research paper about political issues in the philippines

UP Department of Political Science

• Research and Extension

Recent Publications

Herman Joseph S. Kraft. 2022. “ Teaching International Relations in the Philippines: Opening Spaces While Maintaining Traditional Approaches .” Contemporary Southeast Asia 44 (2): 274-288.

Ronald A. Pernia and Rogelio Alicor L. Panao. 2022. “ Delegative democratic attitude and public opinion on human rights: empirical evidence from the Philippines .” Democratization, DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2022.2141229

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L and Ronald Pernia. 2022. “Fear and Loathing or Strategic Priming? Unveiling the Audience in Duterte’s Crime Rhetoric.”  Journal of East Asian Studies, 1-22. DOI: 10.1017/jea.2022.1

Atienza, Maria Ela L., and Quilala, Dennis. 2021. “The Role of Civil Society in Disaster Response – The Philippine Experience.” In Humanitarianism in the Asia-Pacific. Singapore: Springer Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4874-5_14

Atienza, Maria Ela L., and Quilala, Dennis. 2021. “Nongovernment Organizations in Humanitarian Activities in the Philippines: Local Contributions in Post-Disaster Settings and Implications for Humanitarian Action and Diplomacy.” Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, 6(4), 345–359. https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911211058146

Encinas-Franco, Jean. 2021.  “The presidential kiss: Duterte’s gendered populism, hypermasculinity, and Filipino migrants.”  NORMA, DOI: 10.1080/18902138.2022.2026107

Go, Jan Robert R. 2021. “ Political Science Research and Methodology in Contemporary Philippines: An Analysis of the Philippine Political Science Journal, 2000-2019 .” Asian Journal of Political Science Journal 29(2): 238-254. DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1906289

Gloria, Enrico V. 2021.  “Justifying economic coercion: the discourse of victimhood in China’s unilateral sanctions policy.”  The Pacific Review. DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2021.1980605

Marcaida, Marielle Y. 2021. “Student Activism Offline and Online: A Mixed-Methods Study on College Students’ Protest Participation in the Philippines.” Philippine Social Sciences Review 72(1).

Marcaida, Marielle Y. 2021. “Understanding the Narratives of Pateros Mothers’ Resistance under the Philippine Drug War.”  Philippine Political Science Journal, 42(3), 238-265. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025X-bja10022

Miranda, Matthew Manuelito S. 2021. “Policy Framing and Comparative Discourse Analysis.”  Philippine Political Science Journal, 42(3), 208-237. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025X-bja10024

Tana, Maria Thaemar C. 2021. “Continuity or Change?: Prospects for Japan’s Mindanao Peacebuilding Strategy.”  Asian International Studies Review, 22(2), 143-170. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078X-bja10007

Arugay, Aries A. Sinpeng, A., and D. Gueorguiev . 2020. “Strong Fans, Weak Campaign: Social Media and Duterte in the 2016 Presidential Election.” Journal of East Asian Studies. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2020.11

Arugay, Aries A. 2020. “Transforming Korean Peninsula’s Insecurity through ASEAN’s Involvement.” In C.P. Hoo (ed.), The New Southern Policy: Catalyst for Deepening ASEAN-ROK Cooperation. Kuala Lumpur: Institute of Strategic and International Studies Malaysia, pp. 147-158.

Arugay, Aries A. 2020. “Charmed and Weakened: China’s Diplomatic Overtures and Democratic Erosion in the Philippines.” In S.C. Hsu and J.M. Cole (eds.), Insidious Power How China Undermines Global Democracy. Manchester: Eastbridge Books, pp. 237-265.

Atienza, Maria Ela; Eadie, Pauline; and Tan-Mullins, May. 2020. “Livelihood and vulnerability in the wake of Typhoon Yolanda: lessons of community and resilience.” Natural Hazards 103 (1) (August 2020): 211-230. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11069-020-03984-z

Atienza, Maria Ela; Tan-Mullins, May; and Eadie, Pauline. 2020. “Evolving social capital and networks in the post-disaster rebuilding process.” Asia Pacific Viewpoint. (Early view online) Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/apv.12268

Atienza, Maria Ela L. 2020. “The Philippines in 2019: Consolidation of Power, Unraveling of the Reform Agenda.” Asian Survey, Vol. 60 No. 1 (January/February): 132-139. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1525/AS.2020.60.1.132

Bautista, Aimee Dresa. 2020. “Exploring Political Socialization and Political Participation: The Filipino Youth and the Sangguniang Kabataan in Caloocan City’s First Legislative District.” Child & Youth Services, DOI: 10.1080/0145935X.2020.1859364

Cainghog, N.G., Raneses, N.G., Tamayao, M.M. and Gotera, K.M.C. 2020. “Consequences of kaizen practices in MSMEs in the Philippines: The case of the Manufacturing Productivity Extension Program (MPEX).” In Hosono. A, Page, J, and Shimada, G. (Eds.) Workers, managers, productivity: Kaizen in developing countries. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan

Encinas-Franco, Jean. 2020. “Gendered Constructions of Overseas Filipino Workers and the Politics of National Shame.” Journal of Human Rights and Peace Studies, 6 (2) 283-310.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2020. “Online Course Learning in a Time of a Pandemic: The Wuhan Experience.” Philippine Journal of Public Policy: Interdisciplinary Development Perspectives 81-88.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2020. “Wuhan 武汉.” DX Machina: Journal of Contemporary Philippine Literature 14(2): 1-12.

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. 2020. “Key Legal Issues for the Philippines on the West Philippine Sea/South China Sea Dispute.” In Ha Ahn Tuan, ed. Ocean Governance in the South China Sea: Fishery Cooperation and Environmental Protection. Hanoi: National Political Publishing House, pp. 44-60.

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2020. “Beyond Flypaper: Unconditional Transfers and Local Revenue Generation in the Philippines, 1992–2016.” International Journal of Public Administration. DOI: 10.1080/01900692.2020.1759628

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2020. “Writing Philippine Politics and the Marcos Technocrats”. Philippine Political Science Journal. 41, 263-268.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2020. “A Panacea Gone Awry: A Review of Water Privatization Policy in the Philippines.” Asia Politics & Policy. Volume 12, Iss. 4, October, pp. 632-646. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12559

Arugay, Aries A. and Kraft, Herman Joseph S. (eds). 2020. Toward an Enhanced Strategic Policy in the Philippines . Quezon City: Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the Philippines.

