucky University Follow

Publication Date

Spring 2018

Advisor(s) - Committee Chair

Douglas Clayton Smith (Director), Carrie Trojan, Holli Drummond

Degree Program

Department of Sociology

Degree Type

Master of Arts

For a while, video games have been the target of scrutiny with regards to their perceived potential to adversely affect younger individuals. In particular, it is often argued that these video games, particularly those of violent nature, may increase hostility to an extent that it manifests itself in violent behavior. This thesis aims to denote what effects these video games have on young adults, particularly in relation to the respondents’ indicated extent of adverse childhood experiences, trait anger, and competitiveness, all three of which were assumed to have a positive relationship with hostility. A survey was distributed to students attending Western Kentucky University in an attempt to measure what effects these three aforementioned variables have on young adults, in addition to what affects video game playing and violence in video games may have on hostility and aggression. From the data acquired, it was clear that while adverse childhood experiences had no statistical significance in this study and higher competitiveness indicated a very slight decline in hostility, trait anger did in fact appear to raise hostility in the respondents. Additionally, increases in exposure to both video game play and violence in video games were shown to lead to a decrease in hostility. From this, it would appear that trait anger was the only variable to truly increase hostility in young adults, and the often-discussed variables of video game play and violence in video games both appear to decrease hostility in respondents as exposure to either factor increases, thus going against the common assumptions.

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Other Sociology | Social Psychology | Social Psychology and Interaction | Sociology

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Jones, Grant, "The Effects of Violence in Video Games on Individual Levels of Hostility in Young Adults" (2018). Masters Theses & Specialist Projects. Paper 2570. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2570

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Video Games, Violence Justification and Child-to-Parent Violence

• Original Paper
• Open access
• Published: 05 September 2024

Cite this article

You have full access to this open access article

• Miriam Junco-Guerrero 1 ,
• Ana Ruiz-Fernández 1 &
• David Cantón-Cortés   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-4399-4506 1  

During the past decade, video games have become the main industrial entertainment sector, although research on the effects of violence in video games on juvenile aggressiveness has raised concerns that they may pose a significant social risk. The objective of this study was to analyze the relationship of exposure to violent video games, pathological video-gaming, and justification of violence with the perpetration of Child-to-Parent Violence (CPV) against the mother and the father, controlling for the sex, educational level, and violent TV exposure of the participant. The sample consisted of 439 students from Compulsory Secondary Education, (238 boys and 201 girls), aged between 13 and 18. Exposure to video games was assessed through an author-elaborated questionnaire, violence justification, and pathological video-gaming were evaluated with the Exposure to Violence Questionnaire and the Assessment of Pathological Computer-Gaming, respectively, and CPV was assessed through the Child-to-Parent Aggression Questionnaire. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses showed that pathological video-gaming and, specially, justification of violence, were related to the perpetration of CPV against both mothers and fathers. However, a relationship of exposure to violent video games and violence on TV with the perpetration of CPV was not found. These results suggest a potential new target for CPV prevention, as well as for the treatment of juvenile offenders.

Pathological video-gaming and justification of violence are related to the perpetration of CPV against both mothers and fathers.

However, exposure to violent video games and violence on TV are not associated with CPV rates.

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Parental abuse by children, or child-parent violence (CPV), is a phenomenon of great social importance that is generating interest among researchers and professionals due to its notable increase and impact on family dynamics. At present, CPV is an emerging phenomenon, with an increase in cases in recent years (Cortina & Martín, 2021 ). The Spanish Society for the Study of Child-Parent Violence (Spanish acronym, SEVIFIP) defines it as:

“Repeated behaviors of physical, psychological (verbal or non-verbal), or economic violence, directed at the parents, or those who take their place. Specific aggressions are excluded, those that occur in a state of decreased consciousness which disappear when it is recovered (intoxications, withdrawal syndromes, delusional states, or hallucinations), those caused by psychological alterations (transient or stable), and parricide without a history of previous aggressions” (Pereira et al., 2017 , p. 6).

