essay on social habits

Harnessing the power of habits

The Habit Lab at the University of Southern California explores how we form habits and how we can change unwanted ones

Vol. 51, No. 8 Print version: page 78

• Personality

Would you eat a bucket of popcorn without salt and butter? What if it were stale? Sounds unappetizing, but you’re much more likely to chow down without thinking about the taste if the environmental context is just right for popcorn munching, say in a darkened movie theater ( Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin , Vol. 37, No. 11, 2011). The critical role of context is just one of the many facets of habitual behavior that Wendy Wood, PhD, a psychologist at the University of Southern California (USC), has illuminated throughout her decades-long career exploring how and why people fall back into old habits, how good patterns help people meet goals and how to change unwanted habits.

Many of the actions people engage in daily—such as shopping, exercising (or not) and communicating with others—are habitual, and thus can be difficult to change. Among Wood’s findings is that a stunning 43% of everyday actions are enacted habitually while people are thinking about something else ( Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , Vol. 83, No. 6, 2002).

“We think we do most things because we make decisions or we’re asserting willpower, but instead our research shows that a lot of human behavior is repeated often enough in the same context to form habits,” Wood says.

In addition to investigating the foundations of habit formation in the lab and in real-life situations, Wood and the members of the Wood Habit Lab at USC have advised the National Academy of Sciences on how to encourage health-protective behaviors during the COVID-19 pandemic, worked with the World Bank on a project to change centuries-old bathroom habits to improve public health and counseled Fortune 500 companies on the best practices for changing consumers’ purchasing habits.

“The work in Wendy’s lab sits in a sweet spot between rigorous experimental lab work and more applied field studies that allow you to see how people’s unconscious processes actually play out in the real world in very concrete ways,” says David Neal, PhD, a former postdoctoral researcher in Wood’s lab and one of several Habit Lab members who have gone on to work in the private sector.

Ultimately, the goal of the lab is understanding how to harness the power of repeated actions.

“The cognitive revolution led people to focus on motivation, goals, cognitive practices, how people think,” Wood says. “But we’re finally seeing the limits of thoughts and feelings, and we’re starting, as a discipline, to realize that how people actually act day in, day out is also quite important.”

The role of context

Wood got her start studying habits in an indirect way—she was initially studying attitude change and how to influence people to adopt new views of the world under the supervision of psychologist Alice Eagly, PhD, at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. Wood’s early work with Eagly on attitude change would give rise to her interest in why people’s behavior seems to have a different logic than what people say, believe and feel. “I became fascinated by why changing attitudes doesn’t always lead to a change in behavior,” Wood says. “One answer is habits—how they keep us persisting in old actions—and how people underestimate the role of habits in their daily lives.”

During her time as a faculty member at Texas A&M University, Wood and her former graduate student Judith Ouellette conducted a meta-analysis of research on habits and intentions that was both formative for Wood’s later research and easily her most highly cited article to date. They demonstrated that when a person repeats a behavior often enough, the behavior becomes habitual and their intentions really don’t matter all that much ( Psychological Bulletin , Vol. 124, No. 1, 1998). People can intend to do all kinds of things—exercise and eat lots of fruits and vegetables—but in the end, their behavior primarily is cued by performance contexts and therefore has a different causal source than their thoughts, intentions and beliefs. “That study suggested a split between the processes that guide our attitudes and the ones that guide our behaviors,” Wood says.

At Duke University, Wood and her students observed that habits are learned associations between responses and aspects of the context under which the responses are performed, such as the physical location and preceding actions ( Journal of Experimental Social Psychology , Vol 48. No. 2, 2012 ). Wood and her team have also noticed that habits are not readily changed by changing minds, as evidenced by failures of information campaigns such as the food pyramid and daily ozone warnings to change people’s habits around eating or spending time outdoors, respectively ( Journal of Public Policy & Marketing , Vol. 25, No. 1, 2006). Instead, habits can be broken by controlling the cues that trigger behavior. For example, changes to one’s circumstances (e.g., taking a different route to work) can change context cues and lead to disruption of habits (e.g., stopping for a daily iced coffee fix on the way to the office) ( Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , Vol. 88, No. 6, 2005).

Wood and her team have also found that familiar cues in performance contexts direct behavior when people are too distracted or too tired to think of an appropriate response ( Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , Vol. 104, No. 6, 2013). “When people are maxed out, they don’t have a lot of willpower left over to make effortful decisions and they resort to acting out of habit, often in response to context cues,” Neal says. This isn’t always a bad thing, Neal points out, because during times of low resources, people turn to both bad (e.g., stress eating) and good (e.g., daily exercise routines) habits.

A critical context cue is location, and the more often a behavior occurs within a certain location, the stronger a habit can become. In one Habit Lab study, led by graduate student Asaf Mazar, Wood and her students interviewed diners at the USC dining commons, and in some conditions the interviewer drank a lot of water, and in other conditions they drank very little. They found that diners who reported regularly drinking water in the commons did so regardless of what the interviewer did. But people who didn’t have a strong habit to drink water in the dining commons were very influenced by how much the interviewer drank. “This observation shows that habits can persist regardless of social influences when you’re in the context that you’ve performed the habit before,” Wood says of the soon-to-be-published study.

Mazar is also exploring ways to disrupt social media use habits by creating friction on the automatic behavior of flipping through a smartphone by moving around the icons to launch certain apps or requiring passwords to use those apps.

Putting research into action

Wood has been working with government agencies, nonprofits and industry to apply her knowledge of habits to help shape people’s behavior, whether it’s to benefit public health or to help companies improve their marketing strategies.

Wood has worked with Procter & Gamble to leverage insight about consumers’ habits to encourage them to use a new product. “One of the challenges in introducing new products is not that people don’t like them,” Wood says. “It’s just that they already have habits for using competing products.”

Wood, Neal and their colleagues found that old habits could be overcome if the new products were designed to be integrated into those old habits ( Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science , Vol. 45, 2017). One example from their study involved getting participants to incorporate a “fabric refresher” into their laundry routines by using a sniff test to determine if their clothes were smelly, but instead of just re-wearing or washing as was their usual habit, they followed a plan to use the refresher.

“Working on this project was my first exposure to the idea that you could run rigorous academic studies published in collaboration with a company funding the research,” says Neal, who cites the experience as the stepping-stone for launching a psychological science consulting business.

Other members of the Habit Lab have also gone on to work in industry, including at an environmental science firm, a hand sanitizer manufacturer and a digital media player manufacturer. “A number of my students take jobs in industry simply because there’s a great deal of interest in habit; for example, how to get consumers to form habits and what kinds of products are habit-forming,” Wood says.

As another example of applied research, the World Bank asked Wood and Neal to help encourage home toilet and community latrine usage in India, where open defecation is still a major health concern. “The World Bank engineers built the toilets and latrines, but when they left, no one wanted to use them,” Wood says. “They just didn’t have a bathroom habit and they continued to defecate in their fields.”

Wood, Neal and others delivered a white paper (“Nudging and Habit Change for Open Defecation: New Tactics From Behavioral Science,” World Bank, 2016) consisting of a framework of eight principles to support the use of toilets or latrines. The principles highlighted the value of nudges and other tactics that bypass rational thinking, such as the “No Toilet, No Bride” media campaign. “The idea was that having a toilet is almost part of the dowry,” Neal says.

Researchers in the Habit Lab are also working with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to increase people’s participation in pre-diabetes control programs. Wood also recently wrote a brief and appeared in a webinar for the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine, advising communities on how to encourage COVID-19-prevention behaviors such as wearing a mask and practicing social distancing.

Research for the public

After years of being asked for advice—from friends, family, colleagues and strangers—about how to break bad habits or maintain new ones, Wood recently began looking for ways to more widely communicate her decades of research on how habits shape our lives to help people help themselves. The early results were op-eds in The New York Times about keeping New Year’s resolutions and in The Washington Post about the top habit myths, and near-daily tweets that describe recent habit research in terms laypeople can understand and act on.

In addition, Wood has been making the rounds on a variety of behavioral science podcasts— including The Happiness Lab, The Hidden Brain, and Choiceology—to pull back the curtain on habitual behaviors and encourage more researchers to pursue this topic.

She also wrote a popular press book, “Good Habits, Bad Habits: The Science of Making Positive Changes That Stick,” to give readers evidence-based guidance on how to form good habits.

“Everyone is interested in habits in their own lives, but I hadn’t seen habit research getting out there into the public realm,” Wood says. “The science of habit is finally beginning to reveal why we have been unable to change our own behavior and, even better, the discoveries we are making are helping people craft plans that bring lasting change to their lives.”

Further reading

The Pull of the Past: When Do Habits Persist Despite Conflict With Motives? Neal, D., et al. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin , 2011

How Do People Adhere to Goals When Willpower is Low? The Profits (and Pitfalls) of Strong Habits Neal, D., et al. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 2013

Habit Slips: When Consumers Unintentionally Resist New Products Labrecque, J., et al. Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science , 2017

“Lab Work” illuminates the work of psychologists in research labs. To read previous installments, go to the  Monitor and search for “Lab Work .”

Recommended Reading

Research foci.

The Habit Lab at the University of Southern California is exploring:

• How people form habits and change unwanted ones
• The role context plays in shaping and maintaining habits
• How adding “friction” to a behavior will make it less likely to occur

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Habit by Antti Gronow LAST REVIEWED: 28 November 2016 LAST MODIFIED: 28 November 2016 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0186

The concept of habit refers to routine behavior which is based on repeated exposure to same kinds of environmental cues. These cues lead to an automatic association with the cue and the behavior that follows irrespective of whether a desired goal is reached. The basic idea thus is that when actions are repeated often enough, they tend to habituate and routinize, which takes them out of the spotlight of conscious reflection. Instead of conscious intentions, contextual cues become important because they activate the related habit. Habits can be explicitly taught or implicitly learned but often a combination of both kinds of incorporation is involved. Habits have been studied in psychology since the end of the 19th century. The stimulus–response model of classical behaviorism comes close to the idea of habits, as both contain the idea that action results from responses to environmental stimuli. However, classical behaviorism denied that inner motivational states, such as valued goals, would have any role in explaining behavior, whereas most contemporary psychologists and cognitive scientists think that habits refer to inner dispositions rather than their overt manifestations. The latter are sometimes called routines to distinguish overt behavior from inner dispositions. Whether habits are dispositions or routines may sound like hair splitting but treating habits as the dispositions that give rise to (or may fail to do so) routine behavior leaves the door open for the option that habits do not cease to exist when their manifestation is blocked for some reason. The can still exist as potentialities for action, waiting for the right environmental conditions to activate themselves. The concept of habit has traditionally also figured in philosophy and more recently in social sciences. Psychological discussions often focus on the ways in which habits reveal the workings of the unconscious, whereas social scientists are keener on analyzing the role of habits in the reproduction of social structures. For social scientists and social theorists, this kind of analysis makes it possible to take into account both the bodily basis of action and the fundamental sociality of our being. Sociological and anthropological perspective on habits underscore enculturation and socialized dispositions. The concept of habit is accordingly used to show how collectively held culture is linked to individual action. Popular science also refers to the idea of habits—often discussing ways to get rid of so-called bad habits.

The theme of habits is probably too specific to draw the attention of book-length academic discussions or journals that would be exclusively devoted to the topic. However, the situation is somewhat different in the field of popular science. The following articles do a good job in highlighting different aspects of habits. Camic 1986 is almost a classical statement on the way in which the concept has figured in sociology. According to Camic, the meaning of habit refers to a continuum: on the lower levels one finds dispositions to perform elementary and specific activities, whereas on the upper reaches habits relate to conduct of life and/or the idea of character. Neal, et al. 2006 gives a short overview of the issues involved from the view of psychologists. Kilpinen 2009 outlines the terrain when the concept of habit is taken as formative for action and social theory.

Camic, Charles. 1986. The matter of habit. American Journal of Sociology 91:1039–1087.

DOI: 10.1086/228386

This article is a thorough review of the history of the habit concept in social sciences. It shows that classical sociologists referred to habits (although not very often). The concept was eventually written out of the history of social theory by Talcott Parsons. The main reason for this loss had to do with an exaggerated aversion to behaviorism.

Kilpinen, Erkki. 2009. The habitual conception of action and social theory. Semiotica 173:99–128.

An insightful discussion on the social sharing of habits. Kilpinen argues that rather than viewing habits and practices as something that one possesses as an individual, it is more fruitful to follow a participatory notion: habits are not necessarily exactly similar for everyone involved in a social activity. Rather, a working agreement about the basics of the activity is more to the point.

Neal, David T., Wendy Wood, and Jeffrey M. Quinn. 2006. Habits—A repeat performance. Current Directions in Psychological Science 15:198–202.

DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8721.2006.00435.x

This is a short and general introduction into the psychological mechanisms behind habitual responses. Based on empirical evidence, the authors conclude that especially the direct-context-cuing model receives support. This model argues that a repeated co-activation of a particular context and the representation of a response forge a direct link in memory, thus leading to the formation of a habit.

Sparrow, Tom, and Adam Hutchinson, eds. 2015. A history of habit. From Aristotle to Bourdieu . Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.

A collection of articles rather than a systematic presentation of the history of the idea of habits. The book includes chapters on the philosophical forefathers of the idea (Aquinas, Montaigne, Hume, etc.) and also chapters on more modern authors, such as Dewey and Bourdieu. The psychological side of things seems a bit underrepresented.

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Essay on Social Behaviour

Students are often asked to write an essay on Social Behaviour in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Social Behaviour

What is social behavior.

Social behavior refers to actions and interactions between individuals in a group or society. It includes how people communicate, cooperate, and respond to each other in various social situations.

Importance of Social Behavior

Social behavior helps maintain order and stability in communities. It allows us to understand and predict the actions of others, which makes it easier to work together and avoid conflicts. It also contributes to our sense of belonging and well-being.

Factors Influencing Social Behavior

Social behavior is influenced by various factors such as cultural norms, beliefs, values, and expectations. It can also be affected by individual characteristics like personality, emotions, and experiences.

Social Norms

Social norms are unwritten rules and expectations that guide our behavior in society. They vary across cultures and groups and help maintain order and predictability.

Cooperation and Conflict

Communication.

Effective communication is crucial for successful social interactions. It involves expressing thoughts, ideas, and emotions clearly and understanding others’ messages accurately.

Social behavior is complex and influenced by numerous factors. It plays a vital role in maintaining order, cooperation, and communication within societies and groups.

250 Words Essay on Social Behaviour

Social behavior refers to how people interact with each other in their social groups, and it is a complex and multifaceted concept. People interact through verbal, physical, and nonverbal communication.

Types of Social Behavior

There are many different types of social behavior, including cooperation, competition, aggression, altruism, and conformity. Cooperation occurs when individuals work together to achieve a common goal. Competition, on the other hand, involves individuals competing against each other for resources or status. Aggression is the intentional infliction of harm on another individual, while altruism involves helping another individual without expecting anything in return. Conformity refers to the tendency for people to adopt the beliefs and behaviors of the group they belong to.

Social behavior is essential for the functioning of society. It allows individuals to cooperate, share resources, and work together to achieve common goals. It also helps to maintain social order and regulate behavior. Without social behavior, society would be chaotic and it would be difficult for people to survive.

Social behavior is a complex and fascinating phenomenon that has been studied by social scientists for centuries. It is essential for the functioning of society and allows individuals to interact with each other in a meaningful way. Social behavior is influenced by a variety of factors, including culture, personality, and social norms.

500 Words Essay on Social Behaviour

What is social behaviour.

Social behaviour refers to the way people act and interact with each other in different social situations. It encompasses how we communicate, cooperate, and resolve conflicts with others. Understanding social behaviour is crucial for building harmonious relationships and functioning effectively in society.

Types of Social Behaviour

Factors influencing social behaviour, importance of social behaviour.

Social behaviour is crucial for various reasons:

Social behaviour is a complex and dynamic aspect of human life. Understanding social behaviour helps us navigate social situations, build meaningful relationships, and contribute positively to society. As individuals, we should strive to engage in positive social behaviours that promote cooperation, empathy, and understanding.

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Article contents

Habit formation and behavior change.

• Benjamin Gardner Benjamin Gardner Department of Psychology, King's College London
•  and  Amanda L. Rebar Amanda L. Rebar Department of Human, Health, and Social Sciences, Central Queensland University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.129
• Published online: 26 April 2019

Within psychology, the term habit refers to a process whereby contexts prompt action automatically, through activation of mental context–action associations learned through prior performances. Habitual behavior is regulated by an impulsive process, and so can be elicited with minimal cognitive effort, awareness, control, or intention. When an initially goal-directed behavior becomes habitual, action initiation transfers from conscious motivational processes to context-cued impulse-driven mechanisms. Regulation of action becomes detached from motivational or volitional control. Upon encountering the associated context, the urge to enact the habitual behavior is spontaneously triggered and alternative behavioral responses become less cognitively accessible.

By virtue of its cue-dependent automatic nature, theory proposes that habit strength will predict the likelihood of enactment of habitual behavior, and that strong habitual tendencies will tend to dominate over motivational tendencies. Support for these effects has been found for many health-related behaviors, such as healthy eating, physical activity, and medication adherence. This has stimulated interest in habit formation as a behavior change mechanism: It has been argued that adding habit formation components into behavior change interventions should shield new behaviors against motivational lapses, making them more sustainable in the long-term. Interventions based on the habit-formation model differ from non-habit-based interventions in that they include elements that promote reliable context-dependent repetition of the target behavior, with the aim of establishing learned context–action associations that manifest in automatically cued behavioral responses. Interventions may also seek to harness these processes to displace an existing “bad” habit with a “good” habit.

Research around the application of habit formation to health behavior change interventions is reviewed, drawn from two sources: extant theory and evidence regarding how habit forms, and previous interventions that have used habit formation principles and techniques to change behavior. Behavior change techniques that may facilitate movement through discrete phases in the habit formation trajectory are highlighted, and techniques that have been used in previous interventions are explored based on a habit formation framework. Although these interventions have mostly shown promising effects on behavior, the unique impact on behavior of habit-focused components and the longevity of such effects are not yet known. As an intervention strategy, habit formation has been shown to be acceptable to intervention recipients, who report that through repetition, behaviors gradually become routinized. Whether habit formation interventions truly offer a route to long-lasting behavior change, however, remains unclear.

• automaticity
• behavior change
• dual process

What Are Habits and Habitual Behaviors ?

Everyday behaviors shape human health. Many of the dominant causes of death, including heart disease, diabetes, cancer, chronic lower respiratory diseases, and stroke, are preventable (World Health Organization, 2017 ). Adopting health-promoting behaviors such as eating more healthily or increasing physical activity may improve quality of life, physical and mental health, and extend lives (Aune et al., 2017 ; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014 ; Rebar et al., 2015 ; World Health Organization, 2015 ). For some behaviors, one performance is sufficient to attain desired health outcomes; a single vaccination, for example, can yield immunity to disease (e.g., Harper et al., 2004 ). For many behaviors, however, achieving meaningful health outcomes depends on repeated performance: Going for a run once, for example, will not achieve the same health benefits as regular activity over a prolonged period (Erikssen et al., 1998 ). In such instances, behavior change must be viewed as a long-term process, which can be conceptually separated into stages of initiation and maintenance (Prochaska & DiClemente, 1986 ; Rothman, 2000 ). This distinction is important from a practical perspective because while people may possess the capability, opportunity, and motivation to initiate behavior change (Michie, van Stralen, & West, 2011 ), they often fail to maintain it over time, lapsing back into old patterns of behavior (Dombrowski, Knittle, Avenell, Araujo-Soares, & Sniehotta, 2014 ). Some have attributed this to changes in motivation after initial experiences of action (Armitage, 2005 ; Rothman, 2000 ). People may overestimate the likelihood of positive outcomes or the valence of such outcomes, or they may fail to anticipate negative outcomes (Rothman, 2000 ). Alternatively, a newly adopted behavior may lose value and so become deprioritized over time. Motivation losses threaten to derail initially successful behavior change attempts.