Atienza, Maria Ela L., Aries A. Arugay, Jean Encinas-Franco, Jan Robert R. Go, and Rogelio Alicor L. Panao. 2020. “Constitutional Performance Assessment in the Time of a Pandemic: The 1987 Constitution and the Philippines’ COVID-19 Response.” International IDEA Discussion Paper 3/2020. Stockholm and Quezon City: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance and University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.36

Atienza, Maria Ela L., Aries A. Arugay, Francis Joseph A. Dee, Jean Encinas-Franco, Jan Robert R. Go, Rogelio Alicor L. Panao, and A.J.D. Jimenez. 2020. “Constitutional Performance Assessment of the 1987 Philippine Constitution: Summary of Findings.” Stockholm and Quezon City: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance and University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.2

Gloria, Enrico V. 2020. “Constructing Major Power Identity: China’s Discourses on the Belt and Road Initiative and Policy Insights for the Philippines.” in Toward an Enhanced Strategic Policy in the Philippines. Arugay, A. & Kraft, H. (eds). UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies. pp. 87-107.

Marcaida, Marielle Y. 2020. “Organized Crime, Illicit Economies and the Philippine-China Relations under the Duterte Administration.” In Toward an Enhanced Strategic Policy in the Philippines. Arugay, A. & Kraft, H. (eds). UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies. pp. 107-135.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2020. “The Politics of a Middle-Class-Led Movement in the Philippines”. In Thinking With and Beyond Marx: Critical Essays on Politics, History and Art, Published in Commemoration of the 200th Birth Anniversary of Karl Marx. Vol. 1. Tadem, Eduardo C. and Honey B. Tabiola. Editors. University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies Public Policy Monograph Series, pp. 105-122.

Taguibao, Jalton G. Rebullida, Maria Lourdes. 2020. “Solid Waste Management, Environmental Governance, and Sustainable Development: Empowering Intergovernmental Relations in the National Capital Region.” UP CIDS Policy Brief 2020-06. Quezon City: UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies.

Arugay, Aries A., and D. Slater. 2019. “Polarization Without Poles: Machiavellian Conflicts and the Philippines’ Lost Decade of Democracy, 2000–2010.” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 681(1): 122-136. DOI: 10.1177/0002716218810385

Arugay, Aries A. 2019. “Fall from Grace, Descent from Power? Civil Society after Philippine Democracy’s Lost Decade.” In I. Deinla and B. Dressel (eds.) From Aquino II to Duterte (2010-2018): Change, Continuity – and Rupture. Singapore: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, pp. 285-308.

Arugay, Aries A., C. Misalucha-Willoughby, and J. Amador III. 2019. “Quad to Zero? Filipino Perceptions of the Quad, the Indo-Pacific, and the Alliance System.” APPFI Research Paper RSA-2019-04. Quezon City: Asia Pacific Pathways to Progress Foundation Inc.

Atienza, Maria Ela L. 2019. “The Philippines in 2018: Broken Promises, Growing Impatience.” Asian Survey, Vol. 59 No. 1 (January/February): 185-192. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.185

Atienza, Maria Ela; Eadie, Pauline; Tan-Mullins, May. 2019. “Urban Poverty in the Wake of Environmental Disaster: Rehabilitation, Resilience and Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda).” London: Routledge (Taylor and Francis Group). Available at: https://www.routledge.com/Urban-Poverty-in-the-Wake-of-Environmental-Disaster-Rehabilitation-Resilience/Atienza-Eadie-Tan-Mullins/p/book/9781138629998, https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315210056

Blanco, Dennis V. 2019. “Urban Domestic Water Governance in the Philippines: Paradigms and Capacities.” Philippine Political Science Journal, 40 (1/2), 69-99. Brill Publishers. https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025X-12340003.

Blanco, Dennis Vicencio and Rogelio Alicor Panao. 2019. “Caring for Orphans in the Philippines: A Policy-Capacity Review.” Child and Youth Services, 40 (1), 65-92. Taylor and Francis. https://doi.org/10.1080/0145935X.2018.1551723

Blanco, Dennis Vicencio and Alan Bairner. 2019. “College Basketball Governance in the Philippines: Actors, Stakeholders, Issues and Policies.” Sport in Society: Cultures, Commerce, Media and Politics. 22 (3), 361-383.Taylor and Francis, Routledge Press. https://doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2018.1490265.

Frago-Marasigan, Perlita M. 2019. “The Haiyan Crisis: Empowering the Local, Engaging the Global.” In Human Security and Cross-Border Cooperation in East Asia, edited by Carolina Hernandez, Eun Mee Kim, Yoichi Mine, Ren Xiao, 133-153. Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. 2019. “ASEAN and the Protection of Migrant Rights.” in Samuel C.Y. Ku, Wen-Pin Lin, and Khai Leong Ho, eds. Southeast Asia: Transition and Transformation. Kaohsiung: Wenzao Ursuline University Press, pp. 259-269

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. 2019. “Geopolitical Environment of Philippines-China Relations: Maintaining the Security Architecture in the Face of Shifting Power Relations.” Chinese Studies Journal, Vol. 12 (Philippines Association for Chinese Studies): 1-9.

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2019. “Electoral persistence and the quality of public policies: evidence from the dynamics of lawmaking in the Philippine House of Representatives, 1992-2016.” Journal of Asian Public Policy 13(3): 295-318.

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2019. “Does the upper house have the upper hand? The Dynamics of Distributive Policies in the Philippine Senate.” Philippine Political Science Journal 40(1): 201–229

Quilala, Dennis, F. 2019. “The Protracted Crisis in Mindanao: Japan’s Cooperation and Human Security.” In Human Security and Cross-Border Cooperation in East Asia, (co written with Sachiko Ishikawa)

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2019. “Philippine: la gauche sociale et politique face au “dutertisme.” Alternatives Sud, Vol. 26-2019, Belgium: Centre Tricontinental et Éditions Syllepse, pp. 145-151.

Tadem Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2019. “Re-defining governance to address socio-economic inequality in the Philippines.” Journal of Law and Administration 15(3):10-22. https://doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-3-52-10-22

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2019. “Tracing the Rise of Filipino Technocrats Through the Cold War.” Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia. In Eva Hansson & Meredith Weiss. “Beyond the Cold War in Southeast Asia”. Issue 26. Online journal: https://kyotoreview.org/issue-26/tracing-the-rise-of-filipino-technocrats-through-cold-war/.