Despite research conducted to establish the prevalence rate of CPV, studies show controversial results. This discrepancy is due to the different definitions of CPV, as well as differences in data collection methods (Gallego et al., 2019 ). In addition, estimating the prevalence of CPV is challenging due to underreporting, with only a small number of cases ever being reported. This may occur because parents often experience feelings of guilt and shame when considering reporting their child’s behavior (Loinaz & de Sousa, 2019 ). Moreover, prevalence figures vary depending on the sample studied. Clinical samples tend to exhibit similar prevalence figures to those found in the general population, whereas judicial samples demonstrate higher rates of physical and psychological violence (Calvete et al., 2013 ; Ibabe et al., 2014 ).

International prevalence rates of CPV vary depending on economic status, sociodemographic variables or family structure. Previous research indicates that CPV occurs in a range between 5 and 22% of the population (Holt, 2016 ; Lyons et al. ( 2015 ); O’Hara et al., 2017 ). Studies involving specialized samples, such as young people referred from clinics, justice centers or from homes where domestic violence is present, suggest rates near the upper end of this range. Longitudinal studies carried out with community samples in the United States and Canada have shown that the prevalence of physical CPV ranges between 11% and 22%, while psychological CPV ranges between 51% and 75% (Margolin & Baucom, 2014 ). In Canada, a study by Pagani et al. ( 2004 ) reported prevalence rates of 12% for physical aggression and 60% for verbal aggression, over a 6-month period. In Spain, where most field studies have been conducted, the prevalence rate ranged from 21% for physical violence and 46% for emotional abuse (Jaureguizar & Ibabe, 2013 ). On the other hand, research on this phenomenon in countries such as Latin America is very limited. However, in Chile, recent studies shown a prevalence of psychological CPV towards both parents of 76.4%, 7.4% of physical violence, and 40.8% of economic violence (Jiménez-García et al., 2020 ). This lack of knowledge about the prevalence of this phenomenon and its frequency indicates a need for further research.

CPV is recognized as a growing phenomenon. Consequently, recent research has focused on identifying the risk factors for its occurrence. Regarding individual factors, studies suggest that variables such as alcohol and drug use, symptoms of depression in offenders, and the presence of dysfunctional components of social-cognitive processing in aggressors are associated with a higher risk for CPV (Calvete et al., 2012 ; Contreras et al., 2020 ). Other studies have identified family variables as risk factors for CPV. These variables include childhood abuse from parents to children, which supports the hypothesis of bidirectionality of violence, as well as exposure to violence at home and the use of punitive strategies (Beckmann et al., 2021 ; Calvete et al., 2015 ; Cano-Lozano et al., 2021 ). Social factors have been less extensively studied to date, but research suggests that negative social influence or experiencing intimate partner violence during adolescence may increase the risk of engaging in CPV (Del Hoyo-Bilbao et al. ( 2018 ); Izaguirre & Calvete, 2017 ).

Along these lines, some authors have proposed theoretical frameworks to explain CPV, with the aim of guiding professional intervention and legislative guidelines. The General Strain Theory (Agnew, 1992 ) proposes that CPV is an aggressive response to the stress and problems faced by young people in their social environment. Furthermore, the Social Learning Theory (Bandura ( 1973 )) posits that CPV is a behavior that can be learned by young people through modeling by parents, siblings, or other peers. Similarly, Cottrell and Monk ( 2004 ) attempted to apply the Nested Ecological Theory to explain CPV, concluding that it can occur as a result of a combination of psychological, sociological, and cultural factors. Subsequently, Hong et al. ( 2012 ) generated the Social Ecology Theory, according to which CPV is produced by factors pertaining to the youth’s microsystem (child maltreatment, parenting styles); mesosystem (influence of conflicting peers); exosystem (influence of media); macrosystem (socialization); and chronosystem (change in family structure). The present research focuses on the analysis of some risk factors that could lead to an increase in CPV rates, such as the use of violent video games, the pathological gaming or the justification of violence.