Habit formation has attracted special attention as a potential mechanism for behavior change maintenance (Rothman, Sheeran, & Wood, 2009 ; Verplanken & Wood, 2006 ) because habitual behaviors are thought to be protected against any dips in conscious motivation. Viewing habit as a means to maintenance may seem truistic; in everyday discourse, a habit is an action done repetitively and frequently, and so making action habitual will necessarily entail maintenance. Within psychology, however, the term habit denotes a process whereby exposure to a cue automatically triggers a non-conscious impulse to act due to the activation of a learned association between the cue and the action (Gardner, 2015 ). Habit is learned through “context-dependent repetition” (Lally, van Jaarsveld, Potts, & Wardle, 2010 ): Repeated performance following exposure to a reliably co-occurring cue reinforces mental cue-action associations. As these associations develop, the habitual response gradually becomes the default, with alternative actions becoming less cognitively accessible (Danner, Aarts, & de Vries, 2008 ). Habit is formed when exposure to the cue is sufficient to arouse the impulse to enact the associated behavior without conscious oversight (Gardner, 2015 ; Neal, Wood, Labrecque, & Lally, 2012 ; Wood, Labrecque, Lin, & Rünger, 2014 ). In the absence of stronger influences favoring alternative actions, the habit impulse will translate smoothly and non-consciously into action, and the actor will experience behavior as directly cued by the context (Wood & Neal, 2007 ).

Defining habit as a process that generates behavior breaks with earlier definitions, which depicted habit as a form of behavior (see Gardner, 2015 ). This definition of habit as a process resolves a logical inconsistency that arises from portraying habit as a determinant of behavior (e.g., Hall & Fong, 2007 ; Triandis, 1980 ); as Maddux ( 1997 , pp. 335–336) noted, “a habit cannot be both the behavior and the cause of the behavior.” It also allows for the habit process to manifest in multiple ways for any behavior. A distinction has been drawn between habitually instigated and habitually executed behavior (Gardner, Phillips, & Judah, 2016 ; Phillips & Gardner, 2016 ). Habitual instigation refers to habitual triggering of the selection of an action and a non-conscious commitment to performing it upon encountering a cue that has consistently been paired with the action in the past. Habitual execution refers to habit facilitating completion of the sub-actions that comprise any given action such that the cessation of one action in a sequence automatically triggers the next. Take, for example, “eating a bag of chips.” While people typically mentally represent this activity as a single unit of action (Wegner, Connally, Shearer, & Vallacher, 1983 , cited in Vallacher & Wegner, 1987 ), it can be deconstructed into a series of discrete sub-actions (e.g., “opening bag,” “putting hand in bag,” “putting food in mouth,” “chewing,” “swallowing”; Cooper & Shallice, 2000 ). “Eating a bag of chips” is habitually instigated to the extent that the actor is automatically cued to select “eating chips” from available behavioral options. This may also activate the first sub-action in the sequence (“opening bag”). “Eating a bag of chips” is habitually executed to the extent that the cessation of, for example, “putting my hand in the bag” habitually cues “putting food in mouth,” the cessation of which habitually cues “chewing,” and so on, until the perceptually unitary action (“eating a bag of chips”) is complete. 1 The term habitual behavior describes any action that is either instigated or executed habitually. This includes actions that are habitually instigated but non-habitually executed (e.g., habitually triggered to begin eating a bag of chips, but deliberates about how many chips to put in mouth), non-habitually instigated but habitually executed (e.g., consciously decides to eat a bag of chips, but habitually puts the chips in mouth, chews, and swallows), or both habitually instigated and habitually executed (e.g., habitually starts eating chips, and habitually puts them in mouth, chews, and swallows; Gardner, 2015 ). This description allows for a behavior to be habitual, yet not fully automated (see Aarts, Paulussen, & Schaalma, 1997 ; Marien, Custers, & Aarts, 2019 ) and better resonates with everyday experiences of complex health behaviors such as physical activity, which may be partly habit-driven, yet also require conscious oversight to be successfully completed (Rhodes & Rebar, 2019 ).

Habit has been implicated in behaviors across a range of domains, including media consumption (LaRose, 2010 ), purchasing patterns (Ji & Wood, 2007 ), environmentally relevant actions (Kurz, Gardner, Verplanken, & Abraham, 2014 ), and health behaviors. Studies have pointed to a multitude of health-related actions that may potentially be performed habitually, including dietary consumption (Adriaanse, Kroese, Gillebaart, & De Ridder, 2014 ), physical activity (Rebar, Elavsky, Maher, Doerksen, & Conroy, 2014 ), medication adherence (Hoo, Boote, Wildman, Campbell, & Gardner, 2017 ), handwashing (Aunger et al., 2010 ), and dental hygiene (Wind, Kremers, Thijs, & Brug, 2005 ). Habit strength is consistently found to correlate positively with behavioral frequency (Gardner, de Bruijn, & Lally, 2011 ; Rebar et al., 2016 ) and may bridge the “gap” between intention and behavior, though there are varying accounts regarding interplay between habits and intentions in regulating behavior. Some have argued that people are more likely to act on intentions when they have habits for doing so (Rhodes & de Bruijn, 2013 ). When motivation is momentarily low upon encountering associated contexts, habit may translate into performance despite motivational lapses. In this way, habit has been proposed to represent a form of self-control, protecting regularly performed behaviors that are desired in the longer-term against shorter-term motivation losses (Galla & Duckworth, 2015 ). Other studies have suggested that habit can direct action despite intentions not to act (Neal, Wood, Wu, & Kurlander, 2011 ; Orbell & Verplanken, 2010 ; but see Rebar et al., 2014 ). For example, one study showed that United Kingdom smokers with habits for smoking while drinking alcohol reported “action slips” after the introduction of a smoking ban in public houses; despite intending to adhere to the ban, several reporting “finding themselves” beginning to light up cigarettes while consuming alcohol (Orbell & Verplanken, 2010 ). These two perspectives concur in highlighting the potential for habit to override conscious motivational tendencies. Such effects may be attributable to habitual instigation rather than execution (Gardner et al., 2016 ); someone who is habitually prompted to act is more likely to frequently perform those actions and to do so without relying on intention.

The effects of habit—or more specifically, instigation habit (Gardner et al., 2016 )—have important implications for behavior maintenance. By virtue of their cue-dependent, automatic nature (Orbell & Verplanken, 2010 ), habitually instigated behaviors should, in theory, persist even when they no longer serve the goal that initially motivated performance, or where motivation has eroded (Wood & Neal, 2007 ). For example, a person starting a new job out of town may consistently decide to commute by bicycle, which will likely create a habit for bicycle commuting whereby the workday morning context automatically prompts bicycle use without any deliberation over available alternatives (Verplanken, Aarts, Knippenberg, & Moonen, 1998 ). This may, however, lead to instances whereby the commuter “accidentally” uses the bicycle out of habit, despite, for example, knowing of road closures that will slow the journey and which would render alternative transport modes preferable (see Verplanken, Aarts, & Van Knippenberg, 1997 ). This example demonstrates several key features of habitual responses: learning via consistent pairing of cues (e.g., 8 a.m. on a workday) and action (selecting the bicycle); cue-dependent automaticity (using the bicycle at 8 a.m. on a workday without deliberation); and goal-independence, persisting even where an actor no longer has the motivation to act or is motivated to act in another way (e.g., when roads are closed). It also demonstrates how habit formation can maintain behavior by “locking in” new behaviors, protecting them against losses in conscious motivation. Habit development may also play a useful role in cessation of unwanted behaviors. Many ingrained behaviors—for example, eating high-calorie snacks—persist because they have become habitual and so are difficult to change. The lack of reliance on conscious intentions that is characteristic of habitual behavior, and which is thought to protect new behaviors against motivation losses, makes it difficult to break unwanted habits despite strong intentions to do so (Webb & Sheeran, 2006 ). While habit formation per se is not a sufficient strategy for “giving up” an unwanted behavior, behavior change can be made easier by seeking to form a new (“good”) habit in place of the old (“bad”) habit, rather than attempting only to inhibit the unwanted action (Adriaanse, van Oosten, de Ridder, de Wit, & Evers, 2011 ). Indeed, in the real world, habit development often involves displacing existing actions with more desirable alternatives such as eating healthy snacks in place of higher-calorie foods (Lally, Wardle, & Gardner, 2011 ; McGowan et al., 2013 ). Such “habit substitution” can take one of two basic forms, involving either avoidance of cues to the unwanted action or the development of new responses that compete with the unwanted habitual response. The “habit discontinuity hypothesis” speaks to the former of these, arguing that naturally occurring disruption of contexts—such as a residential relocation, for example—discontinues exposure to old habit cues (Walker, Thomas, & Verplanken, 2015 ). This represents an opportunity for people to act on their conscious motivation in response to newly encountered cues, and so to develop new, potentially more desirable habitual responses such as using active travel modes in place of more sedentary travel options like driving (Verplanken & Roy, 2016 ). Bad habits offer established cue-response structures that can hasten learning of new, good habits. Thus, where discontinued cue exposure is not feasible, people may seek to develop new cue-behavior associations to compete with and ultimately override old associations (Bouton, 2000 ; Walker et al., 2015 ). For example, people wishing to reduce habitual unhealthy snacking may form plans that dictate that when they are watching television and wish to snack (cue), they will eat fruit (new, desired behavior) instead of high-calorie foods (undesired, habitual behavior; e.g., Adriaanse, Gollwitzer, De Ridder, De Wit, & Kroese, 2011 ). In both instances of discontinued cue exposure and the adoption of competing responses to existing cues, the development of new habit associations and the decaying (or deprioritizing) of old habit associations are thought to occur concurrently (Adriaanse et al., 2011 ; Walker et al., 2015 ; Wood & Neal, 2007 ).

How Does Habit Form?

There have been calls for habit formation, whether focused solely on establishing new actions or displacing unwanted actions, to be adopted as an explicit goal for behavior change interventions (Rothman et al., 2009 ; Verplanken & Wood, 2006 ). Developing effective habit formation interventions requires an understanding of how habit forms.

The concept of behavior as an automatic response to covarying contextual cues, directed by learned cue-action associations, is rooted in behaviorist principles and studies of animal learning (e.g., Hull, 1943 ; Skinner, 1938 ; Thorndike, 1911 ). For example, in his maze-learning studies, Tolman ( 1932 ) noted that his rats, having repeatedly run down the route at the end of which was a food reward, continued to pursue that route even when the reward was removed. Adams ( 1982 ) trained rats to press a lever in a cage so as to receive intermittently delivered sucrose pellets. After receiving a lithium chloride injection that caused ingestion of the sucrose to induce nausea, those rats that were more highly trained (i.e., had pressed and received the sucrose reward a greater number of times in the training phase) were likely to persist longer in pressing the lever. Of course, unlike rats, humans possess the cognitive capacity to anticipate and reflect on their actions, and health-related behaviors among humans are inherently more complex than selecting maze routes or pressing levers. Yet, homologous neural processes are implicated in the acquisition and practice of habitual responses in rats and humans (Balleine & O’Doherty, 2010 ), and, like rats, people can acquire habitual behavioral responses despite a lack of insight into those behaviors or the associations that govern their performance (Bayley, Frascino, & Squire, 2005 ).

The route to human habit formation is conceptually simple: A behavior must be repeatedly performed in the presence of a cue or set of cues (i.e., context) so that cue-behavior associations may develop. For behaviors that are initially purposeful and goal-directed, the habit-formation process represents a period of transition whereby behavioral regulation transfers from a reflective and deliberative processing system to an impulsive system, which generates action rapidly and automatically based solely on activation of associative stores of knowledge (Strack & Deutsch, 2004 ). While there has been much lab-based research into the learning of relatively simple habitual responses in humans (e.g., button pressing; Webb, Sheeran, & Luszczynska, 2009 ), only relatively recently have studies focused on formation of real-world health-related habits (Fournier et al., 2017 ; Judah, Gardner, & Aunger, 2013 ; Lally et al., 2010 ). This work has largely been facilitated by the development of the Self-Report Habit Index (SRHI; Verplanken & Orbell, 2003 ), which affords reflections on the “symptoms” of habit, such as repetitive performance, mental efficiency, and lack of awareness.

Lally et al.’s ( 2010 ) seminal habit formation study used an SRHI sub-scale to assess the trajectory of the relationship between repetition and habit development among 96 participants for a 12-week period. They were instructed to perform a self-chosen physical activity or diet-related behavior (e.g., “going for a walk”) in response to a naturally occurring once-daily cue (e.g., “after breakfast”). Each day, they reported whether they had performed the action on the previous day, and if so, rated the experienced automaticity of its performance. Habit development within individuals was found to be most accurately depicted by an asymptotic curve, with early repetitions achieving sharpest habit gains, which later slowed to a plateau. The level at which habit peaked differed across participants, with some reportedly attaining scores at the high end of the automaticity index and others peaking below the scale mean. This plateau was reached at a median of 66 days post-baseline, though there was considerable between-person variation in the time taken to reach the plateau (18–254 days, the latter a statistical forecast assuming continued performance beyond the study period). These findings were echoed in a study of adoption of a novel stretching behavior (Fournier et al., 2017 ). Once-daily performance was found to yield asymptotic increases in self-reported habit strength. Habit plateaued at a median of 106 days for a group that performed the stretch every morning upon waking, and 154 days for those who stretched in the evening before bed, which the authors interpreted as evidence of the role of cortisol (which naturally peaks in the morning) in habit learning.

These studies reveal that habit development is not linear; if this were so, the fourth repetition of a behavior would have the same reinforcing impact on habit as would, say, the 444th. Rather, the asymptotic growth curve demonstrates that initial repetitions have the greatest impact on habit development. This in turn demands that the habit formation process be broken down into discrete phases and that the early phase, characterized by the sharpest gains in automaticity, may be a critical period during which people require most support to sustain motivation before the action becomes automatic (Gardner, Lally, & Wardle, 2012 ). Lally and Gardner ( 2013 ) have proposed a framework that organizes habit formation (and substitution) into four interlinked phases (see also Gardner & Lally, 2019 ). It argues that, for new behaviors initially driven by conscious motivation, habit forms when a person (1) makes a decision to act and (2) acts on his or her decision (3) repeatedly, (4) in a manner conducive to the development of cue-behavior associations. Phases 1 and 2 may be taken together to represent pre-initiation, occurring before the first enactment of the new behavior, whereas phases 3 and 4 are post-initiation phases, addressing the motivational and volitional elements needed to sustain behavior after initial performance (phase 3) and the effect of repetition on habit associations (phase 4) (see also Kuhl, 1984 ; Rhodes & de Bruijn, 2013 ; Rothman, 2000 ). Phase 3 captures the critical period after initiation but before habit strength has peaked (Fournier et al., 2017 ; Lally et al., 2010 ).

The framework is not intended as a theory or model of the habit formation process, but rather as a means to conceptually organize the processes and mechanisms that underpin habit development. According to the framework, any variable can promote habit formation in one or more of four ways: It may enhance motivation (phase 1) or action control (i.e., the enactment of intentions into behavior; Kuhl, 1984 ; Rhodes & de Bruijn, 2013 ) (phase 2) so as to initiate the behavior; it may modify motivation and other action control processes to continue to perform the behavior (phase 3); or it may strengthen cue-behavior associations (phase 4). One variable may operate through multiple processes: For example, anticipating pleasure from action can motivate people to perform it for the first time (phase 1) and to continue to perform it (phase 3) (Radel, Pelletier, Pjevac, & Cheval, 2017 ; Rothman et al., 2009 ). The experience of pleasure can also quicken learning of cue-behavior associations (phase 4) (de Wit & Dickinson, 2009 ). By extension, Lally and Gardner’s ( 2013 ) framework categorizes techniques that promote habit formation according to their likely mechanism (or mechanisms) of action; techniques may enhance motivation (phase 1) or action control (phase 2) to initiate change, sustain motivation and action control over time (phase 3), or reinforce cue-behavior associations (phase 4).

Which Behavior Change Techniques Should Be Used to Form Habit?

The most comprehensive taxonomy of behavior change techniques currently available defines habit formation as a discrete technique, which it defines as any effort to “prompt rehearsal and repetition of the behavior in the same context repeatedly so that the context elicits the behaviour” (Michie et al., 2013 , Suppl. Table 3 , p. 10). Yet, this definition incorporates only context-dependent repetition and not any other technique that may promote habit by increasing the likelihood of context-dependent repetition (i.e., promoting motivation or action control; phases 1–3 of Lally and Gardner’s framework) or enhancing the contribution of each repetition to the learning of habit associations (phase 4). Although context-dependent repetition is necessary for habit to form, it realistically requires supplementation with techniques targeting pre- and post-initiation phases en route to habit formation (Gardner Lally, & Wardle, 2012 ). While Michie et al. ( 2013 ) treat habit formation as a unitary technique, habit formation may perhaps be more realistically seen as an intervention approach that comprises a broader suite of techniques, which marry context-dependent repetition with strategies that: reinforce motivation; boost action control capacity, opportunity, or skills; facilitate post-initiation repetition; or quicken the learning of associations arising from repetition.

Theory points to techniques that may facilitate progression through these phases. Intention formation (phase 1 of Lally & Gardner’s [ 2013 ] framework) is likely when people anticipate that the action or its likely consequences will be positive and believe that they have a realistic opportunity and capability to perform the behavior (Ajzen, 1991 ; Bandura, 2001 ; Michie et al., 2011 ; Rogers, 1983 ; Schwarzer, Lippke, & Luszczynska, 2011 ). Providing information on the likely positive consequences of action, or choosing to pursue actions that are already most highly valued, may therefore aid habit development by enhancing motivation. Action control skills are required to initiate intention enactment (phase 2) and to maintain the behavior by consistently prioritizing the intention over competing alternatives (phase 3). This will likely be facilitated by self-regulatory techniques such as planning, setting reminders, self-monitoring, and reviewing goals to ensure they remain realistic and attractive, and receiving (intrinsic) rewards contingent on successful performance (Gardner et al., 2012 ; Lally & Gardner, 2013 ). People are most likely to engage in context-dependent repetition in response to highly salient cues (e.g., event- rather than time-based cues, which likely require conscious monitoring; McDaniel & Einstein, 1993 ). Pairing the action with more frequently and consistently encountered cues may quicken habit learning at phase 4 (Gardner & Lally, 2019 ). Highly specific action plans detailing exactly what will be done and in exactly which situation (i.e., implementation intentions; Gollwitzer, 1999 ) should therefore be conducive to the acquisition of associations (but see Webb et al., 2009 ). Implementation intentions can also facilitate habit substitution: By consistently enacting new, pre-specified cue responses that directly compete with existing habitual responses, such as feeding children water instead of sugary drinks (McGowan et al., 2013 ), new responses may acquire the potential to override and erode old habitual responses (Adriaanse et al., 2011 ). The reinforcing value of repetition may also be strengthened where intrinsic reward is delivered or attention is drawn to an undervalued intrinsic reward arising from action (Radel et al., 2017 ).