Taguibao, Jalton G. 2019. “Sustainable Energy Policy in Southeast Asia: Domestic Variations and Congruence in Policy Discourses.” Asian Politics and Policy Journal, Volume 11, Issue No. 2, pp. 327-346.

Tigno, Jorge V. 2019. “Protecting Filipino Overseas Migrant Workers.” in Global Health Leadership: Case Studies from the Asia-Pacific edited by Mellissa Withers and Judith McCool. Switzerland: Springer Nature, pp. 133-146.

Atienza, Maria Ela; Lusterio-Rico, Ruth; Arugay, Aries A.; Encinas-Franco, Jean; and Quilala, Dennis. 2019. “Understanding Culture, Society, and Politics (for Senior High School) revised edition.” Quezon City: C & E Publishing.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2019. “Elections under the 1987 Constitution.” In Chronology of the 1987 Philippine Constitution, edited by Maria Ela L. Atienza. Quezon City: UP Centre for Integrative and Development Studies, 13-18.

Go, Jan Robert R. and Jean Encinas-Franco. 2019. “The Power of Impeachment.” In Chronology of the 1987 Philippine Constitution, edited by Maria Ela L. Atienza. Quezon City: UP Centre for Integrative and Development Studies, 45-51.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2019. “Implications for Governance and Future Policy.” In Rebuilding Disaster-Affected Communities for a Sustainable Future: Lessons and Policy Recommendations for Poverty Alleviation from the Typhoon Yolanda Experience, edited by Maria Ela L. Atienza. Quezon City: UP Centre for Integrative and Development Studies, 31-35.

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2019. “Bribe as business: Culture, corruption, and investment behavior by Asian economies.” HanPil Occasional Papers 3: 5-30

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2019. “Laws and jurisprudence as gauge of constitutional efficacy.” In Maria Ela L. Atienza, ed., Chronology of the 1987 Constitution. Public Policy Monograph Series. Quezon City: UPCIDS and the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA).

Tadem, Teresea S. Encarnacion. 2019. “Philippine Politics and the Marcos Technocrats: The emergence and evolution of a power elite.” Q.C.: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Noel M. Morada. Editors. 2019. “Southeast Asian Politics: Issues of the Past Defining the Challenges of the Present.” Third World Perspectives in Politics. Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Eduardo C. Tadem. 2019. “Reclaiming public services: Giving back ownership and control of the water sector to local government.” UP CIDS Program on Alternative Development Policy Brief”. UP CIDS Policy Brief 2019, pp. 1-8.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Noel M. Morada. Editors. 2019. “Introduction” In Southeast Asian Politics: Issues of the Past Defining the Challenges of the Present. Third World Perspectives in Politics. Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, pp, 1-15.

Taguibao, Jalton G. 2019. “Kapwa, Loob, and the Political Relationship Between President and Citizens Based on an Analysis of Presidential Speeches from 1986 to 2013.” Handbook of Filipino Psychology Volume 2: Applications edited by Rogelia Pe-Pua. University of the Philippines Press. pp. 531-556.

Zialcita, Jean Paul L., 2019. “Presidential influence in the legislative process: The passage of the RH Bill in the Philippine House of Representatives.” Philippine Social Sciences Review 71(1): 27-41.

Arugay, Aries A., and Slater D. 2018. “Polarizing Figures: Executive Power and Institutional Conflict in Asian Democracies.” American Behavioral Scientist 62(1): 92-106.

Arugay, Aries A., and A. Sinpeng. 2018. “Varieties of Authoritarianism and the Limits of Democracy in Southeast Asia.” In M. Beeson and A. Ba (eds.) Contemporary Southeast Asia, 3rd ed. London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 91-110.

Dee, Francis Joseph A. 2018. “Predictors of participation in protest in the Philippines.” Philippine Political Science Journal, 39:3, 155-178, DOI: 10.1080/01154451.2018.1565641

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. 2018. “Beyond the transmission of ideas: Pedro L. Baldoria and the field of geopolitics in the Philippines.” Philippine Political Science Journal 39(2): 132-135, DOI: 10.1080/01154451.2018.1535877

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L., and Bea Xandra De Leon. 2018. “Balancing the interests of labor and capital: An empirical analysis of Philippine Supreme Court labor cases from 1987 to 2016.” Philippine Political Science Journal 38(1): 24-46

Quilala, Dennis, F. 2018. “ Narratives and Counter-narratives: Responding to Political Violence in the Philippines .” Southeast Asian Affairs, pp. 285-296.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2018. “Chapter 5: The Middle-Class-Led Left Movement in Civil Society’s Role in the Philippines’ Democratization Process.” In Middle Class, Civil Society and Democracy in Asia, edited by Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao, 81–101. Routledge Contemporary Asia Series. New York, NY: Routledge.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2018. “Technocracy and Class Politics in Policy-Making.” In Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines, edited by Mark R. Thompson and Eric Vincent C. Batalla, 262–72. London and New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group.

Tigno, Jorge V. 2018. “What One Hand Gives, the Other Takes Away: Migration, Food Insecurity, and Women in the Philippines.” in Ensuring a Square Meal; Women and Food Security in Southeast Asia edited by Theresa W. Devasahayam. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd., pp. 203-238.

Tigno, Jorge V. 2018. “Labor Migration from the Philippines: Has the Country Had Enough?” in Southeast Asia; Beyond Borders and Boundaries edited by Samuel C.Y. Ku and HerlinChien. Kaohsiung: Wenzao University Press, pp. 143-158.

Tigno, Jorge V. 2018. “The Philippines” in Routledge Handbook of Civil Society in Asia edited by Akihiro Ogawara. Abingdon and New York: Routledge, pp. 110 – 128.

Atienza, Maria Ela L. 2018. “Human Security in the ASEAN Political-Security Community Blueprint: Assessing Success, Challenges and Lessons in ASEAN Human Security Cooperation in Post-Conflict Peace Building Measures.” in ASEAN: 50 Years Hence, edited by Rommel J. Casis and Celeste Ruth L. Cembrano-Mallari. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Law Center’s Institute of International Legal Studies (launched January 2020), pp. 280-307.

Encinas-Franco, Jean. et al. 2018. “Narratives of Filipino Bride Returnees from South Korea: Implications to Research and Policy.” Hanpil Occasional Paper Series on Korea and the Philippines. Vol. 3. December 2018.