The theoretical underpinning for this research will be based on social learning theory, as it can explain how young people can learn violent behavior through social media, such as violent video games (Bandura ( 1973 )). Social learning theory can also explain how the justification of violence, as a cognitive variable, may mediate the relationship between exposure to violent video games or pathological gaming and CPV. According to social learning theory, children may imitate the behaviors they observe from others, but they may also make cognitive inferences that lead to generalizing the behaviors they observe. Several authors have related the development of CPV to social learning theory (Contreras & Cano, 2014 ; Ibabe et al. ( 2013 )). These authors indicate that children can learn violent behavior through modeling, not only from their parents but also from peers and social influences. Additionally, other authors suggest that this learning can become internalized as a part of the identity in adolescence (Papamichail & Bates, 2022 ). Per social cognitive theory, there are three interacting components that determine how behavioral learning can occur: contextual variables, personal cognitive variables, and behavioral outcomes. In the present research, the contextual variables studied will be exposure to violent video games and pathological gaming, the cognitive variable will be the justification of violence, and the behavioral outcome will be CPV.

Exposure to violence in video games and television

Previous research has shown an association between CPV and exposure to violence. Martín and Hernández ( 2020 ), for example, conducted a study to investigate the relationship between exposure to violence and CPV in juvenile offenders. These authors found a relationship between the two variables, concluding that exposure to violence could occur in various settings, such as at home or in school. Similarly, Pereira and Bertino ( 2009 ), from the review of other studies, concluded that the multitude of violent messages in the media leads to the normalization of violence and its use to resolve conflicts, which could make up a social factor for the perpetration of CPV. On another hand, Brockmyer ( 2013 ) stated that exposure to violence in the media and video games can lead to the development of beliefs, attitudes, and aggressive behaviors, as well as to a greater desensitization to violence in general, with its consequent justification.

Today, scholars are engaged in a central discussion concerning the effects of violent video games and whether their use is linked to aggressive behavior. The General Aggression Model by Anderson and Bushman ( 2002 ) was one of the first theories arguing that repeated exposure to violent video games may lead to changes in aggression-related beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors. Their research concluded that violent video games increase physiological arousal, aggressive thoughts and feelings and aggressive behaviors, while decreasing prosocial behaviors. However, other authors hold a different perspective, arguing that violent video games do not actually increase aggression in young people (Ferguson et al., 2015 ; Przybylski & Weinstein, 2019 ). In support of this idea, Johannes et al. ( 2021 ) reported that young people who play video games for longer periods of time in the past few weeks tend to have a higher well-being. This finding is consistent with other authors who have identified a correlation between video game use and positive effects on mental health (Granic et al., 2014 ).

The significance of this discussion led the American Psychological Association (APA) to establish a Working Group on Violent Media in 2015, with the goal of investigating the association between violent video game and aggression. Their study concluded that violent video games indeed increase aggression while reducing prosocial behavior (American Psychological Association ( 2015 )). However, more recently, Ferguson et al. ( 2020 ) re-examined this research and found that the evidence for the effects of violent video games on aggression was weak, with the exception of desensitization. The authors pointed out that recent meta-analyses show small effects on the relationship between violent video game use and aggression or reduced prosocial behavior, and the interpretation of these results as significant is questionable. In fact, they state that the results of many of the studies linking these variables may be explained by publication bias or questionable researcher practices. In the same vein, Drummond et al. ( 2020 ) conducted a meta-analysis involving 28 independent samples. The authors reported smaller effect sizes over longer longitudinal periods regarding the relationship between aggressive play content and aggression. Additionally, effects sizes were smaller in better-designed studies. Therefore, these authors reveal that longitudinal studies do not seem to find significant long-term relationships between aggressive game content and aggression in young people.

At the theoretical level, approaches to the effects of video games are very different. For example, there is research that relies on the displacement hypothesis to explain media effects and other studies that rely on theories of human motivation. These different approaches and contradictory findings make it difficult to build evidence. Second, previous research also raises methodological limitations in research on the negative effect of video games. The operationalization of video games is one of them. It is based on experiments that are designed to mimic game play but are not accurate in how game play occurs naturally. Moreover, studies on this topic are based on the use of self-reports, which are not objective measures of actual behavior. Also, studies tend to be cross-sectional, not addressing possible causal relationship. Finally, research usually uses a limited set of games, compromising generalizability to video games in general (Johannes et al., 2021 ; Przybylski & Weinstein, 2019 ; Vuorre et al., 2022 ). An example of the need for caution in such research is the study by Hilgard et al. ( 2017 ), who re-analysed meta-analytical data on this issue, bringing together results on GAM research. In their study they noted the existence of a publication bias. When adjusting for bias, the observed effect sizes were smaller than the original ones.