Which Behavior Change Techniques Have Been Used to Form Habit, and with What Effect?

While theory can recommend techniques that should be used to promote habit formation, evaluations of habit-based interventions are needed to show which techniques have been used, and with what effect, in real-world behavior change contexts. To this end, a systematic literature search was run to identify habit-based health-promotion interventions and to document the behavior change methods used.

Four psychology and health databases (Embase, Medline, PsycInfo, Web of Science) were searched in March 2018 to identify sources that had cited one of nine key papers about habit and health. These sources were selected to capture topics of habit measurement (Gardner, Abraham, Lally, & de Bruijn, 2012 ; Ouellette & Wood, 1998 ; Verplanken & Orbell, 2003 ), principles and processes of habit formation (Gardner, Lally, & Wardle, 2012 ; Lally & Gardner, 2013 ; Lally et al., 2010 ; Lally et al., 2011 ), and conceptual commentaries (Gardner, 2015 ; Wood & Rünger, 2016 ). Papers were eligible for review if they (a) were published in English, (b) were peer-reviewed, (c) reported primary quantitative or qualitative data, (d) had tested efficacy or effectiveness for changing behavior or habit, (e) used interventions designed to promote habit formation for health behaviors, (f) targeted context-dependent repetition, and (g) were informed by theory or evidence around habit, operationalized as a learned automatic response to contextual cues or a process that generates such responses. Interventions adopted primarily to elucidate the habit formation process (rather than to develop or assess intervention effectiveness; e.g., Judah et al., 2013 ; Lally et al., 2010 ) and any that focused exclusively on breaking existing habits (e.g., Armitage, 2016 ) were excluded. For each eligible intervention, all available material was coded, including linked publications (e.g., protocols), to identify component techniques using the Behavior Change Technique Taxonomy v1 (Michie et al, 2013 ).

Twenty papers, reporting evaluations of 19 interventions, were identified. Four of the 19 interventions represented variants of interventions used elsewhere in the 20 papers. For example, one trial evaluated the same habit-based intervention component in two conditions, which varied only in the frequency of supplementary motivational interviews and booster phone calls (Simpson et al., 2015 ). Thus, the 19 could be reduced to 15 unique habit-based interventions, of which four focused on both dietary and physical activity habits, six on physical activity (or sedentary behavior) only, two on dietary consumption only, two on dental hygiene, and one on food safety. In all of the studies, habit measures were self-reported.

Diet and Physical Activity Interventions

One randomized controlled trial (RCT) compared, in overweight and obese adults, an intervention that included advice on forming and substituting healthy for unhealthy habits, with a non-habit-based intervention that emphasized relationships with food, body image, and weight biases (Carels et al., 2014 ; see also Carels et al., 2011 ). Those in the habit-based intervention received training on changing old routines and developing new ones, including advice on using cues and forming implementation intentions. Both intervention groups received weekly weight assessments and monitored their physical activity, calorie intake, and output. At a 6-month follow-up, both the habit-based ( n = 30) and non-habit intervention groups ( n = 29) were eating a healthier diet, exercising more regularly, and had lost weight. Physical activity habit strengthened and sitting habit weakened in both groups, though no between-group differences were found in weight loss or habit strength.

Lally et al.’s ( 2008 ) “Ten Top Tips” weight loss intervention centered on a leaflet outlining recommendations for forming healthy eating and physical activity habits, as supplemented by a daily adherence monitoring diary. The leaflet included advice on routinization, identifying effective cues, and habit substitution. A small non-randomized trial compared the intervention, augmented with monthly ( n = 35) or weekly weighing ( n = 34), against a no-treatment control. The intervention group lost more weight than the control group at 8 weeks and maintained weight loss at 32 weeks. Scores at 32 weeks suggested the tips had become habitual, and habit change correlated positively with weight loss (Lally et al., 2008 ; see also Lally et al., 2011 ). In a subsequent RCT (Beeken et al., 2012 , 2017 ), intervention recipients ( n = 267) lost more weight at 3 months than did a usual-care group ( n = 270). At 24 months, the intervention group had maintained weight loss, though the usual care group had lost a similar amount of weight. Habit strength, measured only at baseline and 3 months, increased more in the intervention than in the control group (Beeken et al., 2017 ). Weight loss at 3 months was attributable to gains in both habit and self-regulatory skill (Kliemann et al., 2017 ).

Simpson et al.’s ( 2015 ) weight-loss intervention provided participants with motivational advice designed to prompt intention formation, with information about how to form dietary and activity habits, and social support. Two intervention variants, differing according to the frequency of sessions, were evaluated against a minimal-treatment control, which did not feature habit-based advice, in a feasibility RCT among obese patients. Recipients of the more intensive intervention variant ( n = 55) showed greater BMI reduction at a 12-month follow-up than did the less intensive intervention ( n = 55) or control groups ( n = 60). There were no between-group differences at 12 months in physical activity or overall healthy eating, nor were there differences in activity or diet habit scores.

One RCT compared an 8-week computer-tailored intervention designed to reduce cardiovascular risk against a no-treatment control among cardiac and diabetes rehabilitation patients who already intended to increase their activity and fruit and vegetable consumption (Storm et al., 2016 ). The intervention provided information about health risks of inactivity and unhealthy diet and enhancing self-regulatory skills. Immediately following intervention cessation, fruit and vegetable consumption and physical activity habit and behavior scores were greater among the intervention ( n = 403) than control group ( n = 387), but no differences were observed 3 months post-baseline.

Physical Activity and Sedentary Behavior Interventions

An intervention for new gym members promoted habits for both physical activity and preparatory actions for gym attendance (e.g., packing a gym bag; Kaushal, Rhodes, Meldrum, & Spence, 2017 ). Members received advice on how to form habits, including selecting time cues, setting action plans, and using accessories to increase enjoyment and so support cue-consistent performance and foster intrinsic motivation, which theory suggests can strengthen the impact of repetition on habit development (Lally & Gardner, 2013 ). Moderate-to-vigorous physical activity gains, objectively observed at an 8-week follow-up, were greater among intervention recipients ( n = 47) than the no-treatment control group ( n = 47). Habit strength was not assessed.

All 49 participants in Fournier et al.’s ( 2017 ) RCT were given access to twice-weekly, 1-hour tailored physical activity sessions for 28 weeks, with one group ( n = 23) also sent SMS reminders targeting intrinsic motivation and consistent performance to the intervention group to foster habitual attendance. Although physical activity habit strength (assessed using a subscale of the SRHI) increased for both groups immediately post-intervention, the SMS group experienced quicker habit gains. Marginally greater activity was observed in the SMS group at 12 months.

One 4-month intervention for middle- to older-aged adults comprised seven 2-hour group sessions and sought to create new balance and strength exercise habits by recommending small modifications to everyday routines (e.g., placing frequently used items on high shelves to promote stretching to reach them) (Fleig et al., 2016 ; see also Clemson et al., 2012 ). An uncontrolled trial among 13 participants showed that, while there were no apparent changes in objectively measured physical performance, there were considerable habit strength gains for the recommended actions over 6 months. Notably, participants reported in interviews that the exercises had become automatically triggered, yet they performed them consciously, suggesting that the intervention promoted habitual instigation rather than execution.

Another intervention promoting small activity changes in older adulthood was evaluated in two papers (Matei et al., 2015 ; White et al., 2017 ). Drawing on Lally et al.’s ( 2008 ) “Ten Top Tips,” it comprised a leaflet offering recommendations for integrating and substituting light-intensity physical activities into everyday routines, with supplementary self-monitoring record sheets (Gardner, Thune-Boyle, et al., 2014 ). An 8-week uncontrolled trial was undertaken among two discrete samples (Matei et al., 2015 ). No changes were found in sitting time, physical activity, or sitting or physical activity habit among one sample ( n = 16), but a second sample ( n = 27) reported decreased sitting time and increased walking. Qualitative data suggested both groups experienced automaticity gains and some health benefits. A subsequent pilot RCT showed that intervention recipients ( n = 45) experienced no greater change than did a control group ( n = 46) who received a pre-existing fact sheet promoting activity and reducing sitting, but with no habit-based advice (White et al., 2017 ). Both groups reduced sitting time and sitting habit and increased activity and activity habit.

Using an experience sampling design, Luo et al. ( 2018 ) tracked change in standing or moving breaks from sedentary behavior in office workers given 3 weeks of access to automated computer-based reminders to break up sitting, timed to occur based on daily self-selected work and break durations. Although sitting behavior was not monitored, habit strength and self-regulation for taking “moving breaks” during work hours both increased significantly across the study.

Similarly, Pedersen et al. ( 2014 ) evaluated a software package that automatically deactivated desk-based employees’ computer screens every 45 minutes to substitute new physical activity habits for existing prolonged sitting habits. Although all participants received information on the detrimental health impact of sitting and benefits of activity, self-report activity data suggested that those who used the software for 13 weeks ( n = 17) expended greater energy per day than did those not given the software ( n = 17).

Dietary Interventions

One intervention promoted habitual healthy child-feeding practices among parents of children aged 2–6 years (McGowan et al., 2013 ). On each of four occasions over 8 weeks, parents chose to pursue one of four families of habit formation targets (increased feeding of fruit, vegetables, water, and healthy snacks). They received advice on the importance of child dietary consumption and on self-regulatory strategies, including action planning, goal setting, and context-dependent repetition. An RCT showed that intervention parents ( n = 58) reported greater child intake of vegetables, water, and healthy snacks but a waiting-list control group ( n = 68) did not. Habit strength increased for all three behaviors, and a habit score averaged across behaviors correlated with behavior change (McGowan et al., 2013 ; see also Gardner, Sheals, Wardle, & McGowan, 2014 ).

In one RCT, fruit and vegetable consumption changes were compared between participants who received habit-based messages, and those receiving general, non-habit-based tips for increasing consumption or messages about healthy eating more broadly (Rompotis et al., 2014 ). Notably, habit-based messages focused on anticipating stimulus control and environmental modification and on eating the same fruits and vegetables at the same time each day, so targeting both habitual instigation and execution (see Phillips & Gardner, 2016 ). The intervention was delivered via SMS in one set of conditions and email in the other. At 8-weeks post-intervention, both intervention groups (SMS n = 26, email n = 30) had increased fruit consumption and fruit habit strength, but those in all other conditions had not (SMS fruit and vegetable tips, n = 24, SMS healthy eating tips, n = 23; email fruit and vegetable tips, n = 29, email healthy eating n = 29). No effects were found on vegetable consumption or habit.

Oral Hygiene

Two school-based interventions aimed to increase tooth brushing in primary school children. One involved weekly dental hygiene lessons and daily tooth brushing practice time (Gaeta, Cavazos, Cabrera, & Rosário, 2018 ). School visits were also made by health promoters, and a seminar was held for teachers. One control group ( n = 52) received the visits and seminar only, and a second control group ( n = 52) received the seminar only. A quasi-experiment showed that children in the habit-based intervention ( n = 106) and visits-and-seminar control group had less dental plaque, and a stronger tooth brushing habit at 12-week follow-up than did the seminar-only control group. The habit-based intervention group had the lowest plaque.

Wind et al.’s ( 2005 ) intervention also involved allocation of a designated tooth brushing time during the school day and encouragement from teachers. Tooth brushing rates increased in the intervention group ( n = 141) during treatment but not in the control group (the nature of which could not be identified from the published report; n = 155). There were no differences in behavior at 12-months post-intervention nor in habit at any follow-up.

Food Safety

An intervention promoted the microwaving of dishcloths or sponges, for hygiene reasons (Mullan, Allom, Fayn, & Johnston, 2014 ). Recipients received emails and a poster providing instructions on how and why to microwave the dishcloths and sponges, designed to be placed in kitchens to act as a cue to the action. In an RCT, one intervention group was instructed to self-monitor their action, for intervention purposes, every 3 days ( n = 15) and another every 5 days ( n = 17). Relative to those who received an unrelated control treatment ( n = 13), frequency and habit strength increased in the two intervention groups at 3 weeks and was sustained to the final 6-week follow-up.

Behavior Change Techniques Used in Previous Interventions

A total of 32 discrete behavior change techniques were each identified in at least one of the 15 interventions (see Table 1 and Table 2 ). Aside from context-dependent repetition itself—which, as an inclusion criterion, was necessarily present in all interventions—the most commonly used were “use prompts and cues” (present in 11 interventions; 73%), “action planning” (8 interventions; 53%), “provide instruction on how to perform the behavior” (8 interventions; 53%), “set behavioral goals” (8 interventions; 53%), and “self-monitor behavior” (7 interventions; 47%). Also common were “behavioral practice or rehearsal” (6 interventions; 40%), “provide information on health consequences” (6 interventions; 40%), and “problem solving” (5 interventions; 33%). “Behavioral substitution” and habit substitution (labeled “habit reversal” in the taxonomy) were each used in 4 interventions (27%).

Table 1. Behavior Change Techniques Identified in 15 Habit Formation Interventions

Note . With the exception of “context-dependent repetition,” all technique labels are taken from the BCT Taxonomy v1 (Michie et al., 2013 ).

* This technique is labeled “habit formation” in the BCT Taxonomy v1 (Michie et al., 2013 ). Rephrasing this as “context-dependent repetition” more clearly delineates the underlying technique (i.e., to consistently repeat behavior in an unvarying context) from the outcome that it is designed to serve (i.e., to form habit). It also better acknowledges the possibility that such repetition may not lead to the formation of habit. For example, Lally et al. ( 2010 ) observed some participants who failed to attain peak habit strength in an 84-day study period, and some who experienced gains that peaked at low levels, suggesting that while repetition had rendered the behavior more habitual, the action remained predominantly regulated by conscious motivation rather than habit.

Table 2. Behavior Change Techniques Documented in 15 Habit Formation Interventions

Note . All technique labels are taken from the BCT Taxonomy v1 (Michie et al., 2013 ).

While all 15 interventions were based on the principle of habit formation, none used context-dependent repetition as a standalone technique. 2 The use of techniques additional to repetition echoes the view that in the real world, habit is best promoted by embedding context-dependent repetition into a broader package of techniques that also target motivation and action control, which are prerequisites for repetition (Lally & Gardner, 2013 ). Techniques most commonly adopted in past interventions have focused predominantly on action control (e.g., planning, goal-setting, identifying cues, rehearsing action, problem solving). The relative paucity of techniques targeting motivation may reflect an assumption that, for most of the behaviors targeted, intervention recipients generally recognize the value of behavior change, but lack the volitional skills, opportunities, or resources to change. Whether motivation should be targeted as part of a habit-formation intervention will depend on whether target populations understand the need for change and prioritize the target behavior above alternatives.

Fewer than half of the 15 interventions appear to have addressed factors that may moderate the relationship between repetition and habit development. Theory and evidence suggest that the mental associations that underlie habit will develop most strongly or quickly where actions are more simple or intrinsically rewarding and in response to cues that are salient and consistently encountered (Lally & Gardner, 2013 ; McDaniel & Einstein, 1993 ; Radel et al., 2017 ). Several of the reviewed interventions purposively promoted habit formation for simple behaviors (Beeken et al., 2017 ; Fleig et al., 2016 ; Lally et al., 2010 , 2011 ; Matei et al., 2015 ; Mullan et al., 2014 ; White et al., 2017 ). Kaushal et al. ( 2017 ) emphasized the importance of intrinsic reward in their physical activity promotion intervention, and Fournier et al. ( 2017 ) targeted intrinsic motivation. These studies highlight how interventions may move beyond simply promoting repetition toward targeting factors that may reduce the number of repetitions required for a target behavior to become habitual.

How Should Habit-Based Interventions Be Evaluated?

Previous interventions attest to the potential for habit-based approaches to change behavior. Although many intervention studies were not designed to test effectiveness, 13 of the 15 interventions were associated with positive change on at least one index of behavior or behavior-contingent outcomes (e.g., weight loss) at one or more follow-ups. Process evaluations pointed to the strengthening of habit as a key mechanism underpinning behavioral change based on increases in self-reported automaticity scores or qualitative reflections on the subjective experience of automaticity (Fleig et al., 2016 ; Gardner, Sheals, et al., 2014 ; Kliemann et al., 2017 ; Lally et al., 2011 ; Matei et al., 2015 ). Additionally, acceptability studies have suggested that recipients find the concept of context-dependent repetition—which distinguishes habit-based and non-habit-based interventions—easy to understand and follow (Fleig et al., 2016 ; Gardner, Sheals, et al., 2014 ; Lally et al., 2011 ; Matei et al., 2015 ).

Limitations of evaluation methods preclude understanding of how best to support habit formation. It is not yet clear whether promotion of context-dependent repetition is necessary for habit to develop or, indeed, whether it represents the most “active” ingredient of a habit formation intervention. One study found that a control group that did not receive habit-based advice reported similar physical activity habit gains to those among a group that received habit guidance (White et al., 2017 ). Conversely, another study showed that intervention recipients deviated from habit-based advice (e.g., by setting goals that were not specific, measurable, or achievable), yet habit strengthened (Gardner, Sheals, et al., 2014 ). Habit formation may therefore arise as a byproduct of interventions that do not explicitly target habit development. The unique contribution of context-dependent repetition to behavior change remains unclear because none of the reviewed studies compared a habit-based intervention with an otherwise identical non-habit-based equivalent. Indeed, most studies have evaluated habit formation interventions against minimal-treatment control groups or used uncontrolled designs. Future research should seek to compare matched habit- and non-habit-based interventions or otherwise use factorial designs, which allow testing for isolated effects within a multicomponent intervention, or mediation analyses, which can assess whether habit change underpins intervention effects.

Intervention evaluations have also been limited by short follow-up periods, which is ironic given that the key purported benefit of incorporating habit formation into interventions is the potential to increase longevity of behavior change. Few studies evaluated outcomes over 12 months or longer, with the longest observed follow-up being 24 months (Beeken et al., 2017 ). Beeken et al.’s ( 2017 ) “Ten Top Tips” intervention showed greater impact than did a non-habit-based usual-care treatment on dietary and physical activity habits, and weight loss, at the 3-month follow-up, which the authors found to be due in part to habit development (Kliemann et al., 2017 ). Yet, while weight loss was maintained at 24 months, the advantage conferred by the habit-based intervention over usual care was lost, suggesting that any habit gains may have dissipated, or alternatively, that for those who were successful in maintaining the behaviors over the 2-year period, habit formation had occurred regardless of condition. These possibilities cannot be investigated because habit strength was not evaluated at 24 months. Elsewhere, however, a small exploratory (non-intervention) study suggested that habit gains may erode over time: Among a group of participants forming dental flossing habits over 8 weeks, habit strength had considerably eroded in the subgroup of participants who provided data at a 6-month follow-up (Judah et al., 2013 ). Until more is done to assess the longevity of habit-based intervention effects, the hypothesis that habit persists over time, and so supports behavior maintenance, remains insufficiently tested.