Ferrer, Miriam C., 2018. “Remigio E. Agpalo.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Frago-Marasigan, Perlita M. 2018. “Renato Constantino.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2018. “Claro M. Recto.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Kraft, Herman Joseph S., 2018. “Pedro L. Baldoria.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Lusterio-Rico, Ruth R. 2018. “Felipe Agoncillo.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Naval, Jaime B., 2018. “Estrella D. Solidum.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Taguibao, Jalton G. 2018. “Jose Maria Sison.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Tigno, Jorge V. (ed). 2018. “Twentieth Century Philippine Political Thinkers.” Selected Readings. Quezon City: UP Press.

Zialcita, Jean Paul L., 2018. “Jose P. Laurel.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

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Pandemic Politics in the Philippines: An Introduction from the Special Issue Editors

• 1 Introduction

The Coronavirus Disease 2019 ( COVID -19) pandemic continues to impact people’s health and livelihood systems around the globe. As governments roll out mass vaccination programs in their respective jurisdictions, it is uncertain whether herd immunity can be achieved at the soonest time, given the mutations and emergence of new COVID -19 variants and vaccine hesitancy on the part of citizens. Meanwhile, political leaders have straddled the thin line between imposing mobility restrictions to save lives and reopening the economy to save jobs. This raised fundamental concerns about the political responses at both domestic and international levels toward the crisis.

It is important to examine and compare the political dynamics of the pandemic in various contexts. The articles in this special issue unpack the role of politics in confronting an existential health crisis such as the COVID -19 pandemic. Specifically, it delineates three core dimensions of the state necessary to address such a crisis: authority, capacity, and legitimacy (Gisselquist and Vaccaro 2021).

• 2 An Outbreak of Autocratic Governance

The strong predisposition towards autocratic governance was spreading across the globe even before the outbreak of COVID -19 in late 2019 (Cooper and Aitchison 2020). However, the pandemic exacerbated this tendency. In many countries, it provided an opportunity for authoritarian leaders to expand their powers. As the pandemic raged, these elected chief executives demanded and received even more authority from the legislature to manage the health crisis.

Various forms of democratic backsliding worldwide have intensified more than a decade ago. This trend involves the erosion of democratic governance features within any regime (Waldner and Lust 2018). It occurs through an incremental process where elected populist leaders draw measures to weaken the countervailing power exercised by institutional checks such as the political opposition, independent media, and civil society that are important in a vibrant democracy (Diamond 2021).

The military takeovers and electoral violence prevalent during the Cold War have waned in the contemporary period. Instead of fomenting regime change, current forms of democratic backsliding tend to produce political systems that are ambivalently democratic or hybrid. According to Bermeo (2016), executive aggrandizement has become the more common type of backsliding. This happens when elected executives dilute the constitutional checks on executive power through concerted actions that erode the power of independent groups to offer alternate options and challenge executive choices.

• 3 Democratic Backsliding in the Philippines

The Philippines presents an interesting case of democratic backsliding that accelerated with the election of a populist leader, Rodrigo Duterte, as president in 2016. Populism is considered a thin-centered ideology that portrays society as divided into two homogeneous and contending camps: the pure people versus the corrupt elite (Mudde and Kaltwasser 2018). Populism is a recurring feature of Philippine politics (Magno 2021). However, under Duterte’s populist presidency, executive aggrandizement was pushed to the hilt. Pappas (2019) argued that when populism cannot settle on the point of political equilibrium, it often swings at either end of the spectrum, at times toward mending liberalism and at other times veering towards autocracy. Under Duterte’s rule, the autocratic version of populism became dominant, facilitating democratic backsliding in the Philippines.

Democratic backsliding has affected pandemic governance in the Philippines. The rise of autocratic populism weakened democratic institutions and systems of checks and balances within the state and society. The concentration of power in the executive, coupled with the lack of willingness to consult with stakeholders and the limited capacity to integrate various proposals, prevented the government from mounting a coherent policy response to the crisis. Democratic backsliding has contributed to poor pandemic governance, especially in responding to health and economic problems and addressing the second-order issues of ensuring accountability in public expenditure management under emergency conditions. However, the outbreak of COVID -19 initially threatened Duterte’s populist legacy (Teehankee 2021).

4 The Arrival of COVID -19

The COVID -19 pandemic is acknowledged to have begun on November 17, 2019, with the first recorded case of the disease in the city of Wuhan in Hubei Province, China. In the following weeks, cases of people infected with the virus piled up. However, the government kept a tight lid on health data and even reprimanded the local doctors who warned of the new disease. The Chinese government informed the World Health Organization ( WHO ) of the existence of the virus only on December 31, 2019. Such a lack of transparency prevented health authorities globally from taking preventive action and containing the transmission of the COVID -19 virus across cities, nations, and borders (Steingrüber et al. 2020).

The Inter-Agency Task Force Against Emerging Infectious Diseases ( IATF ) was convened in January 2020 to deal with the COVID -19 problem in the Philippines. The policy architecture to address the crisis took shape in response to previous contagious diseases. Executive Order No. 168 that created the IATF was originally issued in 2014 to confront emerging infectious diseases ( EID  s). These include Avian Influenza, Ebola, Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome ( SARS ), and the Middle East Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus ( MERS-COV ), which can easily spread due to heightened mobility of travelers and products brought by globalization. The IATF was designed to facilitate cross-sectoral collaboration and efficiently manage the effects of any potential epidemic or pandemic.

The functions of the IATF included establishing a system to identify, screen, and assist those suspected or confirmed to be infected with EID  s. It is expected to prevent or minimize the entry of suspected patients into the country through rigid screening and identification of EID carriers and institutionalizing a surveillance system in all ports of entry. The IATF is tasked with preventing the local spread of EID through contact tracing and quarantine procedures. It also strives to lessen casualties by strengthening clinical management, healthcare facilities, and public safety measures.

To combat COVID -19, the reconstituted IATF proposed temporary restrictions on travel to and from Hubei Province, China, and the institution of quarantine protocols for returning Filipinos from the area under Resolution No. 1, dated January 28, 2020. The first COVID -19 infections in the Philippines were detected in a tourist couple from Hubei Province who entered the country through Hongkong. They were admitted to the San Lazaro Hospital, a national infectious disease referral hospital in Manila. While the first patient recovered, her companion’s condition deteriorated and was confirmed as the first COVID -19 death outside China on February 1, 2020 (Edrada et al. 2020).