To date, despite growing interest in the relationship between violent video game consumption and violence, only the study of Ruiz-Fernández et al. ( 2021 ) has analyzed the relationship between video game consumption and CPV, finding that to the extent that the consumption of video games causes engagement in the player, then it was associated with higher levels of CPV. The ongoing controversy surrounding the relationship between the use of violent video games and violent behavior indicates a clear need for further research in this field.

Pathological gaming

Problematic gaming has typically been defined in the literature based on measures of pathological gambling. However, a variety of definitions and criteria have been used, leading to inconsistent estimates of the prevalence of problematic gaming (Desai et al., 2020 ). Following Lemmens et al. ( 2009 ), pathological gaming can be defined as excessive and compulsive use of computer or video games that causes social or emotional problems to the extent that game users cannot control their use of the game.

Previous research has investigated the consequences of pathological gaming, finding a relationship with anxiety disorders, low self-esteem, decreased school performance, increased hostility, or decreased empathy and social skills (Desai et al., 2020 ; Lloret et al., 2013 ; Rehbein et al., 2010 ). In fact, Desai et al. ( 2020 ) found that adolescents with problematic gaming were more likely to be engaging in risk behaviors such as smoking, drug use, and violence, as well as more likely to report depression.

On the contrary, some research has noted that some previous research has made it is unclear whether there is a relationship between self-difficulties and pathological gaming (e.g., Van Rooij et al., 2018 ). In fact, some authors suggest the need to exercise caution when approaching any diagnostic assessment related to pathological gaming, as the quality of previous research in this area is considered to be low and there is still no consensus on the symptomatology and assessment of pathological gaming (Aarseth et al., 2017 ). Vuorre et al. ( 2022 ) state that current evidence on the negative effects of violent video game use may be inadequate.

However, in spite of the potential role of pathological gaming on adolescent psychological adjustment, to date no study has analyzed its potential relationship with the commission of child-to-parent violence. Thus, due to the controversial results of previous literature on the relationship of pathological gambling and pathological video-gaming with violence, the association between the two variables needs to be further investigated (Aarseth et al., 2017 ; Di Blasi et al., 2019 ; Johannes et al., 2021 ; Przybylski and Weinstein ( 2019 ); Rehbein et al., 2010 ).

Justification of violence

Continuing with social learning theory, one of the components that influence behavioral learning are personal cognitive variables. In the area of CPV, a cognitive risk factor that contributes to its development is the justification of violence, this is, the belief in the acceptance of violent behavior. Galán ( 2018 ) indicated that young people who are exposed to violence in different contexts may become desensitized to violence, and, therefore, normalize violent behavior.

In this line, Orue et al. ( 2019 ) state that CPV could be predicted by the social information processing components of aggressive response and anger, for example, the justification of violence. More recent studies find that exposure to domestic violence is positively associated with the justification of violence, and this, in turn, with CPV (Contreras et al., 2020 ; Junco-Guerrero et al., 2021 ). This implies that adolescents who commit CPV could normalize the use of violence, so they can more easily access aggressive responses and they consider aggression to be an appropriate conflict resolution strategy.

On the other hand, social cognitive theories, such as the General Aggression Model (Anderson & Bushman, 2002 ), emphasize the significance of cognitive components, including normative beliefs about aggression or aggressive scripts, which may contribute to an increase in aggressive behavior. In this context, Gilbert et al. ( 2013 ) examined the influence of three cognitive structures related to aggression (behavioral scripts, early maladaptive schemas, and normative beliefs), and found a positive association of violence-accepting beliefs with increased aggressive behavior.