Theory proposes that, through consistent performance, behaviors become habitual such that they are initiated automatically upon encountering cues via the activation of learned context-behavior associations. Habitual behaviors are thought to be self-sustaining, and so forming a habit has been proposed as a means to promote long-term maintenance of behavior. Interventions that seek to promote habit formation should include not only advice on context-dependent repetition, but also techniques that support the motivation and action control needed to repeat the action and that may enhance the reinforcing value of repetition on habit development. Fifteen interventions were found to have used habit formation principles to encourage engagement in health-promoting behaviors, and these have tended to supplement advice on repetition with action control techniques. Previous research suggests a habit-based approach has much to offer to behavior change initiatives; habit formation offers an acceptable, easily understood intervention strategy, with the potential to change behavior and yield favorable health outcomes. Yet, the unique effects of habit-specific techniques, and the longevity of effects, have not been adequately explored. The central assumption of the habit-based approach—that habit gains translate into long-term behavior maintenance—remains largely untested.

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1. Rhodes and colleagues have extended this line of thinking by incorporating preparatory actions into the process, showing that habitual preparation for an activity (e.g., packing a gym bag) can influence frequency of engagement in the focal behavior (in this case, exercise; Kaushal, Rhodes, Meldrum, & Spence, 2017 ). However, this differs from the instigation–execution distinction in that it focuses on the role of habit in different behaviors (preparatory actions vs. focal actions) rather than different roles of habit in the same behavior.

2. This is perhaps inevitable given the present review criteria, which excluded studies that used context-dependent repetition to study the habit formation process itself. However, real-world studies of the formation of health habits have not been based on context-dependent repetition alone; both Lally et al. ( 2010 ) and Fournier et al. ( 2017 ) instructed participants to use prompts and cues and set action plans or implementation intentions (see also Judah et al., 2013 ).

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SOCIAL HABIT

A social behaviour that is so ingrained we do it automatically.

Social Habits

Social habits are behaviors that are performed in the context of social interactions. They can be anything from small, everyday interactions, such as greeting someone, to larger, more complex interactions, such as going to a party or giving a presentation.

Social habits are learned through a process of social learning. This process involves observing the behavior of others, imitating that behavior, and being rewarded or punished for our own behavior.

Social habits can be beneficial or harmful. Beneficial social habits can help us to build relationships, achieve our goals, and cope with stress. Harmful social habits can damage our relationships, lead to negative consequences, and make it difficult to achieve our goals.

Types of Social Habits

There are many different types of social habits. Some common examples include:

• Communication habits:  These habits involve how we communicate with others. They can include things like how we start and end conversations, how we express our emotions, and how we listen to others.
• Cooperation habits:  These habits involve how we work together with others. They can include things like how we share resources, how we resolve conflict, and how we make decisions.
• Conflict resolution habits:  These habits involve how we deal with disagreements. They can include things like how we express our feelings, how we listen to the other person, and how we find a solution that works for both people.
• Stress-coping habits:  These habits involve how we deal with stress. They can include things like how we relax, how we exercise, and how we socialize.

Benefits of Social Habits

Social habits can have a number of benefits. They can help us to:

• Build relationships:  Social habits can help us to connect with others, build trust, and create a sense of belonging.
• Achieve our goals:  Social habits can help us to get help from others, collaborate on projects, and get feedback on our work.
• Cope with stress:  Social habits can help us to relax, reduce anxiety, and manage difficult emotions.

Harmful Social Habits

Social habits can also be harmful. Harmful social habits can:

• Damage relationships:  Harmful social habits can lead to conflict, misunderstandings, and resentment.
• Lead to negative consequences:  Harmful social habits can lead to problems at work, school, or in our personal lives.
• Make it difficult to achieve our goals:  Harmful social habits can make it difficult to focus, concentrate, and make decisions.

Changing Social Habits

If you have a harmful social habit, it is possible to change it. The first step is to identify the habit and to understand why you do it. Once you understand the habit, you can start to develop new, more positive habits.

There are a number of ways to change social habits. Some common techniques include:

• Self-monitoring:  This involves paying attention to your behavior and identifying the triggers that lead to the harmful habit.
• Rewarding yourself:  This involves rewarding yourself for engaging in the new, positive habit.
• Changing your environment:  This involves making changes to your environment that make it easier to engage in the new, positive habit.
• Seeking professional help:  If you are struggling to change a harmful social habit, you may want to seek professional help. A therapist can help you to understand the habit and to develop a plan for change.

Social habits are an important part of our lives. They can have a significant impact on our relationships, our goals, and our overall well-being. If you have a harmful social habit, it is possible to change it. With time and effort, you can develop new, more positive habits that will improve your life.

Related terms

Scientific method, scopolamine, screen magnifier, secondary attention, seashore audiometer, secondary task methodology.

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Effects of Social Media Use on Psychological Well-Being: A Mediated Model

Dragana ostic.

1 School of Finance and Economics, Jiangsu University, Zhenjiang, China

Sikandar Ali Qalati

Belem barbosa.

2 Research Unit of Governance, Competitiveness, and Public Policies (GOVCOPP), Center for Economics and Finance (cef.up), School of Economics and Management, University of Porto, Porto, Portugal

Syed Mir Muhammad Shah

3 Department of Business Administration, Sukkur Institute of Business Administration (IBA) University, Sukkur, Pakistan

Esthela Galvan Vela

4 CETYS Universidad, Tijuana, Mexico

Ahmed Muhammad Herzallah

5 Department of Business Administration, Al-Quds University, Jerusalem, Israel

6 Business School, Shandong University, Weihai, China

Associated Data

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

The growth in social media use has given rise to concerns about the impacts it may have on users' psychological well-being. This paper's main objective is to shed light on the effect of social media use on psychological well-being. Building on contributions from various fields in the literature, it provides a more comprehensive study of the phenomenon by considering a set of mediators, including social capital types (i.e., bonding social capital and bridging social capital), social isolation, and smartphone addiction. The paper includes a quantitative study of 940 social media users from Mexico, using structural equation modeling (SEM) to test the proposed hypotheses. The findings point to an overall positive indirect impact of social media usage on psychological well-being, mainly due to the positive effect of bonding and bridging social capital. The empirical model's explanatory power is 45.1%. This paper provides empirical evidence and robust statistical analysis that demonstrates both positive and negative effects coexist, helping to reconcile the inconsistencies found so far in the literature.

Introduction

The use of social media has grown substantially in recent years (Leong et al., 2019 ; Kemp, 2020 ). Social media refers to “the websites and online tools that facilitate interactions between users by providing them opportunities to share information, opinions, and interest” (Swar and Hameed, 2017 , p. 141). Individuals use social media for many reasons, including entertainment, communication, and searching for information. Notably, adolescents and young adults are spending an increasing amount of time on online networking sites, e-games, texting, and other social media (Twenge and Campbell, 2019 ). In fact, some authors (e.g., Dhir et al., 2018 ; Tateno et al., 2019 ) have suggested that social media has altered the forms of group interaction and its users' individual and collective behavior around the world.

Consequently, there are increased concerns regarding the possible negative impacts associated with social media usage addiction (Swar and Hameed, 2017 ; Kircaburun et al., 2020 ), particularly on psychological well-being (Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016 ; Jiao et al., 2017 ; Choi and Noh, 2019 ; Chatterjee, 2020 ). Smartphones sometimes distract their users from relationships and social interaction (Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016 ; Li et al., 2020a ), and several authors have stressed that the excessive use of social media may lead to smartphone addiction (Swar and Hameed, 2017 ; Leong et al., 2019 ), primarily because of the fear of missing out (Reer et al., 2019 ; Roberts and David, 2020 ). Social media usage has been associated with anxiety, loneliness, and depression (Dhir et al., 2018 ; Reer et al., 2019 ), social isolation (Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016 ; Whaite et al., 2018 ), and “phubbing,” which refers to the extent to which an individual uses, or is distracted by, their smartphone during face-to-face communication with others (Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016 ; Jiao et al., 2017 ; Choi and Noh, 2019 ; Chatterjee, 2020 ).

However, social media use also contributes to building a sense of connectedness with relevant others (Twenge and Campbell, 2019 ), which may reduce social isolation. Indeed, social media provides several ways to interact both with close ties, such as family, friends, and relatives, and weak ties, including coworkers, acquaintances, and strangers (Chen and Li, 2017 ), and plays a key role among people of all ages as they exploit their sense of belonging in different communities (Roberts and David, 2020 ). Consequently, despite the fears regarding the possible negative impacts of social media usage on well-being, there is also an increasing number of studies highlighting social media as a new communication channel (Twenge and Campbell, 2019 ; Barbosa et al., 2020 ), stressing that it can play a crucial role in developing one's presence, identity, and reputation, thus facilitating social interaction, forming and maintaining relationships, and sharing ideas (Carlson et al., 2016 ), which consequently may be significantly correlated to social support (Chen and Li, 2017 ; Holliman et al., 2021 ). Interestingly, recent studies (e.g., David et al., 2018 ; Bano et al., 2019 ; Barbosa et al., 2020 ) have suggested that the impact of smartphone usage on psychological well-being depends on the time spent on each type of application and the activities that users engage in.

Hence, the literature provides contradictory cues regarding the impacts of social media on users' well-being, highlighting both the possible negative impacts and the social enhancement it can potentially provide. In line with views on the need to further investigate social media usage (Karikari et al., 2017 ), particularly regarding its societal implications (Jiao et al., 2017 ), this paper argues that there is an urgent need to further understand the impact of the time spent on social media on users' psychological well-being, namely by considering other variables that mediate and further explain this effect.

One of the relevant perspectives worth considering is that provided by social capital theory, which is adopted in this paper. Social capital theory has previously been used to study how social media usage affects psychological well-being (e.g., Bano et al., 2019 ). However, extant literature has so far presented only partial models of associations that, although statistically acceptable and contributing to the understanding of the scope of social networks, do not provide as comprehensive a vision of the phenomenon as that proposed within this paper. Furthermore, the contradictory views, suggesting both negative (e.g., Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016 ; Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016 ; Jiao et al., 2017 ; Whaite et al., 2018 ; Choi and Noh, 2019 ; Chatterjee, 2020 ) and positive impacts (Carlson et al., 2016 ; Chen and Li, 2017 ; Twenge and Campbell, 2019 ) of social media on psychological well-being, have not been adequately explored.

Given this research gap, this paper's main objective is to shed light on the effect of social media use on psychological well-being. As explained in detail in the next section, this paper explores the mediating effect of bonding and bridging social capital. To provide a broad view of the phenomenon, it also considers several variables highlighted in the literature as affecting the relationship between social media usage and psychological well-being, namely smartphone addiction, social isolation, and phubbing. The paper utilizes a quantitative study conducted in Mexico, comprising 940 social media users, and uses structural equation modeling (SEM) to test a set of research hypotheses.

This article provides several contributions. First, it adds to existing literature regarding the effect of social media use on psychological well-being and explores the contradictory indications provided by different approaches. Second, it proposes a conceptual model that integrates complementary perspectives on the direct and indirect effects of social media use. Third, it offers empirical evidence and robust statistical analysis that demonstrates that both positive and negative effects coexist, helping resolve the inconsistencies found so far in the literature. Finally, this paper provides insights on how to help reduce the potential negative effects of social media use, as it demonstrates that, through bridging and bonding social capital, social media usage positively impacts psychological well-being. Overall, the article offers valuable insights for academics, practitioners, and society in general.

The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Section Literature Review presents a literature review focusing on the factors that explain the impact of social media usage on psychological well-being. Based on the literature review, a set of hypotheses are defined, resulting in the proposed conceptual model, which includes both the direct and indirect effects of social media usage on psychological well-being. Section Research Methodology explains the methodological procedures of the research, followed by the presentation and discussion of the study's results in section Results. Section Discussion is dedicated to the conclusions and includes implications, limitations, and suggestions for future research.

Literature Review

Putnam ( 1995 , p. 664–665) defined social capital as “features of social life – networks, norms, and trust – that enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue shared objectives.” Li and Chen ( 2014 , p. 117) further explained that social capital encompasses “resources embedded in one's social network, which can be assessed and used for instrumental or expressive returns such as mutual support, reciprocity, and cooperation.”

Putnam ( 1995 , 2000 ) conceptualized social capital as comprising two dimensions, bridging and bonding, considering the different norms and networks in which they occur. Bridging social capital refers to the inclusive nature of social interaction and occurs when individuals from different origins establish connections through social networks. Hence, bridging social capital is typically provided by heterogeneous weak ties (Li and Chen, 2014 ). This dimension widens individual social horizons and perspectives and provides extended access to resources and information. Bonding social capital refers to the social and emotional support each individual receives from his or her social networks, particularly from close ties (e.g., family and friends).

Overall, social capital is expected to be positively associated with psychological well-being (Bano et al., 2019 ). Indeed, Williams ( 2006 ) stressed that interaction generates affective connections, resulting in positive impacts, such as emotional support. The following sub-sections use the lens of social capital theory to explore further the relationship between the use of social media and psychological well-being.

Social Media Use, Social Capital, and Psychological Well-Being

The effects of social media usage on social capital have gained increasing scholarly attention, and recent studies have highlighted a positive relationship between social media use and social capital (Brown and Michinov, 2019 ; Tefertiller et al., 2020 ). Li and Chen ( 2014 ) hypothesized that the intensity of Facebook use by Chinese international students in the United States was positively related to social capital forms. A longitudinal survey based on the quota sampling approach illustrated the positive effects of social media use on the two social capital dimensions (Chen and Li, 2017 ). Abbas and Mesch ( 2018 ) argued that, as Facebook usage increases, it will also increase users' social capital. Karikari et al. ( 2017 ) also found positive effects of social media use on social capital. Similarly, Pang ( 2018 ) studied Chinese students residing in Germany and found positive effects of social networking sites' use on social capital, which, in turn, was positively associated with psychological well-being. Bano et al. ( 2019 ) analyzed the 266 students' data and found positive effects of WhatsApp use on social capital forms and the positive effect of social capital on psychological well-being, emphasizing the role of social integration in mediating this positive effect.

Kim and Kim ( 2017 ) stressed the importance of having a heterogeneous network of contacts, which ultimately enhances the potential social capital. Overall, the manifest and social relations between people from close social circles (bonding social capital) and from distant social circles (bridging social capital) are strengthened when they promote communication, social support, and the sharing of interests, knowledge, and skills, which are shared with other members. This is linked to positive effects on interactions, such as acceptance, trust, and reciprocity, which are related to the individuals' health and psychological well-being (Bekalu et al., 2019 ), including when social media helps to maintain social capital between social circles that exist outside of virtual communities (Ellison et al., 2007 ).

Grounded on the above literature, this study proposes the following hypotheses:

• H1a: Social media use is positively associated with bonding social capital.
• H1b: Bonding social capital is positively associated with psychological well-being.
• H2a: Social media use is positively associated with bridging social capital.
• H2b: Bridging social capital is positively associated with psychological well-being.

Social Media Use, Social Isolation, and Psychological Well-Being

Social isolation is defined as “a deficit of personal relationships or being excluded from social networks” (Choi and Noh, 2019 , p. 4). The state that occurs when an individual lacks true engagement with others, a sense of social belonging, and a satisfying relationship is related to increased mortality and morbidity (Primack et al., 2017 ). Those who experience social isolation are deprived of social relationships and lack contact with others or involvement in social activities (Schinka et al., 2012 ). Social media usage has been associated with anxiety, loneliness, and depression (Dhir et al., 2018 ; Reer et al., 2019 ), and social isolation (Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016 ; Whaite et al., 2018 ). However, some recent studies have argued that social media use decreases social isolation (Primack et al., 2017 ; Meshi et al., 2020 ). Indeed, the increased use of social media platforms such as Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, and Twitter, among others, may provide opportunities for decreasing social isolation. For instance, the improved interpersonal connectivity achieved via videos and images on social media helps users evidence intimacy, attenuating social isolation (Whaite et al., 2018 ).

Chappell and Badger ( 1989 ) stated that social isolation leads to decreased psychological well-being, while Choi and Noh ( 2019 ) concluded that greater social isolation is linked to increased suicide risk. Schinka et al. ( 2012 ) further argued that, when individuals experience social isolation from siblings, friends, family, or society, their psychological well-being tends to decrease. Thus, based on the literature cited above, this study proposes the following hypotheses:

• H3a: Social media use is significantly associated with social isolation.
• H3b: Social isolation is negatively associated with psychological well-being.

Social Media Use, Smartphone Addiction, Phubbing, and Psychological Well-Being

Smartphone addiction refers to “an individuals' excessive use of a smartphone and its negative effects on his/her life as a result of his/her inability to control his behavior” (Gökçearslan et al., 2018 , p. 48). Regardless of its form, smartphone addiction results in social, medical, and psychological harm to people by limiting their ability to make their own choices (Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016 ). The rapid advancement of information and communication technologies has led to the concept of social media, e-games, and also to smartphone addiction (Chatterjee, 2020 ). The excessive use of smartphones for social media use, entertainment (watching videos, listening to music), and playing e-games is more common amongst people addicted to smartphones (Jeong et al., 2016 ). In fact, previous studies have evidenced the relationship between social use and smartphone addiction (Salehan and Negahban, 2013 ; Jeong et al., 2016 ; Swar and Hameed, 2017 ). In line with this, the following hypotheses are proposed:

• H4a: Social media use is positively associated with smartphone addiction.
• H4b: Smartphone addiction is negatively associated with psychological well-being.

While smartphones are bringing individuals closer, they are also, to some extent, pulling people apart (Tonacci et al., 2019 ). For instance, they can lead to individuals ignoring others with whom they have close ties or physical interactions; this situation normally occurs due to extreme smartphone use (i.e., at the dinner table, in meetings, at get-togethers and parties, and in other daily activities). This act of ignoring others is called phubbing and is considered a common phenomenon in communication activities (Guazzini et al., 2019 ; Chatterjee, 2020 ). Phubbing is also referred to as an act of snubbing others (Chatterjee, 2020 ). This term was initially used in May 2012 by an Australian advertising agency to describe the “growing phenomenon of individuals ignoring their families and friends who were called phubbee (a person who is a recipients of phubbing behavior) victim of phubber (a person who start phubbing her or his companion)” (Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2018 ). Smartphone addiction has been found to be a determinant of phubbing (Kim et al., 2018 ). Other recent studies have also evidenced the association between smartphones and phubbing (Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016 ; Guazzini et al., 2019 ; Tonacci et al., 2019 ; Chatterjee, 2020 ). Vallespín et al. ( 2017 ) argued that phubbing behavior has a negative influence on psychological well-being and satisfaction. Furthermore, smartphone addiction is considered responsible for the development of new technologies. It may also negatively influence individual's psychological proximity (Chatterjee, 2020 ). Therefore, based on the above discussion and calls for the association between phubbing and psychological well-being to be further explored, this study proposes the following hypotheses:

• H5: Smartphone addiction is positively associated with phubbing.
• H6: Phubbing is negatively associated with psychological well-being.