• 5 Series of Lockdown Policies

On March 8, 2020, President Duterte signed Proclamation No. 922, declaring a state of a public health emergency. At that time, there were only 20 confirmed COVID -19 cases. Classes were suspended in Metro Manila. A few days later, on March 12, Duterte placed the National Capital Region under lockdown. Travels going in and out of Metro Manila were banned. Another executive edict was released on March 16, 2020. Under Proclamation No. 929, the entire country was placed under a state of calamity. This measure enabled local government units ( LGU  s) to tap their local calamity funds for COVID -19-related expenditures. It also extended the strict lockdown policies in Metro Manila to the entire island of Luzon. The most stringent restrictions were applied under this lockdown category, officially known as enhanced community quarantine ( ECQ ).

Under ECQ protocols, the movement of people was severely restricted. Mass public transportation services were suspended, while land, air, and sea travel were restricted. The restrictions included transport network vehicle services. All establishments were closed, except those that provide necessities like supermarkets, convenience stores, hospitals, medical clinics, pharmacies, banks, food preparation and delivery services, and water-refilling stations. Government offices, business process outsourcing companies, and export-oriented industries were allowed to operate with skeletal staff. Work in the private sector went on under work-from-home arrangements (Gregorio 2020).

While the IATF crafted policy recommendations for the President, the National Task Force Against COVID -19, headed by the Secretary of the Department of National Defense, handled the operational command. An Incident Command System also functioned as an on-scene disaster response mechanism to manage hazards and other consequences associated with COVID -19.

The IATF may call upon any department, bureau, office, agency, or instrumentality of the government, including Government-Owned-or-Controlled Corporations ( GOCC  s), government financial institutions ( GFI  s), LGU  s, non-government organizations ( NGO  s), and the private sector for assistance. On the other hand, the Joint Task Force COVID -19 Shield was established to enforce quarantine protocols and manage border checkpoints. It was composed of elements of the Philippine National Police ( PNP ), Armed Forces of the Philippines ( AFP ), Philippine Coast Guard ( PCG ), Bureau of Fire Protection, and barangay officers.

The Duterte administration sought the support of Congress to legitimize emergency powers for the president to deal with the COVID -19 crisis. Republic Act No. 11469, otherwise known as the Bayanihan to Heal as One Act, was enacted on March 25, 2020. It contained policy measures to curb the spread of the virus, strengthen the healthcare system, and provide the affected sectors with social assistance. The law authorized the president to exercise temporary budgetary measures and effectively allowed the executive branch to discontinue government programs to generate savings and realign, reallocate, and reprogram funds to implement COVID -19 measures.

The legislation provided the president with special powers to launch aid programs and punish people disobeying the emergency regulations. In this regard, people faced prison sentences for breaking lockdown regulations. More than 76,000 people were arrested between March and July 2020. Among those apprehended were homeless people and street vendors. Indeed, the capacity to observe quarantine regulations varied across income classes (Holmes and Hutchcroft 2020). The law punished those violating restrictions with up to two months imprisonment or fines up to PHP 1 million ( USD 20,000). These sanctions also applied to individuals or groups found to be creating or spreading false information regarding the COVID -19 pandemic.

• 6 Lockdown and Economic Downturn

The response of the Filipino government to the pandemic showed the negative effects of the trade-off between health and the economy. The administration of harsh lockdown measures prevented the spike in COVID -19 cases that would overwhelm the capacity of the health care system but came at the expense of plunging the country into a deep economic recession. At the onset of the pandemic, the Philippines registered a gross domestic product ( GDP ) growth rate of −0.7 percent during the first quarter of 2020. The impact of stringent restrictions was dramatically felt when the economy contracted by 16.9 percent in the next quarter. The economy continued to falter in the following quarters, with GDP growth rates of −11.4 percent in the third quarter and −8.3 percent in the fourth quarter of 2020 (See Figure 1).

GDP growth rate (2019–2020)

Citation: Philippine Political Science Journal 43, 2 (2022) ; 10.1163/2165025x-12340047

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The economy slightly improved but was still down by 4.2 percent in the first quarter of 2021. The negative growth for five successive quarters represents the most prolonged recession faced by the country since the 1985 debt crisis. The Philippines posted the worst growth record among peers in the Southeast Asian region in the first quarter of 2021, including Thailand (−2.6 percent), Indonesia (−0.7 percent), Malaysia (−0.5 percent), and Vietnam (4.5 percent). The contraction was pushed by the decline in private domestic demand due to inflation, income losses, and protracted lockdown measures (World Bank 2021, 10).

In 2020, the number of persons in the labor force was estimated at 43.9 million. This number represents the economically active population, either employed or unemployed, accounting for a 59.5 percent labor force participation rate ( LFPR ) of the 73.7 million 15 years old and over. This annual LFPR is the lowest since adopting the new definition of unemployed in April 2005, reflecting the effect of the various community quarantine controls, business closures, and physical distancing measures put in place in the Philippines in response to the pandemic.

The unemployment rate surged to 17.6 percent at the height of the lockdown restrictions in April 2020. It dropped to 10 percent in July 2020. It slid down further to 7.1 percent in March 2021, which is the lowest reported rate covering the period of the COVID -19 pandemic since April 2020 (See Table 1).

Unemployment rate (April 2020–March 2021)

The economic fallout from the prolonged lockdown measures was also reflected in the involuntary hunger experienced by Filipino families due to the loss of employment and livelihood opportunities. In a September 2020 survey, the Social Weather Stations ( SWS ) reported a hunger rate of 30.7 percent (7.6 million families). The average hunger rate for 2020 was 21.1 percent, exceeding the previous record of 19.9 percent in 2011 and 2012 and double the average of 9.3 percent for 2019. The survey showed that Metro Manila has the highest incidence of Hunger at 23.3 percent (780,000 families), followed by Mindanao at 16.0 percent (909,000 families), Balance of Luzon at 14.4 percent (1.6 million families), and the Visayas at 14.3 percent (674,000 families).

• 7 Vaccination Woes

On March 1, 2021, the Philippines became the last country in Southeast Asia to roll out a national vaccination program against COVID -19. The absence of a law providing for an indemnity fund had delayed the shipment of the vaccines. Congress had to rush the approval of a bill creating a PHP 500 million National Vaccine Indemnity Fund to cover compensation for the potentially adverse effects stemming from the doses’ emergency use. President Duterte signed R.A. No. 11525, otherwise known as the COVID -19 Vaccination Program Act, on February 26, 2021.