To date, numerous studies have tried to analyze the relationship between the use of violent video games and the development of violent behaviors, their results not being conclusive though. Conversely, some research has tried to study the relationship between pathological gaming and aggressive behavior. However, despite that violent video games have consistently been identified as the most popular among consumers (Dill et al. ( 2005 )), to date no study has analyzed the influence of violence in video games and pathological gaming on CPV. On another hand, although some studies have found a relationship between the justification of violence and CPV perpetration, to date, no research has analyzed the role of video games in this context.

Therefore, the main objective of this study was to analyze, in a sample of secondary education students, the relationship of the exposure to violent video games, pathological video-gaming and justification of violence with the perpetration of Child-to-Parent Violence (CPV), controlling for the sex, educational level and violent TV exposure of the participant. All these relationships were analyzed both in the case of CPV against the mother and the father.

Based on prior research, we propose the following hypotheses:

Hypothesis 1 (H1). Regarding exposition to violence in videogames and CPV no specific hypothesis was made, due to the incongruent results in previous studies results regarding the association with aggressive behavior.

Hypothesis 2 (H2). Pathological gaming would be associated with higher levels of CPV.

Hypothesis 3 (H3). Justification of violence would be associated with higher levels of CPV.

Hypothesis 4 (H4). The exposure to violence on television would be associated with higher levels of CPV.

Sampling method and study population

The current study follows a correlational and cross-sectional design and has been conducted in Málaga (Spain). The sample of this study consisted of 439 participants, 238 males, and 201 females, from 7 different centers of Secondary Education. All the participating centers were located in neighborhoods with a medium socioeconomic level, except for two of them, which belonged to a neighborhood with a medium-high socioeconomic level. Three centers were private subsidized schools, and four centers were public schools. Convenience sampling was employed because it provides easier access to the sample and implies a greater willingness of the participants to take part in the study.

Participants’ ages ranged from 13 to 18 years ( M  = 15.30, SD  = 1.17), with 147 of them (33.5%) aged 13 to 14, 205 (46.7%) aged 15 to 16, and 87 (19.8%) aged 17 to 18. Regarding how often they play video games, 121 adolescents (27.6%) play less than once a month, 62 (14.1%) play between once or 3 times a month, 92 (21%) play once or twice a week, 70 (15.9%) play three or four times a week, 27 (6.2%) play five or six times a week, and 67 (15.3%) play at least once a day. With respect to the marital status of the parents, most of them were married (69.4%), followed by those who were separated or divorced (21.9%). A smaller percentage cohabited without being married (4.8%), while in some cases, one or both parents were deceased (3.1%). Additionally, a small percentage represented single parents (0.5%) or adoptive parents (0.4%).

To obtain the sociodemographic data of the participants, a set of questions regarding the city of origin, sex, age, and school grade was included. A question on the marital status of the parents was also included. The measures used to evaluate the variables of interest for the study are described below:

Exposure or use of violent video games

This questionnaire was designed based on the items elaborated by Przybylski and Weinstein ( 2019 ). Participants had to indicate, on the one hand, the frequency with which they play video games, the names of the video games they have played in the last 6 months, and the number of hours played. On the other hand, they had to indicate the names of the three video games they have played the most in their whole life. In order to categorize these video games as non-violent or violent, the classification proposed by the European PEGI (Pan European Game Information; https://pegi.info ) system was used. PEGI is a rating system used in more than 35 European countries, developed by the Interactive Software Federation of Europe (ISFE). The criteria followed to consider a participant as a violent video game player were as follows: (1) one of the video games described as the most played in their lifetime is either a video game suitable for over-18-year-olds or two video games suitable for over-16-year-olds; or (2) participants indicate that they have played violent video games for more than 50 h in the last 6 months, taking into account the age rating of the games (multiplying by 1 the number of hours in the case of games suitable for over-16-year-olds, and by 2 if the game is suitable for over-18-year-olds).

Cuestionario de Exposición a la Violencia (CEV, Exposure to Violence Questionnaire; Orue & Calvete, 2010 )

This questionnaire has a total of 21 items, which evaluate exposure to violent behaviors in different contexts. Participants indicate the frequency with which violent actions have occurred in the different contexts. Each item is scored on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 0 ( never ) to 4 ( every day ). In this case, only scores for violence exposure on television (e.g., “How often have you seen a person insult someone on TV?”) were taken into account. In this study, Cronbach’s alpha internal consistency coefficient for the Television Violence Exposure scale was 0.82.