Indirect Relationship Between Social Media Use and Psychological Well-Being

Beyond the direct hypotheses proposed above, this study investigates the indirect effects of social media use on psychological well-being mediated by social capital forms, social isolation, and phubbing. As described above, most prior studies have focused on the direct influence of social media use on social capital forms, social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing, as well as the direct impact of social capital forms, social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing on psychological well-being. Very few studies, however, have focused on and evidenced the mediating role of social capital forms, social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing derived from social media use in improving psychological well-being (Chen and Li, 2017 ; Pang, 2018 ; Bano et al., 2019 ; Choi and Noh, 2019 ). Moreover, little is known about smartphone addiction's mediating role between social media use and psychological well-being. Therefore, this study aims to fill this gap in the existing literature by investigating the mediation of social capital forms, social isolation, and smartphone addiction. Further, examining the mediating influence will contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of social media use on psychological well-being via the mediating associations of smartphone addiction and psychological factors. Therefore, based on the above, we propose the following hypotheses (the conceptual model is presented in Figure 1 ):

Conceptual model.

• H7: (a) Bonding social capital; (b) bridging social capital; (c) social isolation; and (d) smartphone addiction mediate the relationship between social media use and psychological well-being.

Research Methodology

Sample procedure and online survey.

This study randomly selected students from universities in Mexico. We chose University students for the following reasons. First, students are considered the most appropriate sample for e-commerce studies, particularly in the social media context (Oghazi et al., 2018 ; Shi et al., 2018 ). Second, University students are considered to be frequent users and addicted to smartphones (Mou et al., 2017 ; Stouthuysen et al., 2018 ). Third, this study ensured that respondents were experienced, well-educated, and possessed sufficient knowledge of the drawbacks of social media and the extreme use of smartphones. A total sample size of 940 University students was ultimately achieved from the 1,500 students contacted, using a convenience random sampling approach, due both to the COVID-19 pandemic and budget and time constraints. Additionally, in order to test the model, a quantitative empirical study was conducted, using an online survey method to collect data. This study used a web-based survey distributed via social media platforms for two reasons: the COVID-19 pandemic; and to reach a large number of respondents (Qalati et al., 2021 ). Furthermore, online surveys are considered a powerful and authenticated tool for new research (Fan et al., 2021 ), while also representing a fast, simple, and less costly approach to collecting data (Dutot and Bergeron, 2016 ).

Data Collection Procedures and Respondent's Information

Data were collected by disseminating a link to the survey by e-mail and social network sites. Before presenting the closed-ended questionnaire, respondents were assured that their participation would remain voluntary, confidential, and anonymous. Data collection occurred from July 2020 to December 2020 (during the pandemic). It should be noted that, because data were collected during the pandemic, this may have had an influence on the results of the study. The reason for choosing a six-month lag time was to mitigate common method bias (CMB) (Li et al., 2020b ). In the present study, 1,500 students were contacted via University e-mail and social applications (Facebook, WhatsApp, and Instagram). We sent a reminder every month for 6 months (a total of six reminders), resulting in 940 valid responses. Thus, 940 (62.6% response rate) responses were used for hypotheses testing.

Table 1 reveals that, of the 940 participants, three-quarters were female (76.4%, n = 719) and nearly one-quarter (23.6%, n = 221) were male. Nearly half of the participants (48.8%, n = 459) were aged between 26 and 35 years, followed by 36 to 35 years (21.9%, n = 206), <26 (20.3%, n = 191), and over 45 (8.9%, n = 84). Approximately two-thirds (65%, n = 611) had a bachelor's degree or above, while one-third had up to 12 years of education. Regarding the daily frequency of using the Internet, nearly half (48.6%, n = 457) of the respondents reported between 5 and 8 h a day, and over one-quarter (27.2%) 9–12 h a day. Regarding the social media platforms used, over 38.5 and 39.6% reported Facebook and WhatsApp, respectively. Of the 940 respondents, only 22.1% reported Instagram (12.8%) and Twitter (9.2%). It should be noted, however, that the sample is predominantly female and well-educated.

Respondents' characteristics.

Measurement Items

The study used five-point Likert scales (1 = “strongly disagree;” 5 = “strongly agree”) to record responses.

Social Media Use

Social media use was assessed using four items adapted from Karikari et al. ( 2017 ). Sample items include “Social media is part of my everyday activity,” “Social media has become part of my daily life,” “I would be sorry if social media shut down,” and “I feel out of touch, when I have not logged onto social media for a while.” The adapted items had robust reliability and validity (CA = 783, CR = 0.857, AVE = 0.600).

Social Capital

Social capital was measured using a total of eight items, representing bonding social capital (four items) and bridging social capital (four items) adapted from Chan ( 2015 ). Sample construct items include: bonging social capital (“I am willing to spend time to support general community activities,” “I interact with people who are quite different from me”) and bridging social capital (“My social media community is a good place to be,” “Interacting with people on social media makes me want to try new things”). The adapted items had robust reliability and validity [bonding social capital (CA = 0.785, CR = 0.861, AVE = 0.608) and bridging social capital (CA = 0.834, CR = 0.883, AVE = 0.601)].

Social Isolation

Social isolation was assessed using three items from Choi and Noh ( 2019 ). Sample items include “I do not have anyone to play with,” “I feel alone from people,” and “I have no one I can trust.” This adapted scale had substantial reliability and validity (CA = 0.890, CR = 0.928, AVE = 0.811).

Smartphone Addiction

Smartphone addiction was assessed using five items taken from Salehan and Negahban ( 2013 ). Sample items include “I am always preoccupied with my mobile,” “Using my mobile phone keeps me relaxed,” and “I am not able to control myself from frequent use of mobile phones.” Again, these adapted items showed substantial reliability and validity (CA = 903, CR = 0.928, AVE = 0.809).

Phubbing was assessed using four items from Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas ( 2018 ). Sample items include: “I have conflicts with others because I am using my phone” and “I would rather pay attention to my phone than talk to others.” This construct also demonstrated significant reliability and validity (CA = 770, CR = 0.894, AVE = 0.809).

Psychological Well-Being

Psychological well-being was assessed using five items from Jiao et al. ( 2017 ). Sample items include “I lead a purposeful and meaningful life with the help of others,” “My social relationships are supportive and rewarding in social media,” and “I am engaged and interested in my daily on social media.” This study evidenced that this adapted scale had substantial reliability and validity (CA = 0.886, CR = 0.917, AVE = 0.688).

Data Analysis

Based on the complexity of the association between the proposed construct and the widespread use and acceptance of SmartPLS 3.0 in several fields (Hair et al., 2019 ), we utilized SEM, using SmartPLS 3.0, to examine the relationships between constructs. Structural equation modeling is a multivariate statistical analysis technique that is used to investigate relationships. Further, it is a combination of factor and multivariate regression analysis, and is employed to explore the relationship between observed and latent constructs.

SmartPLS 3.0 “is a more comprehensive software program with an intuitive graphical user interface to run partial least square SEM analysis, certainly has had a massive impact” (Sarstedt and Cheah, 2019 ). According to Ringle et al. ( 2015 ), this commercial software offers a wide range of algorithmic and modeling options, improved usability, and user-friendly and professional support. Furthermore, Sarstedt and Cheah ( 2019 ) suggested that structural equation models enable the specification of complex interrelationships between observed and latent constructs. Hair et al. ( 2019 ) argued that, in recent years, the number of articles published using partial least squares SEM has increased significantly in contrast to covariance-based SEM. In addition, partial least squares SEM using SmartPLS is more appealing for several scholars as it enables them to predict more complex models with several variables, indicator constructs, and structural paths, instead of imposing distributional assumptions on the data (Hair et al., 2019 ). Therefore, this study utilized the partial least squares SEM approach using SmartPLS 3.0.

Common Method Bias (CMB) Test

This study used the Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin (KMO) test to measure the sampling adequacy and ensure data suitability. The KMO test result was 0.874, which is greater than an acceptable threshold of 0.50 (Ali Qalati et al., 2021 ; Shrestha, 2021 ), and hence considered suitable for explanatory factor analysis. Moreover, Bartlett's test results demonstrated a significance level of 0.001, which is considered good as it is below the accepted threshold of 0.05.

The term CMB is associated with Campbell and Fiske ( 1959 ), who highlighted the importance of CMB and identified that a portion of variance in the research may be due to the methods employed. It occurs when all scales of the study are measured at the same time using a single questionnaire survey (Podsakoff and Organ, 1986 ); subsequently, estimates of the relationship among the variables might be distorted by the impacts of CMB. It is considered a serious issue that has a potential to “jeopardize” the validity of the study findings (Tehseen et al., 2017 ). There are several reasons for CMB: (1) it mainly occurs due to response “tendencies that raters can apply uniformity across the measures;” and (2) it also occurs due to similarities in the wording and structure of the survey items that produce similar results (Jordan and Troth, 2019 ). Harman's single factor test and a full collinearity approach were employed to ensure that the data was free from CMB (Tehseen et al., 2017 ; Jordan and Troth, 2019 ; Ali Qalati et al., 2021 ). Harman's single factor test showed a single factor explained only 22.8% of the total variance, which is far below the 50.0% acceptable threshold (Podsakoff et al., 2003 ).

Additionally, the variance inflation factor (VIF) was used, which is a measure of the amount of multicollinearity in a set of multiple regression constructs and also considered a way of detecting CMB (Hair et al., 2019 ). Hair et al. ( 2019 ) suggested that the acceptable threshold for the VIF is 3.0; as the computed VIFs for the present study ranged from 1.189 to 1.626, CMB is not a key concern (see Table 2 ). Bagozzi et al. ( 1991 ) suggested a correlation-matrix procedure to detect CMB. Common method bias is evident if correlation among the principle constructs is >0.9 (Tehseen et al., 2020 ); however, no values >0.9 were found in this study (see section Assessment of Measurement Model). This study used a two-step approach to evaluate the measurement model and the structural model.

Common method bias (full collinearity VIF).

Assessment of Measurement Model

Before conducting the SEM analysis, the measurement model was assessed to examine individual item reliability, internal consistency, and convergent and discriminant validity. Table 3 exhibits the values of outer loading used to measure an individual item's reliability (Hair et al., 2012 ). Hair et al. ( 2017 ) proposed that the value for each outer loading should be ≥0.7; following this principle, two items of phubbing (PHUB3—I get irritated if others ask me to get off my phone and talk to them; PHUB4—I use my phone even though I know it irritated others) were removed from the analysis Hair et al. ( 2019 ). According to Nunnally ( 1978 ), Cronbach's alpha values should exceed 0.7. The threshold values of constructs in this study ranged from 0.77 to 0.903. Regarding internal consistency, Bagozzi and Yi ( 1988 ) suggested that composite reliability (CR) should be ≥0.7. The coefficient value for CR in this study was between 0.857 and 0.928. Regarding convergent validity, Fornell and Larcker ( 1981 ) suggested that the average variance extracted (AVE) should be ≥0.5. Average variance extracted values in this study were between 0.60 and 0.811. Finally, regarding discriminant validity, according to Fornell and Larcker ( 1981 ), the square root of the AVE for each construct should exceed the inter-correlations of the construct with other model constructs. That was the case in this study, as shown in Table 4 .

Study measures, factor loading, and the constructs' reliability and convergent validity.

Discriminant validity and correlation.

Bold values are the square root of the AVE .

Hence, by analyzing the results of the measurement model, it can be concluded that the data are adequate for structural equation estimation.

Assessment of the Structural Model

This study used the PLS algorithm and a bootstrapping technique with 5,000 bootstraps as proposed by Hair et al. ( 2019 ) to generate the path coefficient values and their level of significance. The coefficient of determination ( R 2 ) is an important measure to assess the structural model and its explanatory power (Henseler et al., 2009 ; Hair et al., 2019 ). Table 5 and Figure 2 reveal that the R 2 value in the present study was 0.451 for psychological well-being, which means that 45.1% of changes in psychological well-being occurred due to social media use, social capital forms (i.e., bonding and bridging), social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing. Cohen ( 1998 ) proposed that R 2 values of 0.60, 0.33, and 0.19 are considered substantial, moderate, and weak. Following Cohen's ( 1998 ) threshold values, this research demonstrates a moderate predicting power for psychological well-being among Mexican respondents ( Table 6 ).

Summary of path coefficients and hypothesis testing.

Structural model.

Strength of the model (Predictive relevance, coefficient of determination, and model fit indices).

Goodness of fit → SRMR = 0.063; d_ULS = 1.589; d_G = 0.512; chi-square = 2,910.744 .

Apart from the R 2 measure, the present study also used cross-validated redundancy measures, or effect sizes ( q 2 ), to assess the proposed model and validate the results (Ringle et al., 2012 ). Hair et al. ( 2019 ) suggested that a model exhibiting an effect size q 2 > 0 has predictive relevance ( Table 6 ). This study's results evidenced that it has a 0.15 <0.29 <0.35 (medium) predictive relevance, as 0.02, 0.15, and 0.35 are considered small, medium, and large, respectively (Cohen, 1998 ). Regarding the goodness-of-fit indices, Hair et al. ( 2019 ) suggested the standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) to evaluate the goodness of fit. Standardized root mean square is an absolute measure of fit: a value of zero indicates perfect fit and a value <0.08 is considered good fit (Hair et al., 2019 ). This study exhibits an adequate model fitness level with an SRMR value of 0.063 ( Table 6 ).

Table 5 reveals that all hypotheses of the study were accepted base on the criterion ( p -value < 0.05). H1a (β = 0.332, t = 10.283, p = 0.001) was confirmed, with the second most robust positive and significant relationship (between social media use and bonding social capital). In addition, this study evidenced a positive and significant relationship between bonding social capital and psychological well-being (β = 0.127, t = 4.077, p = 0.001); therefore, H1b was accepted. Regarding social media use and bridging social capital, the present study found the most robust positive and significant impact (β = 0.439, t = 15.543, p = 0.001); therefore, H2a was accepted. The study also evidenced a positive and significant association between bridging social capital and psychological well-being (β = 0.561, t = 20.953, p = 0.001); thus, H2b was accepted. The present study evidenced a significant effect of social media use on social isolation (β = 0.145, t = 4.985, p = 0.001); thus, H3a was accepted. In addition, this study accepted H3b (β = −0.051, t = 2.01, p = 0.044). Furthermore, this study evidenced a positive and significant effect of social media use on smartphone addiction (β = 0.223, t = 6.241, p = 0.001); therefore, H4a was accepted. Furthermore, the present study found that smartphone addiction has a negative significant influence on psychological well-being (β = −0.068, t = 2.387, p = 0.017); therefore, H4b was accepted. Regarding the relationship between smartphone addiction and phubbing, this study found a positive and significant effect of smartphone addiction on phubbing (β = 0.244, t = 7.555, p = 0.001); therefore, H5 was accepted. Furthermore, the present research evidenced a positive and significant influence of phubbing on psychological well-being (β = 0.137, t = 4.938, p = 0.001); therefore, H6 was accepted. Finally, the study provides interesting findings on the indirect effect of social media use on psychological well-being ( t -value > 1.96 and p -value < 0.05); therefore, H7a–d were accepted.

Furthermore, to test the mediating analysis, Preacher and Hayes's ( 2008 ) approach was used. The key characteristic of an indirect relationship is that it involves a third construct, which plays a mediating role in the relationship between the independent and dependent constructs. Logically, the effect of A (independent construct) on C (the dependent construct) is mediated by B (a third variable). Preacher and Hayes ( 2008 ) suggested the following: B is a construct acting as a mediator if A significantly influences B, A significantly accounts for variability in C, B significantly influences C when controlling for A, and the influence of A on C decreases significantly when B is added simultaneously with A as a predictor of C. According to Matthews et al. ( 2018 ), if the indirect effect is significant while the direct insignificant, full mediation has occurred, while if both direct and indirect effects are substantial, partial mediation has occurred. This study evidenced that there is partial mediation in the proposed construct ( Table 5 ). Following Preacher and Hayes ( 2008 ) this study evidenced that there is partial mediation in the proposed construct, because the relationship between independent variable (social media use) and dependent variable (psychological well-being) is significant ( p -value < 0.05) and indirect effect among them after introducing mediator (bonding social capital, bridging social capital, social isolation, and smartphone addiction) is also significant ( p -value < 0.05), therefore it is evidenced that when there is a significant effect both direct and indirect it's called partial mediation.

The present study reveals that the social and psychological impacts of social media use among University students is becoming more complex as there is continuing advancement in technology, offering a range of affordable interaction opportunities. Based on the 940 valid responses collected, all the hypotheses were accepted ( p < 0.05).

H1a finding suggests that social media use is a significant influencing factor of bonding social capital. This implies that, during a pandemic, social media use enables students to continue their close relationships with family members, friends, and those with whom they have close ties. This finding is in line with prior work of Chan ( 2015 ) and Ellison et al. ( 2007 ), who evidenced that social bonding capital is predicted by Facebook use and having a mobile phone. H1b findings suggest that, when individuals believe that social communication can help overcome obstacles to interaction and encourage more virtual self-disclosure, social media use can improve trust and promote the establishment of social associations, thereby enhancing well-being. These findings are in line with those of Gong et al. ( 2021 ), who also witnessed the significant effect of bonding social capital on immigrants' psychological well-being, subsequently calling for the further evidence to confirm the proposed relationship.

The findings of the present study related to H2a suggest that students are more likely to use social media platforms to receive more emotional support, increase their ability to mobilize others, and to build social networks, which leads to social belongingness. Furthermore, the findings suggest that social media platforms enable students to accumulate and maintain bridging social capital; further, online classes can benefit students who feel shy when participating in offline classes. This study supports the previous findings of Chan ( 2015 ) and Karikari et al. ( 2017 ). Notably, the present study is not limited to a single social networking platform, taking instead a holistic view of social media. The H2b findings are consistent with those of Bano et al. ( 2019 ), who also confirmed the link between bonding social capital and psychological well-being among University students using WhatsApp as social media platform, as well as those of Chen and Li ( 2017 ).

The H3a findings suggest that, during the COVID-19 pandemic when most people around the world have had limited offline or face-to-face interaction and have used social media to connect with families, friends, and social communities, they have often been unable to connect with them. This is due to many individuals avoiding using social media because of fake news, financial constraints, and a lack of trust in social media; thus, the lack both of offline and online interaction, coupled with negative experiences on social media use, enhances the level of social isolation (Hajek and König, 2021 ). These findings are consistent with those of Adnan and Anwar ( 2020 ). The H3b suggests that higher levels of social isolation have a negative impact on psychological well-being. These result indicating that, consistent with Choi and Noh ( 2019 ), social isolation is negatively and significantly related to psychological well-being.

The H4a results suggests that substantial use of social media use leads to an increase in smartphone addiction. These findings are in line with those of Jeong et al. ( 2016 ), who stated that the excessive use of smartphones for social media, entertainment (watching videos, listening to music), and playing e-games was more likely to lead to smartphone addiction. These findings also confirm the previous work of Jeong et al. ( 2016 ), Salehan and Negahban ( 2013 ), and Swar and Hameed ( 2017 ). The H4b results revealed that a single unit increase in smartphone addiction results in a 6.8% decrease in psychological well-being. These findings are in line with those of Tangmunkongvorakul et al. ( 2019 ), who showed that students with higher levels of smartphone addiction had lower psychological well-being scores. These findings also support those of Shoukat ( 2019 ), who showed that smartphone addiction inversely influences individuals' mental health.