The indemnity law granted COVID -19 vaccine manufacturers immunity from lawsuits for claims from people experiencing any adverse effects from the COVID -19 vaccines. It was confirmed that pharmaceutical companies, which asked for an indemnification clause from the government, were fearful that what happened to Sanofi in the anti-dengue vaccine case might be repeated in the COVID -19 situation (Valderama 2021).

• 8 Prelude to Pandemic Politics

The process of democratic backsliding characterized by executive aggrandizement was reflected in a series of actions that undermined the independence of state and societal institutions. The executive encroached on the powers of the co-equal branches of government and stymied the exercise of media freedom. A supermajority coalition of parties supportive of the new president was established in the House of Representatives of the Philippine Congress following the 2016 national elections. The PDP -Laban led the coalition, the party of the new executive, together with the Nacionalista Party, National People’s Coalition, National Unity Party, Lakas- CMD , and various party-list organizations. Ironically, the bulk of the elected representatives from the Liberal Party, the former administration party, opted to join the majority instead of the minority bloc. There was a similar realignment in the upper chamber, with the parties identified with the new administration forming a majority bloc to support the president’s legislative agenda. However, unlike the lower house, a substantial minority bloc was formed in the Senate.

The judiciary did not escape executive aggrandizement. A quo warranto proceeding was initiated in the Supreme Court against Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno. It is a legal procedure for removing a public official on the ground that the individual has no legal right to the office. Prior to her removal, Sereno voiced the need to observe the rule of law in the war on drugs and to respect legal procedure in dealing with judges accused of involvement in the drug trade. In May 2018, the Supreme Court ruled that Sereno’s appointment was invalid by a vote of 8–6 (Deinla et al. 2018).

Aside from whipping the legislature and judiciary into line, the executive also challenged the independence of constitutional bodies. Due to its criticism of the drug war, the Commission on Human Rights ( CHR ) was threatened with abolition. At one time, a proposal was made during the Congressional hearings for the 2018 national budget to render the CHR inutile by allocating an annual budget of only 1,000 pesos to the beleaguered agency. The president also pushed but failed for the impeachment of former Ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales after her agency said it was investigating the Duterte family’s wealth (Esmaquel II 2021).

Another constitutional body that earned the ire of the chief executive was the Commission on Audit ( COA ) after the agency flagged the deficiencies of the Department of Health ( DOH ) in the administration of PHP 67.3 billion COVID -19 emergency funds. These included purchases deemed to be disadvantageous to the government, as well as defects in the sworn statements in contracts, non-posting of procurement information on government websites, and non-provision of technical specifications in contracts. However, the president dismissed the 2020 COA report as inadequate and merely indicated missing paperwork rather than corruption (Cator et al. 2021). The COA is the supreme audit institution in the country. Under the Constitution, it is mandated to prepare an annual report covering the financial condition and operation of the government, its subdivisions, agencies, and instrumentalities, including government-owned or controlled corporations and non-governmental entities subject to its audit.

Non-state actors like the media play a key role in democratic oversight as suppliers of information fostering reasoned debate in society. This critical function of media was severely tested as lawsuits were filed against independent media practitioners. Congress also denied the franchise renewal of a leading media firm. Media harassment and coordinated bashing from electronic trolls generated a chilling effect that drove media practitioners to exercise self-regulation.

• 9 Erosion of Institutional Checks and Balances

As democratic backsliding proceeded apace, executive aggrandizement led to the erosion of legislative and judicial independence and weakened the institutional checks exercised by constitutional bodies. The power of appointment was also used to expand the political control of the chief executive. It becomes a matter of public concern whether loyalty or competence are the driving factors for personnel recruitment in key positions in the bureaucracy. Congressional oversight in confirmation of appointees becomes perfunctory with strong executive influence over the legislature. Under presidential systems, the waning clout of traditional actors such as party organizations over personnel selection has given a wide latitude for the chief executive to choose loyalists in the context of accomplishing the administration’s policy and political goals in the bureaucracy (Lewis 2011). It is acknowledged in Philippine development planning documents that the integrity of the civil service has been diminished by an appointment process based on political accommodation rather than merit, which partly stems from the president’s broad powers of appointment and discretion ( NEDA 2011, p. 21).

The appointment of retired generals in key cabinet posts, and other high executive positions, was not new. However, the high ratio of such appointments was evident under the Duterte administration. More than 60 former military officers held ranking positions in the government as of early 2021 (Parrocha 2021). When the pandemic struck the Philippines in 2020, President Duterte tapped former military officials, who were already in the cabinet, to lead the COVID -19 response.

In battling COVID -19, the Philippines imposed one of the longest lockdowns in the world. Entire provinces and cities were put into lockdown under various quarantine classifications. The government relied heavily on the police and the military to maintain order. All health protocols, including mobility restrictions, wearing masks, and social distancing, were followed through punitive action (Hapal 2021). It was only in September 2021 that a more contained, granular lockdown approach was adopted. Various sectors have criticized the militarized approach to the pandemic for not paying enough attention to the health and economic dimensions of the problem.

The poor pandemic performance of the government drove health front-liners to call for a medical time-out at the end of July 2020. During a press conference, Jose Santiago, president of the Philippine Medical Association, said that the medical time-out should be used to refine pandemic control strategies by addressing hospital workforce efficiency, failure of contact tracing and quarantine, transportation safety, workplace safety, public compliance with self-protection, and social amelioration (Hallare 2020).

Since the pandemic, the community of health professionals forwarded many bright ideas on managing the health crisis. For instance, the Healthcare Professionals Against COVID -19, a coalition of over 170 medical groups, proposed the recalibration of the DOH One Hospital Command into a One COVID -19 referral network to integrate other health facilities aside from hospitals, such as barangay health centers, clinics, laboratories, and even pharmacies. This would expand care provision in communities and prevent hospitals from being overwhelmed by patients. An added move to answer the challenge of getting medical attention, especially where social distancing measures are in place, was to improve telemedicine services. The medical group also pushed for strengthening the role of science and experts in making decisions, specifically by tapping the Health Technology and Assessment Council created by the Universal Health Care Act (Tomacruz 2020).

The insidious effects of democratic backsliding on introducing an appropriate pandemic response were felt under conditions where key stakeholders were not consulted, and alternative viewpoints were abandoned as politically motivated. Repeated calls by the Senate for the Department of Health ( DOH ) Secretary to step down due to poor performance in handling the COVID -19 crisis were left unanswered ( CNN Philippines Staff 2021).