Justification of Violence Subscale from the “Escala de Creencias Irracionales para Adolescentes” (ECIA; Adolescents’ Irrational Belief Scale; Cardeñoso & Calvete, 2004 )

This subscale consists of 9 items that evaluate the justification of the use of violence, that is, adolescents’ approval of aggression in certain circumstances (e.g., “Sometimes they may hit us for our own good”). The items are rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 ( not at all ) to 5 ( very much ). In the present study, Cronbach’s alpha coefficient was 0.80.

Assessment of Pathological Computer-Gaming (AICA-S; Wölfling et al., 2010 )

This 15-item scale assesses addicted video gaming behavior not quantified with the criteria of pure time spent playing, which is considered an important but not sufficient criterion, but also by means of further criteria such as craving, tolerance, and continued consumption. The items on the scale represent all the established criteria of pathological computer-gaming. Using patterns (e.g., “How many hours do you spend playing on a day of the weekend?”) and aspects of emotion regulation of video game behavior (“How often do you play to avoid negative feelings such as boredom and grief?”) were included. The items are rated on a 5-point Likert scale or in an open answering pattern. For the purpose of the study, the 2 open-answer items (“How many hours do you play on an average weekday? ”and “How many hours do you play on a day of the weekend?”) were codified in a 1- to 4-point scale.

Child-to-Parent Aggression Questionnaire (CPAQ; Calvete et al., 2013 )

This instrument assesses violence performed by adolescents against their parents. It consists of 20 parallel items: 10 referring to the mother, and 10 to the father. In each block of 10 items, 7 of them refer to psychological violence (e.g., “You yelled at your mother/father when you were angry”), and 3 to physical aggression (e.g., “You have pushed or hit your mother/father in a fight”). In addition to the items in the original questionnaire, an item was included to assess financial violence (“You have taken money from your father/mother without permission”). Participants should indicate how often they have committed these types of aggressions against their parents in the past year on a Likert scale ranging from 0 ( never, this has not happened in my relationship with my mother or father ) to 3 ( very often, it has occurred 6 times or more ). In the present study, Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were 0.72 and 0.68 for physical violence against fathers and mothers, and 0.71 and 0.73 for psychological violence against fathers and mothers, respectively.

First, the approval of the Ethical Committee of Experimentation of the University of Málaga was obtained, with registration number 44-2020-H. Permission was sought from the different schools to administer the survey within them. Thus, at each school, the first contact was held with the School Board and the Department of Educational Guidance, explaining the nature and objective of the research to obtain their consent. All the center Managers we contacted were willing to participate in the research. The questionnaire was applied in 7 centers in southern Spain.

To collect data, a self-administered questionnaire was distributed to the students after providing them with general information about the survey. To ensure student privacy, the participation was anonymous and voluntary. The participants were requested to give their informed consent and were informed that the completion of the questionnaire was strictly confidential and voluntary, so none of them should specify data that could identify them. All the students who were requested to participate were willing to do so. Parents were notified and given the option of refusing to allow their child’s participation. None of the parents refused to allow their child to participate. The administration of the questionnaire was carried out in groups, in school classrooms or the assembly hall, leaving a space between the participants to avoid influence between classmates. The survey was conducted in the presence of a teacher, with two trained researchers administering it. They remained present in the classroom throughout the survey and readily addressed any doubts or queries that the participants had.

Data analysis

The statistical analyzes of the present ex post facto study were carried out using the statistical package SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences), version 26. Multiple hierarchical linear regression analyses were used (with a probability for input F of p  = 0.05 and output of p  = 0.10), in order to analyze the relationship of violent video games, pathological video-gaming, justification of violence, sex, educational level, and violent TV exposure of the participant with CPV. Following the usual protocol (Cohen & Cohen, 1983 ), centered scores were used in order to avoid multicollinearity problems. Previously, a partial correlation matrix between the variables in the study, controlling for participants sex and academic level, was calculated to verify the pattern of relationships and to identify excessively high correlations between variables.