This suggests that the greater the smartphone addiction, the greater the phubbing. The H5 findings are in line with those of Chatterjee ( 2020 ), Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas ( 2016 ), Guazzini et al. ( 2019 ), and Tonacci et al. ( 2019 ), who also evidenced a significant impact of smartphone addiction and phubbing. Similarly, Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas ( 2018 ) corroborated that smartphone addiction is the main predictor of phubbing behavior. However, these findings are inconsistent with those of Vallespín et al. ( 2017 ), who found a negative influence of phubbing.

The H6 results suggests that phubbing is one of the significant predictors of psychological well-being. Furthermore, these findings suggest that, when phubbers use a cellphone during interaction with someone, especially during the current pandemic, and they are connected with many family members, friends, and relatives; therefore, this kind of action gives them more satisfaction, which simultaneously results in increased relaxation and decreased depression (Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2018 ). These findings support those of Davey et al. ( 2018 ), who evidenced that phubbing has a significant influence on adolescents and social health students in India.

The findings showed a significant and positive effect of social media use on psychological well-being both through bridging and bonding social capital. However, a significant and negative effect of social media use on psychological well-being through smartphone addiction and through social isolation was also found. Hence, this study provides evidence that could shed light on the contradictory contributions in the literature suggesting both positive (e.g., Chen and Li, 2017 ; Twenge and Campbell, 2019 ; Roberts and David, 2020 ) and negative (e.g., Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016 ; Jiao et al., 2017 ; Choi and Noh, 2019 ; Chatterjee, 2020 ) effects of social media use on psychological well-being. This study concludes that the overall impact is positive, despite some degree of negative indirect impact.

Theoretical Contributions

This study's findings contribute to the current literature, both by providing empirical evidence for the relationships suggested by extant literature and by demonstrating the relevance of adopting a more complex approach that considers, in particular, the indirect effect of social media on psychological well-being. As such, this study constitutes a basis for future research (Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016 ; Whaite et al., 2018 ) aiming to understand the impacts of social media use and to find ways to reduce its possible negative impacts.

In line with Kim and Kim ( 2017 ), who stressed the importance of heterogeneous social networks in improving social capital, this paper suggests that, to positively impact psychological well-being, social media usage should be associated both with strong and weak ties, as both are important in building social capital, and hence associated with its bonding and bridging facets. Interestingly, though, bridging capital was shown as having the greatest impact on psychological well-being. Thus, the importance of wider social horizons, the inclusion in different groups, and establishing new connections (Putnam, 1995 , 2000 ) with heterogeneous weak ties (Li and Chen, 2014 ) are highlighted in this paper.

Practical Contributions

These findings are significant for practitioners, particularly those interested in dealing with the possible negative impacts of social media use on psychological well-being. Although social media use is associated with factors that negatively impact psychological well-being, particularly smartphone addiction and social isolation, these negative impacts can be lessened if the connections with both strong and weak ties are facilitated and featured by social media. Indeed, social media platforms offer several features, from facilitating communication with family, friends, and acquaintances, to identifying and offering access to other people with shared interests. However, it is important to access heterogeneous weak ties (Li and Chen, 2014 ) so that social media offers access to wider sources of information and new resources, hence enhancing bridging social capital.

Limitations and Directions for Future Studies

This study is not without limitations. For example, this study used a convenience sampling approach to reach to a large number of respondents. Further, this study was conducted in Mexico only, limiting the generalizability of the results; future research should therefore use a cross-cultural approach to investigate the impacts of social media use on psychological well-being and the mediating role of proposed constructs (e.g., bonding and bridging social capital, social isolation, and smartphone addiction). The sample distribution may also be regarded as a limitation of the study because respondents were mainly well-educated and female. Moreover, although Internet channels represent a particularly suitable way to approach social media users, the fact that this study adopted an online survey does not guarantee a representative sample of the population. Hence, extrapolating the results requires caution, and study replication is recommended, particularly with social media users from other countries and cultures. The present study was conducted in the context of mainly University students, primarily well-educated females, via an online survey on in Mexico; therefore, the findings represent a snapshot at a particular time. Notably, however, the effect of social media use is increasing due to COVID-19 around the globe and is volatile over time.

Two of the proposed hypotheses of this study, namely the expected negative impacts of social media use on social isolation and of phubbing on psychological well-being, should be further explored. One possible approach is to consider the type of connections (i.e., weak and strong ties) to explain further the impact of social media usage on social isolation. Apparently, the prevalence of weak ties, although facilitating bridging social capital, may have an adverse impact in terms of social isolation. Regarding phubbing, the fact that the findings point to a possible positive impact on psychological well-being should be carefully addressed, specifically by psychology theorists and scholars, in order to identify factors that may help further understand this phenomenon. Other suggestions for future research include using mixed-method approaches, as qualitative studies could help further validate the results and provide complementary perspectives on the relationships between the considered variables.

Data Availability Statement

Ethics statement.

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by Jiangsu University. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

All authors listed have made a substantial, direct and intellectual contribution to the work, and approved it for publication.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Funding. This study is supported by the National Statistics Research Project of China (2016LY96).

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The Impact of Socialization on My Life Essay

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
• As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
• As a template for you assignment

Introduction

My initial socialization, secondary, developmental, anticipatory and occupational socialization, re-socialization, social agents, the impacts of my socialization.

Socialization is a process of acquiring other people’s Ideas and norms providing a person with necessary abilities for building him/herself and for societal participatory. On the other hand socialization may not be normative as “it also describes processes which may or may not affect the reflexive agents, and which may or may not lead to desirable or moral outcomes. Individual views on certain issues, such as race may again be socialized within a society” (Mathews, 2002).

Socialization also prepares an individual for the roles he/she is to play, providing him with the necessary repertoire of habits, beliefs, and values, the appropriate patterns of emotional response and the modes of perception, requisite skills and knowledge. It also provides persistence and culture (Chinoy, 1961).

Conformity to socialization is the way a person tends to have the same behaviors of a group of people he or she is attached to. Conformity and obedience to authority in socialization is responsible in shaping or bringing up a morally upright person. The impacts of this can have diverse influences on a individuals in the ways of his/her living. Therefore this paper is going to discuss on the issues of the impact that my socialization in conformity and obedience to authority and how has affected my life. The paper will also show how these issues influenced my attitudes towards the general ways of life, choice of occupation, and other important aspects in my life. The paper will then conclude by highlighting on how socialization affects individuals.

My first socialization came about when I was still a little kid. I started learning the outlooks, values, and measures needed off me as a member of my family and community. An example of this is when my mother used to guide me in treating other kids as equals and not to show any discriminatory remarks or any other immoral behaviors towards them. These aspects mould me into knowing that it was acceptable and in order to treat the people around me as brothers and sisters. Socialization also taught me to learn from them as they learn from me. In addition these aspects have been permanently put into my conscience as I still have these opinions to date.

My next step in socialization was in relatives, friends in the neighborhoods, friends at school and people who I interacted with directly. This stage comprised of schooling and learning to get conversant to the important behaviors as an individual in a small group of a bigger community.

In growing development wise my socialization comprised of ways of learning behavior in the several organizations and institution I went through that taught me how to develop my skills socially.

My anticipatory socialization on the other hand covered my social rehearsals for the future occupations that I intended to pursue and the societal relationships that would accompany them.

The choice of occupation in regards to socialization has been positive because I have passed through knowledge-based communities which have influenced the right choice of occupation and modeled my occupational requirements as well. In this capacity, and taking into consideration personal preference about profession and occupations there has been an evident enveloping social effects. “Thus, it is necessary to expand the standard view about the process of occupation choice by adding non pecuniary factors, influence of social networks and the role of information and guidance policies” (Chinoy, 1961). My choice of occupation therefore has been affected by socialization which includes family, friends, the society and economic aspects.

This process has had a major impact in my life as it has been responsible for the change of my social status. Re-socialization helped me to shade my previous ways of behaviors and come up with new ones to cope up with the ever changing world. “This again occurs throughout a human beings life cycle. Re-socialization can be an intense experience, with the individual experiencing a sharp break with their past making him or her need to learn and be exposed to radically different norms and values” (Schaefer & Lamm, 1992).

“Agents of socialization are the people and groups that influence our self-concept, emotions, attitudes, and behavior” (Chinoy, 1961). My family and friends have been on the fore front of determining my attitudes in regards to responsibility, choice of religion and determining my occupational goals. They did this through my education which is an important agent responsible for socializing people in specific values and skills in the community. This is also responsible for my choice of occupation as it shapes an individual towards that direction. They also influenced my choice of religion that is an important aspect in socialization as it makes people obedient to authority when they follow certain rules and principles of religion. My friends have also been very influential; this was brought out through peer groupings when we used to contribute to our social characteristics in the process influencing each other. It is also evident that socialization plays a major role in influencing emotions which comprise of romance and lust. These emotions are in turn responsible for marriage especially when love strikes in a social setting. In the event of such marriages the sustenance and child rearing will be based on the instilled social norms which were shaped by socializing.

Socialization has evidently influenced my life in the sense that it helped me conform to authority by being shaped towards the right direction from a young age. This brought me up as a morally upright person and also helped me in the selection of an occupation of choice. The realization of this was brought about by socializing with the right people who instill the right characters in individuals. On the other hand socialization can instill the wrong characters in individuals particularly when they socialize with bad characters. This is highlighted by Zimbardo (2007) who says that a good person can be changed by socialization if he/she is not in conformity with social norms. The author gives an example of “Palestine and Iraq, where young men and women become suicide bombers who were initially good people, (Zimbardo, 2007).

Therefore as shown in this paper, new inspirations are brought about by social influence which are instilled in an individual particularly when they are consistent from a young age. It is also true that social influence does not only support moral uprightness but can also produce bad social habits.

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Social Networking

How your social media habits are damaging your relationships, are your social media activities causing real-life problems.

Posted August 9, 2023 | Reviewed by Davia Sills

• Individuals are spending more time than ever on screens and electronic devices.
• How people engage in social media can negatively impact real-life relationships with themselves and others.
• It's important to take steps to manage one's social media engagement and care for important relationships.

We’ve all participated in or witnessed social disconnection in action… people gathered together, with gazes fixed on screens rather than interacting with one another. Screens and social media have become a part of everyday life. Social media , at its best, has provided us with many ways to connect, interact and expand our social networks exponentially. In 2022, on average, people spent 152 minutes a day on social networking … slightly higher than the previous year’s 147-minute average.

Clearly, social media is on the rise. Not just how much, but where, when, and how we engage in social media could be negatively impacting our real-life relationships. Our relationships matter. Our deep connections and close social and romantic relationships with others are key to our happiness and longevity.

What’s the problem?

Though social media has become a part of our regular lives, in terms of our awareness of and our ability to manage the impacts of social media on our relationships—our relationships with the people in our lives and with ourselves—we have some catching up to do.

“Social Media Use and Its Impact on Relationships and Emotions” (Christensen, Spencer Palmer), a 2018 Brigham Young University study , found that: “the more time an individual spent on social media, the more likely they were to experience a negative impact on their overall emotional well-being and a decreased quality in their relationships.” The study also found that social media use negatively impacted interpersonal relationships due to: “distraction, irritation, and decreased quality time with their significant other in offline settings” and that participants reported increased “frustration, depression , and social comparison” related to their engagement in social media.

Driving intimate partner disconnection

According to a 2019 Pew Research Center study , 51 percent of people in a committed relationship reported that their partner is: “often or sometimes distracted by their cellphone while they are trying to have a conversation with them, and 4 in 10 say they are at least sometimes bothered by the amount of time their partner spends on their mobile device.”

Besides the disconnection resulting from screen distractions, partners can often feel threatened by real or imagined online third parties, including rekindled connections to former partners, habitual engagement with social media influencers, and habitual use of online pornography . These forms of engagement can lead to insecurities, an erosion of trust, and relationship breakdowns.

Feelings of low self-worth

Although it is not unheard of for people to share their struggles and hard times on their social media platforms, most people present an upbeat, curated—and sometimes highly filtered and photoshopped—that is to say, unrealistic—version of their lives to their online followers. “The Effects of Active Social Media Engagement with Peers on Body Image in Young Women” by Jacqueline Hogue and Jennifer S Mills, a 2019 York University body image study , concluded that comparisons “may lead to increased body concerns in young women.” When we compare ourselves to people with out-of-reach lifestyles, career success, beauty, or wealth, these comparisons can lead to feelings of low self-esteem and hopelessness.

It is important that we build awareness of how our social media habits impact our relationships—with ourselves and the people we care about—and that we take steps to manage and take care of our time, our energy, and our real-life relationships.

7 steps to creating healthier social media habits

If your online life is negatively impacting your relationships…

Listen to what the people in your life are saying to you about your social media habits. Observe their reactions to your decreased interactions.

Build awareness about your social media habits and engagement. Make an effort to track the amount of time you spend online for a week.

Create healthy boundaries around your online activities if you find you are spending too much time on social media. Scheduling brief times throughout the day to engage in social media and silencing notifications from social media apps could be a healthy first step in curbing over-engagement.

Put some distance between you and your devices daily. Go out for dinner, watch a movie, take a walk, or meet up with friends and leave your devices behind.

Prioritize your real-life relationships. Make an effort to stay mindful of how your actions and presence impact other people, and be engaged in person with friends, colleagues, and family members.

Unfollow unhealthy, unrealistic, attention -seeking social media influencers. Social media “models” and lifestyle influencers often present a false sense of who they are and set unrealistic goals and aspirations that can negatively impact your sense of self-worth or the self-worth of your partner.

Seek the help of a mental health professional if your social media engagement has led to feelings of low self-worth or depression or if your social media usage has become unmanageable.

Monica Vermani, C. Psych., is a clinical psychologist specializing in the treatment of trauma, stress, mood and anxiety disorders, and the author of A Deeper Wellness .

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It’s increasingly common for someone to be diagnosed with a condition such as ADHD or autism as an adult. A diagnosis often brings relief, but it can also come with as many questions as answers.

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• DOI: 10.1177/0038038510369367
• Corpus ID: 144329762

Review Essay: Habitus and Social Capital: From Pierre Bourdieu and Beyond

• Published 1 August 2010

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Social workers’ perspective on the impact of covid-19 on clients’ vulnerability in ghana, from institute of teacher training and education (ikip) to makassar state university (unm): power struggles in the field of teacher education in indonesia, universities are what academics make of them: a case study of individual actors shaping their institution, young adults' friendships : over a network, over a drink : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy at massey university, wellington, new zealand, overcoming by degrees: exploring care leavers' experiences of higher education in england, 7 references, el oficio de científico. bourdieu, pierre (2003), ciencia de la ciencia y reflexividad berce1ona: anagrama, 213 pp. traducción de joaquín jordá. [primera edición en francés: (2001) science de la science et réflexivité, paris: raisons d'agir]., access to occupations through social ties, l'illusion biographique, related papers.

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Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Sociology of Media and Communication — Social Media

Argumentative Essays About Social Media

Social media argumentative essay topics.

This is a comprehensive resource to help you find the perfect social media essay topic. Whether you're navigating the complexities of digital communication, exploring the impact of social media on society, or examining its effects on personal identity, the right topic can transform your essay into a captivating and insightful exploration. Remember, selecting a topic that resonates with your personal interests and academic goals not only makes the writing process more enjoyable but also enriches your learning experience. Let's dive into a world of creativity and critical thinking!

Below, you'll find a curated list of essay topics organized by type. Each section includes diverse topics that touch on technology, society, personal growth, and academic interests, along with introduction and conclusion paragraph examples to get you started.

Argumentative Essays

• The Influence of Social Media on Teen Self-Esteem

Introduction Example: "In the digital age, social media platforms have become central to our daily interactions and self-perception, particularly among teenagers. This essay explores the impact of social media on teen self-esteem, arguing that while it offers a space for expression and connection, it also presents significant challenges to self-image. "

Conclusion Example: "Having delved into the complex relationship between social media and teen self-esteem, it is clear that the digital landscape holds profound effects on individual self-perception. This essay reaffirms the thesis that social media can both uplift and undermine teen self-esteem, calling for a balanced approach to digital engagement."

• The Role of Social Media in Political Mobilization

Introduction Example: "As political landscapes evolve, social media has emerged as a powerful tool for political mobilization and engagement. This essay investigates the role of social media in shaping political movements, positing that it significantly enhances communication and organizational capabilities, yet raises questions about information authenticity. "

Conclusion Example: "Through examining the dual facets of social media in political mobilization, the essay concludes that while social media is a pivotal tool for engagement, it necessitates critical scrutiny of information to ensure a well-informed public discourse."

Compare and Contrast Essays

• Instagram vs. Twitter: Platforms for Brand Promotion

Introduction Example: "In the competitive realm of digital marketing, Instagram and Twitter stand out as leading platforms for brand promotion. This essay compares and contrasts their effectiveness, revealing that each platform caters to unique marketing strengths due to its specific user engagement and content dissemination strategies. "

Conclusion Example: "The comparative analysis of Instagram and Twitter highlights distinct advantages for brands, with Instagram excelling in visual storytelling and Twitter in real-time engagement, underscoring the importance of strategic platform selection in digital marketing."

Descriptive Essays

• Describing the Social Media Landscape of Today

Introduction Example: "Today's social media landscape is a vibrant tapestry of platforms, each contributing to the digital era's social fabric. This essay describes the characteristics and cultural significance of current social media trends, illustrating that they reflect and shape our societal values and interactions. "

Conclusion Example: "In portraying the dynamic and diverse nature of today's social media landscape, this essay underscores its role in molding contemporary cultural and social paradigms, inviting readers to reflect on their digital footprints."

Persuasive Essays

• Encouraging Positive Social Media Habits

Introduction Example: "In an era where digital presence is ubiquitous, fostering positive social media habits is essential for mental and emotional well-being. This essay advocates for mindful social media use, arguing that intentional engagement can enhance our life experiences rather than detract from them. "

Conclusion Example: "This essay has championed the cause for positive social media habits, reinforcing the thesis that through mindful engagement, individuals can navigate the digital world in a way that promotes personal growth and well-being."

Narrative Essays

• My Journey with Social Media: A Personal Reflection

Introduction Example: "Embarking on a personal journey with social media has been both enlightening and challenging. This narrative essay delves into my experiences, highlighting how social media has influenced my perception of self and community. "

Conclusion Example: "Reflecting on my social media journey, this essay concludes that while it has significantly shaped my interactions and self-view, it has also offered invaluable lessons on connectivity and self-awareness, affirming the nuanced role of digital platforms in our lives."

As you explore these topics, remember to approach your essay with an open mind and creative spirit. The purpose of academic writing is not just to inform but to engage and provoke thought. Use this opportunity to delve deep into your topic, analyze different perspectives, and articulate your own insights.