• 10 Corruption in Pandemic Times

The eruption of the COVID -19 pandemic brought to the fore severe corruption vulnerabilities in many countries. However, even before the pandemic, it is estimated that an average of 10–25 percent of a public contract’s value may be lost to corruption ( UNODC 2013). Globally, over USD 7.8 trillion were allocated annually for public health ( WHO 2019). With more public funds being made available to fight the pandemic, better safeguards are needed to prevent corruption.

The potential for corruption in pandemic times was high, especially when pressures for swift government action may lead to shortcuts that damage the integrity of institutional processes. The main risk areas include withholding accurate health data, irregularities in public procurement, the purchase of sub-standard equipment, and misappropriation of health budgets (Steingrüber 2020).

The corruption risks in the health sector surfaced in a big way with the eruption of allegations regarding the misuse of funds by the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PhilHealth) at the height of the COVID -19 crisis in 2020. The PhilHealth case brought to the fore the weak exercise of institutional control mechanisms in the state-run agency. The resigned anti-fraud officer and head executive assistant of PhilHealth became whistle-blowers in revealing information that led to investigations by the legislature on the malpractices in the government corporation. These came on the heels of COA observations regarding the questionable transactions in PhilHealth. These indicate the importance of legislative and audit oversight agencies as accountability institutions within a system of checks and balances.

It was reported that COA had a hard time auditing PhilHealth due to the difficulty of obtaining documents from its central office. Corruption is perpetrated when there is a deviation from legal and institutional norms. The system of checks and balances to combat corruption can be improved by adopting an integrated approach. This requires promoting a comprehensive strategy that includes the facilitation of basic democratic standards, participation of a strong civil society engaged in transparency and accountability work, and the consistent application of the rule of law.

It is disconcerting that a spate of allegations had been raised about the misuse of public funds amid the uphill battle of the Philippines to control the COVID -19 crisis. The Senate investigated the questionable disbursement of PhilHealth funds drawn from the PHP 30-billion Interim Reimbursement Mechanism ( IRM ). The IRM was an emergency support program for hospitals taking care of COVID -19 patients. The COVID -19 crisis affected people’s health and public finance in a very injurious way. As the crisis deepened, it began to unravel that the use of the IRM was just one of the many alleged corrupt practices that happened in pandemic times.

• 11 The Articles Ahead

Despite imposing one of the world’s strictest lockdowns, the Duterte administration struggled with the health crisis. In his final year in government, the populist Duterte confronted the deadly surge of the Delta strain of the COVID -19 pandemic (Teehankee 2022). Nevertheless, Duterte’s populism proved resilient, supported by high approval ratings. The irony of Duterte’s populist resilience despite his inadequate pandemic response highlights his skill of political deployment in a weak state.

This special issue compiles four articles that examine the various facets of pandemic politics in the Philippines, including state authority, capacity, and legitimacy. For the lead article, Paul D. Hutchcroft and Weena Geera investigate central-local dynamics in the Philippines during the pandemic, showing that the national government has not maintained the “central steering” needed to combat COVID -19. Instead, President Rodrigo Duterte strong-armed local politicians. This authority may mask the government’s “weak steering” and make the president look in charge, but it didn’t generate the national-subnational cooperation needed for a successful pandemic response. It intensifies Duterte’s 2016–19 methods, but without the local autonomy rhetoric. Through assessing the government’s pandemic response, the authors argue that strong-arming is no replacement for efficient central steering in this or future crises.

Rosalie Arcala Hall assesses President Rodrigo Duterte’s use of emergency powers to lock down Metro Manila and Cebu City. In 2020, deployed soldiers ran quarantine checkpoints at borders and city wards and enforced curfew and liquor bans. The increased visibility of uniformed troops in urban areas and subsequent arrests of quarantine offenders were heavily criticized. The militaristic lockdown failed to stop the virus’ spread and introduced new civil-military dynamics locally. The deployment broadened the military’s civilian reach. Its law enforcement actions with the police threatened civil-military balance and democracy. President Duterte relied on the state’s coercive infrastructure to respond to the outbreak, allowing him to dominate local governments and stifle dissent.

The continued popularity of President Duterte despite his government’s dismal handling of the pandemic continues to be a puzzle among analysts, pundits, and observers of Philippine politics. Ronald Pernia attempts to account for the uptick in political trust in the Philippines. His article theorizes that subjective health and political attitude (democratic or non-democratic) explain political trust in the Philippines. It hypothesizes that healthy authoritarians are more inclined to prefer political institutions because they appreciate order and stability. Strongmen trigger such political beliefs. The 2019 World Values Survey supports this claim. The operationalization of Pernia’s study nuances citizen perceptions of political trust in nascent democracies. Overall, the major results provide credibility to the cultural foundations of political trust and explain why Philippine political institutions remain trusted despite the bungled pandemic response and Filipinos’ support for Duterte.

Lastly, the article by Mathea Melissa Lim and Jesse Hession Grayman focuses on the Philippines’ response to the humanitarian crisis that is the COVID -19 pandemic. They examine the use of face masks and face shields to reduce viral transmission. In the Philippines, where individuals were compelled to wear face masks and face shields for individual and public protection during the pandemic, such objects have become part of everyday life for both healthcare staff and the general population. Their article contends that these artifacts have become symbols of extraordinary meaning that shape social relationships, everyday politics, and ways of life during a global pandemic. Following Karl Marx’s idea of “commodity fetishism,” the article traces the concealment, transformation, and mystification of face masks and face shields as humanitarian objects for COVID -19 in the Filipino context and the implications of this fetishization on the Philippines’ most vulnerable populations.

• Acknowledgements

The editors would like to acknowledge the funding support from the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Philippines Office for this special issue.

• Notes on the Editors

Francisco A. Magno is a Professor of Political Science and Development Studies at De La Salle University where he occupied such positions as Director of the Institute of Governance, Director of the Social Development Research Center, and Chair of the Political Science Department. He has conducted teaching and research in various universities, including Osaka University, Waseda University, Hiroshima University, Florida State University, University of Hawaii, and University of the Philippines. Elected as President of the Philippine Political Science Association from 2015 to 2017, he was selected to head the Commission on Higher Education Technical Panel on Political Science from 2020-2024. In the year 2000, he became the first Political Scientist to receive an Outstanding Young Scientist Award from the National Academy of Science and Technology of the Philippines. He finished his PhD in Political Science from the University of Hawaii at Manoa under an East-West Center Fellowship.