Data was made openly available at the repository osf.io: https://osf.io/6cb2y/?view_only=4c947e8ab61340b6ba556b591df71e23 .

Table 1 shows descriptive data on exposure to video games and television violence, pathological video-gaming, justification of violence, and CPV (psychological, physical, and economic, against both parents).

For this study, the CPV variables (psychological, physical, and financial) were combined into the variables total CPV against the mother and total CPV against the father. The partial correlation matrix between the variables in the study, controlling for participants sex and academic level, was calculated to verify the pattern of relationships, and to identify excessively high correlations between variables ( r  > 0.90; Kline, 2015 ), which indicate collinearity. As can be seen in Table 2 , collinearity was not a problem. The pattern of correlations was as expected, -with a global relationship between pathological video-gaming, exposure to television violence, justification of violence, and violence against the mother and the father- with the exception of the exposure to violent videogames, which was not related to CPV towards mother nor father.

In order to analyze the proportion of variance explained by each variable, an analysis of the CPV predictor variables was performed using 2 linear multi-step regressions for total CPV, towards the father and total CPV towards the mother. In a first step, the control variables (sex, the academic level of the participant, and exposure to violent TV) were introduced and, in a second step, the violent videogames exposure, pathological video-gaming and violence justification variables Tables 3 , 4 .

In relation to the total CPV towards the mother, results yielded a multiple linear regression model with R² = 0.23, F (6, 419) = 21.10, p  < 0.001. This model shows a relationship of participant sex ( β  = 0.14, p  < 0.01), academic level ( β  = 0.13, p  < 0.01), violence justification ( β  = 0.39, p  < 0.001), and pathological video-gaming ( β  = 0.12, p  < 0.01) with the total CPV towards the mother. However, a relationship between violent videogames exposure and CPV towards mother wasn´t found ( β  = −0.04, p  < 0.403). Although the relationship with violent TV exposure was statiscally significant, its effect size was too small ( β  = 0.10, p  < 0.05) (Ferguson & Heene, 2021 ).

In relation to the total CPV towards the mother, results yielded a multiple linear regression model with R² = 0.15, F (6, 414) = 12.20, p  < 0.001. This model shows a relationship of violence justification ( β  = 0.30, p  < 0.001) and pathological video-gaming ( β  = 0.16, p  < 0.001) with the total CPV towards the father. However, the relationships of participants sex ( β  = 0.04, p  < 0.423), academic level ( β  = 0.04, p  < 0.360) and violent videogames exposure ( β  = −0.07, p  < 0.191) with CPV towards father weren´t significant. Again, in spite of the relationship with violent TV exposure being statiscally significant, its effect size was too small ( β  = 0.10, p  < 0.05).

The present study contributes to increase the knowledge about CPV, a growing type of intrafamilial violence in our society, analyzing the relationship between this type of violence and various variables that could be as risk factors for its development. The main objective of the study was to analyze the associations of the exposure to violent video games, pathological video-gaming, and justification of violence with the perpetration of Child-to-Parent Violence (CPV) against the father and the mother, controlling for the sex, educational level, and violent TV exposure of the participant.

Regarding the first hypothesis proposed in the study, the results do not suggest the existence of a relationship between exposure to violence in video games and levels of CPV. These results are in line with previous research, which suggests that exposure to violent video games does not lead to an increasement of violence behavior in young people, and even link such exposure to increased well-being (Ferguson et al., 2015 ; Johannes et al., 2021 ; Przybylski & Weinstein, 2019 ). In fact, a research of Beerthuizen et al. ( 2017 ) in which they analyzed the effects of the launching of a specific video game ( Grand Theft Auto V ), found a decrease in juvenile delinquency records in the Netherlands between 2012 and 2014, obtained from the Dutch Offenders Index (DOI) and the Public Prosecutor’s Services (PPS). However, other studies have found that exposure to violent video games can be associated with an increase of aggressive thoughts and feelings and aggressive behaviors while decreasing prosocial behaviors (Anderson & Bushman, 2001 ; Romanchych ( 2018 ); Shao and Wang ( 2019 )). Therefore, we are facing a little-explored topic in which contradictory data are found, in addition to a shortage of studies referring to the effects on CPV in particular. This emphasizes the necessity for additional research on the relationship between exposure to violent video games and violent behavior, as well as the requirement for longitudinal studies that can establish causal relationships.