Each essay type offers unique learning outcomes. Argumentative essays enhance your analytical thinking and ability to construct well-founded arguments. Compare and contrast essays develop your skills in identifying similarities and differences. Descriptive essays improve your ability to paint vivid pictures through words, while persuasive essays refine your ability to influence and convince. Finally, narrative essays offer a platform for personal expression and storytelling. Embrace these opportunities to grow academically and personally.

Some Easy Argumentative Essay Topics on Social Media

• The Impact of Social Media: Advantages and Disadvantages
• Is Social Media Enhancing or Eroding Our Real-Life Social Skills?
• Should There Be Stricter Regulations on Social Media Content to Protect Youth?
• Social Media's Role in Relationships: Communication Enhancer or Barrier
• Does Social Media Contribute to Political Polarization?
• The Role of Social Media in Shaping Perceptions of Divorce
• The Impact of Social Media on Mental Health: Benefit or Harm?
• Can Social Media Be Considered a Reliable Source of News and Information?
• Is Social Media Responsible for the Rise in Cyberbullying?
• Impact of Social Media on Mental Health
• Does Social Media Promote Narcissism and Self-Centered Behaviors?
• The Role of Social Media in Business Marketing: Is It Indispensable?

Hooks Examples for Argumentative Essay about Social Media

• "In an era where a single tweet can ignite a movement or ruin a reputation, social media's influence on our lives is undeniable. But is this digital revolution more beneficial or harmful to society?"
• "As social media platforms increasingly shape public opinion and behavior, the debate intensifies: Do they promote free expression or fuel misinformation and division?"
• "Social media has transformed how we communicate, but at what cost? Exploring the impacts on mental health, privacy, and societal norms reveals a complex web of benefits and drawbacks."
• "With billions of users worldwide, social media holds unprecedented power. Should we celebrate its role in connecting people or scrutinize its potential to manipulate and mislead?"
• "From viral challenges to political campaigns, social media is a double-edged sword. Is it a force for positive change or a threat to our privacy and well-being?"

The Role of Hate Speech in Social Media

The impact of social media on mental health: scrolling through struggles, made-to-order essay as fast as you need it.

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Social Media is Beneficial to The Mankind

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The Importance of Staying Safe on Social Media

Impact of social media on our lives, social media: negative effects and addiction, discussion on whether is social media beneficial or harmful for society, negative effects of social media: relationships and communication, social media pros and cons, social media - good and bad sides, a study of the role of social media concerning confidentiality of personal data, how social media causes stereotyping, social media addiction: consequences and strategies for recovery, the role of social media in making us more narcissistic, the effect social media is having on today's society and political atmosphere, digital/social media, censorship in social media, why teenagers are addicted to social media and how it affects them, advantages and disadvantages of social media for society, enormous impact of mass media on children, the role of social media in the current business world, social media is the reason for many of the world’s problems and solutions, impact of social media on society.

Social media is a digital platform that allows users to create, share, and exchange information and ideas.

Social media's origins trace back to May 24, 1844, with the telegraph's electronic dots and dashes. Modern narratives often cite the 1969 creation of ARPANET as the internet's beginning. In 1987, the National Science Foundation's NSFNET, a robust nationwide digital network, was established. A significant milestone in social media history occurred in 1997 with the launch of Six Degrees, the first genuine social media platform.

• Social Networking Sites: Facebook, LinkedIn, and MySpace.
• Microblogging Platforms: Twitter.
• Media Sharing Networks: Instagram, YouTube, and Snapchat.
• Discussion Forums and Community-Based Platforms: Reddit and Quora.
• Blogging Platforms: WordPress and Blogger.
• Social Bookmarking and Content Curation Platforms: Pinterest and Flipboard.
• Messaging Apps: WhatsApp, Facebook Messenger, and WeChat.

Facebook (2004), Reddit (2005), Twitter (2006), Instagram (2010), Pinterest (2010), Snapchat (2011), TikTok (2016)

• Increased Connectivity
• Information Sharing and Awareness
• Networking and Professional Opportunities
• Creativity and Self-Expression
• Supportive Communities and Causes
• Privacy Concerns
• Cyberbullying and Online Harassment
• Information Overload and Misinformation
• Time and Productivity Drain
• Comparison and Self-Esteem Issues

The topic of social media is important because it has revolutionized the way we communicate, connect, and consume information. It has a significant impact on businesses, politics, relationships, and society as a whole. Understanding the implications and effects of social media is crucial in today's digital age.

• Social media users spend an average of 2 hours and 25 minutes per day on social networking platforms. This amounts to over 7 years of an individual's lifetime spent on social media, highlighting its significant presence in our daily lives.
• Instagram has over 1 billion monthly active users, with more than 500 million of them using the platform on a daily basis.
• YouTube is the second largest search engine behind Google.
• Social media has become a major news source, with 48% of people getting their news from social media platforms. This shift in news consumption highlights the role of social media in shaping public opinion and disseminating information in real-time.
• The average internet user has 7.6 social media accounts.

1. Schober, M. F., Pasek, J., Guggenheim, L., Lampe, C., & Conrad, F. G. (2016). Social media analyses for social measurement. Public opinion quarterly, 80(1), 180-211. (https://academic.oup.com/poq/article-abstract/80/1/180/2593846) 2. Appel, G., Grewal, L., Hadi, R., & Stephen, A. T. (2020). The future of social media in marketing. Journal of the Academy of Marketing science, 48(1), 79-95. (https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11747-019-00695-1?error=cookies_not_support) 3. Aichner, T., Grünfelder, M., Maurer, O., & Jegeni, D. (2021). Twenty-five years of social media: a review of social media applications and definitions from 1994 to 2019. Cyberpsychology, behavior, and social networking, 24(4), 215-222. (https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/full/10.1089/cyber.2020.0134) 4. Ruths, D., & Pfeffer, J. (2014). Social media for large studies of behavior. Science, 346(6213), 1063-1064. (https://www.science.org/doi/abs/10.1126/science.346.6213.1063) 5. Hou, Y., Xiong, D., Jiang, T., Song, L., & Wang, Q. (2019). Social media addiction: Its impact, mediation, and intervention. Cyberpsychology: Journal of psychosocial research on cyberspace, 13(1). (https://cyberpsychology.eu/article/view/11562) 6. Auxier, B., & Anderson, M. (2021). Social media use in 2021. Pew Research Center, 1, 1-4. (https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/wp-content/uploads/sites/9/2021/04/PI_2021.04.07_Social-Media-Use_FINAL.pdf) 7. Al-Samarraie, H., Bello, K. A., Alzahrani, A. I., Smith, A. P., & Emele, C. (2021). Young users' social media addiction: causes, consequences and preventions. Information Technology & People, 35(7), 2314-2343. (https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/ITP-11-2020-0753/full/html) 8. Bhargava, V. R., & Velasquez, M. (2021). Ethics of the attention economy: The problem of social media addiction. Business Ethics Quarterly, 31(3), 321-359. (https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/business-ethics-quarterly/article/ethics-of-the-attention-economy-the-problem-of-social-mediaaddiction/1CC67609A12E9A912BB8A291FDFFE799)

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The Importance Of Social Habits

Social habits play a pivotal role in shaping individuals' lives, influencing their behaviors, attitudes, and overall well-being. These habits encompass various aspects of social interaction, from communication styles to daily routines, and they significantly impact both personal and professional spheres. Understanding the importance of social habits can lead to enhanced relationships, improved mental health, and increased success in various aspects of life.

Firstly, social habits contribute to the formation and maintenance of meaningful relationships. Human beings are inherently social creatures, and the quality of our connections with others profoundly affects our happiness and fulfillment. By cultivating positive social habits such as active listening, empathy, and regular communication, individuals can strengthen their bonds with friends, family, and colleagues. These habits foster trust, respect, and understanding, laying the foundation for lasting and fulfilling relationships.

Moreover, social habits play a crucial role in mental health and emotional well-being. Engaging in regular social interactions provides opportunities for emotional expression, support, and validation. Whether through sharing experiences with friends or seeking guidance from mentors, individuals can find solace and reassurance in their social networks. Positive social habits also help combat feelings of loneliness and isolation, which are significant risk factors for mental health issues such as depression and anxiety. By prioritizing social connections and nurturing healthy habits, individuals can bolster their resilience and improve their overall psychological functioning.

Furthermore, social habits contribute to professional success and career advancement. In today's interconnected world, networking and interpersonal skills are essential for thriving in the workplace. Effective communication, collaboration, and relationship-building are key components of success in almost every field. By cultivating social habits such as networking, mentorship, and teamwork, individuals can expand their professional networks, gain valuable insights, and create opportunities for growth and advancement. Moreover, strong social skills can enhance leadership abilities, facilitate conflict resolution, and foster a positive work environment, ultimately contributing to greater job satisfaction and productivity.

In conclusion, social habits are fundamental to human interaction and play a vital role in shaping individuals' lives. By fostering positive social habits, individuals can cultivate meaningful relationships, enhance their mental health, and achieve success in both personal and professional endeavors. Recognizing the importance of social habits empowers individuals to prioritize social connections, nurture healthy behaviors, and ultimately lead more fulfilling and enriching lives.

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The Importance Of Social Media Privacy

In today's digital age, where social media platforms play a significant role in our daily lives, the importance of social media privacy cannot be overstated. Social media privacy refers to the control individuals have over their personal information shared on social networking sites and the protection of that information from unauthorized access or misuse. This topic is crucial as it directly impacts individuals' security, reputation, and overall online experience. One of the primary reasons why social media privacy is essential is to safeguard personal information from being exploited by malicious actors. With the vast amount of data shared on social media platforms, including personal details, photos, location information, and more, there is a risk of this information falling into the wrong hands. This can lead to identity theft, cyberstalking, harassment, and other forms of online abuse. By maintaining strong privacy settings and being mindful of what information is shared publicly, individuals can reduce their vulnerability to such risks. Moreover, social media privacy is crucial for preserving one's reputation and professional image. Employers, colleagues, potential clients, and even friends and family members often use social media to gather information about individuals. Inappropriate or compromising content shared publicly can have serious consequences, including damage to one's career prospects, relationships, and overall credibility. Therefore, exercising discretion and implementing privacy measures on social media platforms is vital for maintaining a positive online presence. Another aspect of the importance of social media privacy is the protection of personal boundaries and autonomy. Individuals have the right to control who can access their information, interact with them online, and use their data for targeted advertising or other purposes. Respecting these boundaries fosters trust and confidence in social media platforms, encouraging users to engage more freely and authentically without fear of intrusion or exploitation. Additionally, social media privacy is essential for promoting freedom of expression and diversity of opinions. When individuals feel secure in their online interactions and know that their privacy is respected, they are more likely to share diverse perspectives, engage in meaningful discussions, and express themselves without fear of backlash or censorship. This contributes to a vibrant and inclusive online community where different voices are heard and valued. In conclusion, the importance of social media privacy cannot be ignored in today's interconnected digital world. Protecting personal information, maintaining a positive reputation, preserving autonomy and boundaries, and promoting freedom of expression are all compelling reasons to prioritize social media privacy. By being mindful of privacy settings, practicing digital hygiene, and staying informed about online security best practices, individuals can enjoy the benefits of social media while minimizing potential risks and vulnerabilities....

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Why Is Social Media Important? Essay

Social media has become an indispensable aspect of modern life, profoundly impacting how people communicate, interact, and share information. Its significance lies in its ability to connect individuals across geographical boundaries, facilitate instant communication, and empower users to express themselves freely. In today's digital age, social media platforms serve as virtual communities where people from diverse backgrounds can engage in discussions, share their thoughts, and form connections, thereby fostering a sense of belonging and inclusivity. One of the primary reasons why social media is important is its role in enhancing communication and networking. Platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and LinkedIn enable individuals to stay connected with friends, family, colleagues, and acquaintances irrespective of their location. Through these platforms, people can share updates about their lives, exchange messages in real-time, and even participate in group discussions or events. This constant connectivity has revolutionized the way people interact, making communication more accessible and convenient than ever before. Moreover, social media has emerged as a powerful tool for information dissemination and awareness-raising. With billions of users worldwide, platforms like Instagram, YouTube, and TikTok serve as hubs for sharing news, educational content, and entertainment. From viral videos highlighting social issues to informative posts from experts in various fields, social media platforms provide a platform for individuals to access a wide range of information instantaneously. This democratization of information empowers users to stay informed about current events, discover new ideas, and engage in meaningful discussions on topics that matter to them. Furthermore, social media plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion and influencing societal norms. Through the sharing and amplification of content, individuals can raise awareness about important causes, advocate for social justice, and mobilize support for various initiatives. From grassroots movements to global campaigns, social media has been instrumental in catalyzing social change and driving collective action on issues ranging from environmental conservation to human rights. By providing a platform for voices to be heard and stories to be shared, social media empowers individuals to make a difference and contribute to positive societal transformation. In conclusion, social media holds immense importance in today's interconnected world, serving as a catalyst for communication, information dissemination, and social change. Its ability to connect people, facilitate the exchange of ideas, and mobilize communities underscores its significance as a powerful tool for communication and empowerment. As we continue to navigate the digital landscape, harnessing the potential of social media responsibly can lead to a more connected, informed, and inclusive society....

The Importance Of The Systems Theory In Social Work

The Importance Of The Systems Theory In Understanding Organizational Behavior The systems theory is a crucial concept in understanding organizational behavior. This theory views organizations as complex systems made up of interconnected and interdependent parts that work together to achieve a common goal. By applying the systems theory to organizational behavior, managers and leaders can gain a deeper understanding of how different elements within an organization interact and influence each other. This understanding is essential for effective decision-making, problem-solving, and overall organizational success. One of the key benefits of using the systems theory in understanding organizational behavior is that it helps managers see the bigger picture. Instead of focusing solely on individual components or departments within an organization, the systems theory encourages leaders to consider how these parts are interconnected and how changes in one area can impact the entire system. This holistic approach allows managers to make more informed decisions that take into account the broader implications for the organization as a whole. Furthermore, the systems theory emphasizes the importance of feedback loops within an organization. Feedback loops are essential for maintaining balance and stability within a system, as they allow for adjustments to be made in response to changes in the environment or within the organization itself. By understanding how feedback loops operate within their organization, managers can identify areas that may need improvement and implement strategies to address any issues before they escalate. In conclusion, the systems theory is a valuable tool for understanding organizational behavior and improving overall organizational performance. By viewing organizations as complex systems with interconnected parts, managers can gain a deeper understanding of how different elements within the organization interact and influence each other. This holistic approach allows for more informed decision-making, better problem-solving, and ultimately, greater organizational success. By applying the principles of the systems theory, managers can create more efficient and effective organizations that are better equipped to adapt to change and thrive in today's dynamic business environment....

Importance of Social Science in Our Lives

Social science plays a crucial role in our lives, shaping our understanding of society, human behavior, and the world around us. It encompasses a wide range of disciplines, including sociology, psychology, anthropology, economics, political science, and geography, all of which contribute to our knowledge and comprehension of the complexities of human society. By studying social science, we gain insights into the dynamics of human relationships, cultural norms, societal structures, and the impact of various factors on individuals and communities. One of the key reasons why social science is important in our lives is its ability to help us make sense of the world we live in. Through the study of social science, we can better understand the underlying causes of social issues such as poverty, inequality, discrimination, and conflict. By examining these issues from a social science perspective, we can develop more effective solutions and policies to address them, ultimately leading to positive social change and improvement in the quality of life for individuals and communities. Furthermore, social science provides us with valuable tools for critical thinking and analysis. By learning how to evaluate evidence, interpret data, and construct arguments based on sound reasoning, we can become more informed and engaged citizens. This is particularly important in today's complex and interconnected world, where misinformation and fake news abound. Social science equips us with the skills to discern fact from fiction, question assumptions, and make informed decisions about important social and political issues. In conclusion, the importance of social science in our lives cannot be overstated. It helps us understand the complexities of human society, provides insights into social issues, and equips us with critical thinking skills. By studying social science, we can become more informed, engaged, and empowered individuals, capable of contributing to positive social change and making a difference in the world around us....

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Importance Of Ethical Values In Human Services And Social Work : Code Of Ethics

Ethical values play a pivotal role in the field of human services, guiding professionals in their interactions with clients and shaping the delivery of services to individuals and communities in need. At its core, human services aim to promote the well-being and empowerment of individuals while upholding principles of social justice, integrity, and respect for human dignity. Ethical values serve as a moral compass, guiding practitioners in navigating complex ethical dilemmas and ensuring that their actions align with the highest standards of professional conduct. One of the primary reasons for the importance of ethical values in human services is the inherent vulnerability of the clients served. Many individuals who seek assistance from human service professionals are facing significant challenges such as poverty, homelessness, mental illness, or substance abuse. In such situations, clients place their trust in professionals to act in their best interests and to provide support without exploitation or harm. Ethical values such as empathy, compassion, and cultural sensitivity are essential for building trusting relationships with clients and creating a safe and supportive environment for their growth and recovery. Moreover, ethical values serve to uphold the integrity and credibility of the human services profession. By adhering to ethical standards of practice, professionals demonstrate their commitment to ethical conduct and accountability, earning the trust and respect of clients, colleagues, and the broader community. Ethical values also guide practitioners in maintaining professional boundaries, confidentiality, and impartiality in their interactions with clients, thus preserving the integrity of the therapeutic relationship and avoiding conflicts of interest or exploitation. Furthermore, ethical values in human services contribute to the promotion of social justice and equity. Human service professionals are often advocates for marginalized and disadvantaged populations, working to address systemic barriers to access and opportunity. Ethical values such as advocacy, empowerment, and cultural competence empower professionals to challenge injustices, advocate for policy changes, and promote inclusive practices that advance the rights and well-being of all individuals, regardless of their background or circumstances. In conclusion, ethical values are of paramount importance in the field of human services, guiding professionals in their interactions with clients, shaping the delivery of services, and upholding the integrity of the profession. By embracing ethical principles such as empathy, integrity, and social justice, human service professionals can foster trusting relationships, promote the well-being of clients, and contribute to positive social change. As stewards of ethical practice, human service professionals have a profound impact on the lives of individuals and communities, embodying the values of compassion, respect, and dignity in their work....

• Ethics and Moral Philosophy

The Important of Cultivating Good Reding Habits

The Importance of Cultivating Good Reading Habits Reading is an essential skill that serves as the foundation for lifelong learning and personal development. Cultivating good reading habits is crucial for individuals of all ages, as it not only enhances literacy skills but also fosters intellectual growth and critical thinking. In today's fast-paced world inundated with digital distractions, the significance of nurturing a habit of reading cannot be overstated. One of the primary benefits of cultivating good reading habits is the expansion of knowledge and understanding. Through reading, individuals have access to a wealth of information on various subjects, ranging from history and science to literature and philosophy. By immersing oneself in books, articles, and other written materials, one can gain insights into different perspectives, cultures, and ideas, thereby broadening their intellectual horizons. Moreover, reading exposes individuals to diverse viewpoints and stimulates critical thinking skills, enabling them to analyze and evaluate information critically. In addition to fostering intellectual growth, cultivating good reading habits contributes to the development of strong communication skills. Reading a wide range of texts, including fiction, non-fiction, and academic literature, exposes individuals to different writing styles, vocabulary, and grammatical structures. As a result, readers are better equipped to express themselves effectively through written communication. Furthermore, exposure to well-written literature can inspire individuals to improve their own writing skills by emulating the techniques and styles of accomplished authors. Moreover, cultivating good reading habits has been linked to numerous cognitive benefits, including improved concentration, memory, and analytical thinking. Engaging with complex texts requires sustained focus and mental effort, which helps strengthen cognitive functions over time. Additionally, reading stimulates the brain and encourages neural connections, which can help prevent cognitive decline as individuals age. By making reading a regular part of their routine, individuals can maintain mental sharpness and cognitive agility throughout their lives. In conclusion, cultivating good reading habits is essential for personal growth, intellectual development, and cognitive well-being. By dedicating time to reading regularly and intentionally selecting diverse and challenging materials, individuals can reap the numerous benefits that reading has to offer. Whether for pleasure, education, or self-improvement, the habit of reading is a valuable asset that enriches lives and empowers individuals to navigate the complexities of the world with confidence and insight....