Julio C. Teehankee is a Professor of Political Science and International Studies at De La Salle University, where he served as Chair of the Political Science Department, Chair of the International Studies Department, and Dean of the College of Liberal Arts. He served as President of the Philippine Political Science Association from 2017 to 2019 and the Asian Political and International Studies Association from 2009 to 2011. Since 2019, he has served as the Philippine representative to the Council of the International Political Science Association. He has held several visiting appointments, including Kyoto University, Australian National University, City University of Hong Kong, Osaka University, University of Tokyo, Waseda University, and Southern Illinois University at Carbondale. In 2022, he was invited as a Senior Visiting Fellow at the Saw Swee Hock Southeast Asia Centre, the London School of Economics and Political Science.

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Philippine Journal of Public Policy: Interdisciplinary Development Perspectives

The Philippine Journal of Public Policy: Interdisciplinary Development Perspectives (PJPP) (ISSN 2672-3352 (print) / 2704-2847 (online)) ( DOI: doi.org/10.54096/MJEF7942 ) is the annual peer-reviewed journal of the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP CIDS) released in print and online.

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A Historical-Institutional Analysis of the Politics of Power in the Philippines

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Asian Journal of Political Science, 2021

The paper is an assessment of Philippine political development for over three (3) decades after the fall of Marcos authoritarian rule and the dawn of democratic regimes. Against the backdrop of conceptual and discussion of political development, Philippine political development was examined based on its recent past. It argues that the country’s continuing endeavour to chisel out its national and political advancement is contingent and cannot be divorced from its quest for and vision of national identity and sense of nationhood. It further contends that the political modernization of the country requires it to transcend the inchoate sense of national consciousness, rise above the traditional politicians’ and dynastic control of the electoral system; and go beyond the less inclusive governance. Towards the end, the paper identifies a three-fold challenge: One is drawing a unified approach in bringing together various ethnic, religious, and national groups into the Philippine nation-state. Two, combining political stability with political liberalization and democratization. Political liberalization advances economic growth and development rather than contributes to political instability. And three, transforming political culture and actual political relationships to a more egalitarian, less hierarchical, and further symmetrical relationship between groups of political actors.

The unresolved question of nationhood, a warped vision of public service, an alienated political system, and an ambivalent political culture are at the basis of these issues. These issues contributed substantially to the country's political and economic institutions' weaknesses. If national development is to occur, the spirit of nationalism, which has been suppressed by lengthy periods of colonialism, must be resurrected, the political system must be democratized, and an ethic-oriented politics aimed at the people's well-being must emerge. Philippine sovereignty can be preserved, foreign intrusion can be limited, national honor and pride can be restored, and a better society for future generations may be built via these efforts.

This article is a think-piece and a work-in-progress. In this paper, I introduce a four-sector model of the Philippine political economy that only characterizes its principal features and also suggests the possibilities for future change. The Philippine political economy is composed of four— formal, informal, criminal, and war—economies, with these categories understood as Weberian ideal types. Qua ideal types, these economic sectors can be construed either as separate spheres of distinct economic activities or as interlocking sets of economic actors that could possibly undertake all four kinds of economic activity. The article also inquires into the variables affecting the size of each economic sphere. It suggests that the dynamics of the model depend largely on the strategic direction of specific economic actors. The proposed model seeks to complement and not replace existing theories on the Philippine political economy. It is presented in its rudimentary form to solicit comments regarding its robustness and if a respectable research program can emanate from it.

This article explains how colonial and indigenous influences have shaped local power structure in the Philippines by looking at features of colonial and governing systems that have developed over time. The following periodisation is referred to: Spanish Colonisation (1521–1896); the Revolutionary Government (1896–1902) including the Filipino-American War (1898–1902); American Colonisation (1902–1935); Philippine Commonwealth (1935–1945) including Japanese occupation during World War II (1941–1945); the Independent Republic (1946–1972); Dictatorship (1972–1981); and Redemocratisation (1986–1991). Throughout the history of the Philippines, power structure inequality has characterised the political process, preserving the interests of the elite. Patterns of inquality, traditionally based on ownership and accumulation of land, can be traced to Spanish colonial rule when control over farmlands was concentrated within the principalia. Moreover, elite domination of electoral office had historically been assured through limiting suffrage to the educated and landowners. With monetisation of the economy in urban centers, patronage systems have been eroded but elites now use other tools, including coercion, to secure their place. Even in contemporary times, patterns of elite domination persist through democratisation efforts, effecting the rule of what could be considered an “elite” democracy in the country to

Beyond the Crisis: A Strategic Agenda for the Next President, 2022

The paper is a concise assessment and snapshot of Philippine governance under seven (7) presidents covering more than five (5) decades. It is hoped that the limitation of space and time does not render injustice in gauging the state of political governance in the country. The appraisal encompasses key governance areas, among others: transparency and accountability; electoral politics; political party system; political participation; and populist politics. The essay contends the following: the lengthy absence or inadequate mechanism and national policies in addressing transparency and accountability has not controlled nor resolved corruption in government; the country’s political institutions have been corroded by personality-based governance; political party system has been weakened by dynastic and clan-based electoral politics and non-principle/ideological based political parties; political participation has been hijacked by patronage politics and elitism; and populist politics has threatened and restricted rather than expanded democratic rule. Unless structural, political, and electoral reforms leading to a more empowered government structure, democratized electoral system, principle-and-ideologically based political party system, participative and dynamic civil society, and holistic governance are consistently and unswervingly instituted, society would consequently steer towards political decay and insulate the nation-state from the people it serves.

Well over a decade has passed since the dramatic 'People Power Revolution' in Manila, yet until now no book-length study has emerged to examine the manifold changes underway in the Philippines in the post-Marcos era. This book fills that gap. Philippine Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century offers historical depth and sophisticated theoretical insight into contemporary life in the archipelago. Organised as a set of interrelated thematic essays rather than a chronological account, the book addresses key topics which will be of interest to the academic and non-academic reader, such as trends in national-level and local politics, the role of ethnic-Chinese capital in the Philippine economy, nationalism and popular culture, and various forms of political violence and extra-electoral contestation. Drawing on a wide variety of primary and secondary sources, as well as over a decade of research and work in the area, Hedman and Sidel provide an invaluable overview of the contemporary and historical scene of a much misunderstood part of Southeast Asia. This book fills an important gap in the literature for readers interested in understanding the Philippines as well as students of Asian studies, comparative politics, political economy and cultural studies.

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