With regard to the second hypothesis (H2. Pathological gaming would be associated with higher levels of CPV), the results show a significant relationship of pathological gaming with CPV committed against both the mother and the father. However, the fact that the effect sizes found were small ( β  = 0.12 and β  = 0.16 regarding CPV towards mother and father respectively) requires interpreting these results with caution. These findings align with those found by authors such as Vara ( 2017 ) regarding general aggressiveness. Vara ( 2017 ), for example, confirmed the hypothesis of the relationship between pathological gaming and aggressiveness in secondary school students in Peru. However, due to the controversial results of previous literature on the relationship between pathological gambling and violence, the association between the two variables needs to be further investigated (Aarseth et al., 2017 ; Di Blasi et al., 2019 ; Johannes et al., 2021 ; Przybylski & Weinstein, 2019 ; Rehbein et al., 2010 ).

With regard to the third hypothesis of the study (H3: The justification of violence would be associated with higher levels of CPV), this relationship is suggested by results. A significant relationship was found with CPV against both the mother and the father. These data are consistent with the research of Junco-Guerrero et al. ( 2021 ) in which children who justified hostile behaviors were found to commit higher rates of CPV. In this line, some studies suggest that CPV could be predicted by the social information processing components, for example, the justification of violence (Orue et al., 2019 ).

Finally, regarding the fourth hypothesis (H4: The exposure to violence on television would be associated with higher levels of CPV), the existence of a relationship of TV exposure with CPV committed against the mother and father wasn´t supported by our data. This finding contradicts several studies showing that television violence has a direct effect on the learning and acquisition of hostile behaviors, as well as desensitization to violence, which is perceived as being socially accepted and habitual (Orue & Calvete, 2012 ). Fitzpatrick et al. ( 2016 ) also suggest that exposure to violence, especially in the case of television, during the preschool years is a risk factor for the development of aggressive behaviors.

This research presents some limitations that should be taken into account. The main limitation is the correlational nature of the study. The findings of the present study should be replicated through longitudinal designs, which would allow examining the directions and strength of causal relationships. In addition, the sample is limited to a single informant from the Andalusian region, which could compromise the generalization of the results. It would also be important to carry out future studies that include other informants, such as parents or educators. Finally, in this research, we make inferences about the consequences of video game playing on the adolescent population as a whole. But specific groups of players who share factors associated with the use of technology, such as material deprivation, may be influenced differently by video game use.

Conclusions and Implications

Despite the previous limitations, this study contributes to increasing knowledge about CPV in general and, specifically, the variables that could be associated with this phenomenon. Therefore, it provides valuable information for the prevention of this type of violence. Although much research has analyzed the influence of video games, almost no study had done so to date in the context of CPV. In this research, we found that the exposure to violent in video games is not associated with CPV rates. However, we found a significant relationship between pathological gaming and CPV committed against both parents. This could imply that the impact of exposure to video games on CPV varies depending on the presence of pathological gaming, but not on violent video games consumption per se. However, the fact that the strength of the relationships found between pathological gaming and CPV is not very high suggests the existence of other variables that undoubtedly also play a role in the origin of CPV. For example, recent studies have shown that violent behavior has significant biological, evolutionary, and genetic origins (Ferguson & Beaver, 2009 ).

Therefore, considering the ongoing debate about the relationship between exposure to general and violent video games with violent behavior, it becomes essential to conduct research that can test causal relationships between these variables. As this study is of a correlational nature, it is not possible to draw such conclusions. In addition, the results also show a significant relationship of justification of violence and CPV committed against both parents.

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This research was funded by Spanish Ministry of Science and Malaga University. Funding for open access publishing: Malaga University/CBUA.

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Junco-Guerrero, M., Ruiz-Fernández, A. & Cantón-Cortés, D. Video Games, Violence Justification and Child-to-Parent Violence. J Child Fam Stud (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-024-02864-5

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Accepted : 29 April 2024

Published : 05 September 2024

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-024-02864-5

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