• Literature and Oral Traditions
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Why Are Personal Responsibilities More Important Than Social Responsibilities?

Personal responsibilities are crucial in shaping an individual's character and success in life. They are the tasks and duties that we are accountable for, whether it be at work, in relationships, or in our personal development. Personal responsibilities are more important than anything else because they help us grow, learn, and become better versions of ourselves. One of the main reasons why personal responsibilities are more important than anything else is that they teach us valuable life skills. When we take on responsibilities, we learn how to manage our time effectively, prioritize tasks, and problem-solve when challenges arise. These skills are essential for success in any aspect of life, whether it be in our careers or personal relationships. By fulfilling our responsibilities, we become more reliable and trustworthy individuals, which can open up new opportunities for growth and advancement. Another reason why personal responsibilities are more important than anything else is that they help us build self-discipline and resilience. When we consistently meet our obligations, even when it is difficult or inconvenient, we develop a strong sense of self-discipline. This discipline allows us to stay focused on our goals and overcome obstacles that may come our way. Additionally, taking on responsibilities teaches us how to bounce back from failures and setbacks, fostering resilience and a growth mindset. Furthermore, personal responsibilities are important because they contribute to our overall sense of fulfillment and happiness. When we take ownership of our actions and choices, we feel a sense of pride and accomplishment. Fulfilling our responsibilities gives us a sense of purpose and direction in life, leading to greater satisfaction and well-being. By embracing our personal responsibilities, we can create a life that is meaningful and fulfilling, both for ourselves and those around us. In conclusion, personal responsibilities are more important than anything else because they help us develop essential life skills, build self-discipline and resilience, and contribute to our overall sense of fulfillment and happiness. By taking ownership of our actions and choices, we can become better individuals and lead more fulfilling lives. Embracing personal responsibilities is not always easy, but the rewards that come from fulfilling them are well worth the effort....

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The Importance Of Social Class In America

Social class, a fundamental aspect of American society, plays a significant role in shaping individuals' opportunities, experiences, and perceptions. Defined by factors such as wealth, education, occupation, and social status, social class influences various aspects of life, including access to resources, social mobility, and cultural capital. Understanding the importance of social class in America is essential for addressing issues of inequality, promoting social justice, and fostering a more inclusive society. One of the key aspects of social class in America is its impact on economic opportunity and mobility. Individuals born into higher socioeconomic classes often have greater access to educational opportunities, healthcare, and employment prospects, giving them a significant advantage in achieving upward mobility. Conversely, those born into lower socioeconomic classes face systemic barriers such as limited access to quality education, job opportunities, and affordable housing, perpetuating cycles of poverty and inequality. As a result, social class significantly influences individuals' ability to achieve economic success and upward mobility in American society. Moreover, social class intersects with other forms of identity, such as race, gender, and ethnicity, shaping individuals' experiences and opportunities in unique ways. For example, people of color and marginalized communities are disproportionately represented in lower socioeconomic classes due to historical and systemic inequities such as slavery, segregation, and discrimination. Similarly, women often face barriers to economic and social mobility due to gender-based discrimination and disparities in wages and employment opportunities. Understanding the intersectionality of social class with other forms of identity is crucial for addressing issues of inequality and advancing social justice in America. Additionally, social class influences individuals' access to cultural capital and social networks, which play a crucial role in shaping social mobility and status. Those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds often have greater access to cultural resources such as art, literature, and extracurricular activities, which can enhance their social capital and facilitate upward mobility. Conversely, individuals from lower socioeconomic classes may lack access to these cultural resources, limiting their opportunities for social advancement and integration into higher social strata. Furthermore, social class impacts individuals' perceptions of self-worth, identity, and belonging in American society. Those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds may experience privilege and entitlement, leading to a sense of superiority and status. In contrast, individuals from lower socioeconomic classes may face stigma, discrimination, and feelings of inadequacy, contributing to social stratification and division. Understanding the psychological and emotional implications of social class is essential for promoting empathy, understanding, and solidarity across diverse social groups. In conclusion, the importance of social class in America cannot be overstated, as it shapes individuals' opportunities, experiences, and perceptions in profound ways. From economic opportunity and mobility to access to resources and cultural capital, social class influences various aspects of life and perpetuates systems of inequality and privilege. Recognizing the significance of social class is essential for addressing issues of inequality, promoting social justice, and fostering a more equitable and inclusive society for all Americans....

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• Teens’ Social Media Habits and Experiences

Teens credit social media for helping to build stronger friendships and exposing them to a more diverse world, but they express concern that these sites lead to drama and social pressure

Table of contents.

• 1. Teens and their experiences on social media
• 2. Teens, friendships and online groups
• Acknowledgments
• Methodology
• Appendix A: Detailed tables

For the latest survey data on social media and tech use among teens, see “ Teens, Social Media, and Technology 2023 .” 

Amid growing concern over social media’s impact and influence on today’s youth, a new Pew Research Center survey of U.S. teens finds that many young people acknowledge the unique challenges – and benefits – of growing up in the digital age.

Today, social media use is nearly universal among teens. 1 While notable shares say they at times feel overwhelmed by the drama on social media and pressure to construct only positive images of themselves, they simultaneously credit these online platforms with several positive outcomes – including strengthening friendships, exposing them to different viewpoints and helping people their age support causes they care about.

Roughly eight-in-ten teens ages 13 to 17 (81%) say social media makes them feel more connected to what’s going on in their friends’ lives, while around two-thirds say these platforms make them feel as if they have people who will support them through tough times. And by relatively substantial margins, teens tend to associate their social media use with positive rather than negative emotions, such as feeling included rather than excluded (71% vs. 25%) or feeling confident rather than insecure (69% vs. 26%).

Young people also believe social media helps teens become more civically minded and exposes them to greater diversity – either through the people they interact with or the viewpoints they come across. Roughly two-thirds of teens say these sites help people their age interact with individuals from diverse backgrounds, find different points of view or show their support for causes or issues. And they see digital environments as important spaces for youth to connect with their friends and interact with others who share similar interests. For example, 60% of teens say they spend time with their friends online on a daily or nearly daily basis, and 77% say they ever spend time in online groups and forums.

The survey also illustrates the ways in which teens navigate social norms around what – and how often – they post to these sites. It is much more common for young people to post about their accomplishments or family life than to discuss their personal problems or political beliefs on social media. And while Millennials – some of whom are just older than teens – have been deemed the “selfie generation,” roughly half of today’s teens say they rarely (25%) or never (26%) post selfies on social media.

For some teens, sharing their life online can come with added social burdens: Around four-in-ten say they feel pressure to only post content on social media that makes them look good to others (43%) or share things that will get a lot of likes or comments (37%).

At the same time, the online environment for today’s teens can be hostile and drama-filled – even if these incidents may fall short of more severe forms of cyberbullying . Some 45% of teens say they feel overwhelmed by all the drama on social media, with 13% saying they feel this way “a lot.” And a similar share of teens (44%) say they often or sometimes unfriend or unfollow others on social media. When asked why they’ve digitally disconnected from others, 78% of this group report doing so because people created too much drama, while 52% cite the bullying of them or others.

These are some of the key findings from the Center’s survey of 743 teens, ages 13 to 17, conducted March 7-April 10, 2018. Throughout the report, “teens” refers to those ages 13 to 17.

• Social media use is nearly ubiquitous among today’s teens: 97% of 13- to 17-year-olds use at least one of seven major online platforms. See Pew Research Center’s report “ Teens, Social Media & Technology 2018 .” ↩

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103 Argumentative Essay Topics for Students

Writing an argumentative essay requires students to analyze information critically, evaluate evidence, and develop logical reasoning. This challenging format helps students hone their critical thinking skills, enabling them to make informed judgments and construct compelling arguments.

We have compiled a list of compelling argumentative essay topics that can help students from different backgrounds explore diverse issues, engage with complex concepts, and develop their writing and analytical abilities.

• The Impact of Violent Video Games on Aggressive Behavior in Adolescents
• The Efficacy of Homework in Enhancing Student Learning
• Gender Stereotypes in the Media— Reinforcement or Breaking Barriers?
• The Impact of Social Media on Mental Health
• The Applications of Virtual Reality Technology in Education
• Human Activity vs. Natural Causes: Debating the Primary Drivers of Climate Change
• Raising the Minimum Wage: Balancing Economic Growth and Worker Welfare
• Uniforms vs. Individual Expression: Evaluating the Role of Dress Codes in Schools
• The Potential Benefits and Risks of Advancing Artificial Intelligence Technology
• Vandalism: Root Cases, Prevention, and Rehabilitation
• Conventional vs. Alternative Medicine
• The Role of Public Libraries in the Digital Age
• Universal Healthcare: A Fundamental Right or Financial Burden?
• Closing the Gender Pay Gap: Strategies for Achieving Workplace Equity
• Ethical Considerations of Genetic Engineering
• Finding Compassionate and Effective Solutions for Illegal Immigrants
• The Need for Stricter Regulations in The Digital Age
• Combatting Hate Speech: Defending Free Speech While Upholding Civil Discourse
• Immigration Policy Reform: Advancing Fairness, Security, and Human Dignity
• Investing in Renewable Energy: Incentives for Sustainable Development and Climate Action
• The Moral Implications and Practicality of Using the Death Penalty as A Form of Punishment in Today’s Justice System
• The Role of Argumentative Essays in Developing Critical Thinking Skills
• Should College Athletes Be Paid?
• Effectiveness and Ethical Considerations of Alternative Methods for Healthcare 
• Use of Animals in Scientific Experiments: Reevaluating the Ethics of Animal Testing and Research
• The Influence of Media on Beauty Standards
• The Real Threat: Climate Change
• Quality Education for Children – Enhancing Learning Outcomes and Social Development in Elementary Schools
• Factors That Contribute to Student Achievement
• Responsibilities Of Global Citizenship in Promoting Social Justice, Environmental Sustainability, And Human Rights
• Mandatory Vaccination Policies: Protecting Public Health or Infringing on Personal Freedoms?
• School Uniforms vs. Individual Expression: Evaluating the Role of Dress Codes in Schools
• Adapting to Cultural Shifts and Embracing a Modern Perspective
• Fairness And Effectiveness of The Criminal Justice System
• Navigating Contentious Issues: Promoting Constructive Dialogue and Understanding in Society
• Common Social Issues in Our Society
• Respecting Religious Beliefs: Balancing Freedom of Religion with Secular Values
• Understanding Gender Identity: Promoting Acceptance and Inclusion in Society
• Preserving Public Spaces: Balancing Development with Environmental Conservation
• The Role of Technology Companies in Modern Society 
• The Importance of Inclusive and Culturally Responsive School Curricula 
• Election Campaigns: Enhancing Transparency, Accountability, and Fairness
• Civil Rights Movement: Achievements, Challenges, and Continuing Struggles for Equality
• The Ethics of the Meat Industry
• The Role of Extended Family in Modern Society: Strengthening Bonds and Support Systems
• Promoting Community Service: Engaging Youth and Adults in Civic Responsibility
• Advancing Animal Welfare: Protecting Rights and Promoting Humane Treatment
• The Risks and Benefits of Participating in Contact Sports
• The Benefits and Challenges of Increased Use of Technology
• The Influence of Advertising on Consumer Behavior

• Age Restrictions: Assessing the Efficacy and Fairness of Age-Based Policies in Law and Society
• The Benefits and Drawbacks of Part-time Jobs for Students
• Reflections on the Past Decade: Assessing Progress, Challenges, and Lessons Learned
• Legal And Ethical Considerations of Religious Freedom in Pluralistic Societies
• The Need for Stricter Gun Control Laws to Prevent Mass Shootings
• Paternity Leave: Promoting Gender Equality and Work-Life Balance
• the purpose and effectiveness of Legal Consequences
• Should Schools Ban Junk Food? 
• The Ethical Dilemmas Surrounding the Use of Torture in Counterterrorism Efforts
• The Complexities of International Relations, Including Diplomatic Negotiations, Alliances, And Conflicts
• Facial Recognition Technology and Concerns About Privacy Invasion and Surveillance Abuse
• The Role of Religious Institutions: Fostering Faith, Community, and Social Justice
• The integrity of legitimate sports competitions
• Human Intelligence: Debunking Myths and Understanding Cognitive Abilities
• the importance of physical health in Academic Success
• The Ethics of Organ Donation: Promoting Life-saving Transplants and Ensuring Informed Consent
• Social Responsibility of Religious Organizations
• the benefits and risks of medical treatments and interventions
• Rethinking the School Year: Exploring Flexible Scheduling Models for Enhanced Learning and Well-being
• The Importance of School Libraries in Supporting Literacy, Information Literacy, And Critical Thinking Skills
• The Environmental, Social, And Economic Impacts of Deforestation
• The Ethical Obligations of CEOs In Corporate Governance
• The Importance of Physical Education Classes in Promoting Mental Well-Being Among Student
• Protecting Political Freedoms: Safeguarding the Rights of Citizens to Engage in Political Activities
• Addressing the Student Loan Debt Crisis
• The Functions and Limitations of The Federal Government
• The Urgency of Reducing Carbon Emissions to Mitigate Climate Change
• The Effectiveness of Traditional Gym Class Formats in Meeting the Diverse Interests of Students
• The Benefits of Extracurricular Activities
• The Ethical and Legal Considerations of Producing and Consuming Explicit Content in Media
• The Impact of Hockey: Examining the Cultural, Economic, and Social Significance of the Sport
• Advancing Equality and Justice: Strengthening Anti-discrimination Laws and Enforcement Mechanisms
• Barriers to Accessing Mental Health Services and How to Overcome Them
• The Health Impacts of Fast-Food Restaurants 
• The Benefits of Free Breakfast Programs in Schools
• The Prevalence and Impact of Mental Health Issues
• The Concept of a Living Wage as A Fundamental Human Right
• Creating Inclusive College Campuses: Promoting Diversity and Safety
• The Concept of Basic Human Rights as Universal Entitlements That Transcend Political, Cultural, And Economic Boundaries
• Balancing Agricultural Needs and Environmental Health: Regulating the Use of Pesticides in Food Production
• Access to Free Meals for Vulnerable Populations
• Children’s Social Media Accounts: Privacy Concerns, Cyberbullying, And Exposure to Inappropriate Content
• The Benefits of Co-education: Promoting Gender Equality, Social Integration, and Academic Excellence  
• The Impact of Online Dating on Romantic Relationships
• Preserving Internet Freedom: Defending Net Neutrality Principles for an Open and Democratic Cyberspace
• The Benefits and Challenges of Online Classes
• The Pitfalls of Autonomous Vehicles: Liability, Privacy, And the Human-Machine Interface.
• The Legal and Moral Justifications for Military Intervention in International Affairs
• Understanding Social Media Addiction
• Debating Single-sex Education: Assessing the Efficacy and Equity of Gender-segregated Learning Environments
• The Ethical Dilemmas Surrounding the Use of Embryonic Stem Cells in Biomedical Research
• Globalization: Examining the Opportunities, Challenges, and Impacts of Economic, Cultural, and Technological Integration

Whew! That was a lot of argumentative essay topics for students – high school and college students alike will find tons of inspiration to write their best essay ever!

Tips for Writing a Compelling Argumentative Essay

Once you’ve chosen your topic from the list, it’s time to start crafting your argument. Here are some tips to help you write a persuasive and well-structured essay:

1. Conduct Thorough Research: Gather evidence from reputable sources to support your claims. Be sure to cite your sources properly.

2. Develop a Strong Thesis Statement: Your thesis statement should clearly state your position on the issue. Make sure it is debatable and can be supported with evidence.

3. Organize Your Essay: A typical argumentative essay structure includes an introduction, body paragraphs, and a conclusion. Body paragraphs should each focus on a specific argument or piece of evidence.

4. Use Logical Reasoning: Present your arguments logically and coherently. Use evidence to support your claims and address potential counterarguments.

5. Use Persuasive Language: Use vivid language and rhetorical devices to make your essay more engaging and persuasive.

6. Proofread Carefully: Pay attention to grammar, spelling, and punctuation. A well-written essay will be more credible and convincing.

Remember, the key to writing a successful argumentative essay is to present your argument clearly, logically, and persuasively. By following these tips, you can write an essay that is both informative and engaging!

110 More Free Essay Writing Prompts & Resources

• 24 Forward-Thinking Research Topic Ideas for Students
• 42 Best Research Topics for High School Students
• 44 Essay Prompts for College

Until next time, write on…

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Impact of social factors on suicide must be recognised

The impact of social factors such as poverty and abuse on suicide need to be recognised and action taken to address them, according to a major series of papers published in the Lancet Public Health on World Suicide Prevention Day.

Co-led by Professor Keith Hawton CBE , Emeritus Director of the Centre for Suicide Research at the University of Oxford, the series argues that a change in the narrative is needed to move from presenting suicide as an entirely mental health issue to also recognising social factors, such as poverty, debt, addictions, homelessness, abuse, discrimination and social isolation, can have an effect on a person’s decision to consider suicide.

According to the World Health Organisation, more than 700,000 lives were lost to suicide in 2019, equating to 1,925 per day, or one every 45 seconds.

The Series, which looks at the issue from a global perspective, highlights how clinical treatment services are critical for people in a suicidal crisis, but upstream measures that address social factors must also be included in national suicide prevention strategies in order to prevent people reaching crisis point.

The authors say tackling the social factors which contribute to suicide requires a policy re-set with a whole of government commitment to hold politicians and policy makers from all sectors accountable for decisions that may help or hinder suicide prevention efforts – a 'suicide prevention in all policies' approach.

Examples of potential interventions to address social factors suggested by the Series include:

• Economic policies to reduce poverty such as minimum wage legislation and income protection policies. • Regulation of commercial products such as policies that limit alcohol consumption and increased regulation of social media platforms. • Policies, legislation and cultural change that can help reduce domestic violence and abuse.

Professor Hawton says: 'Many suicides are preventable and public health strategies generally have the biggest impacts on reducing population suicide rates. This Series highlights key areas where public health policies are needed and examples of their effective implementation. We hope this will inspire those responsible for suicide prevention across the world to ensure that such approaches are applied in their countries and localities.'

Professor Jane Pirkis, University of Melbourne, Australia, says: 'Suicide is often thought of as stemming from mental illness, but factors like financial hardship, social isolation, discrimination, and domestic violence and abuse wield a major influence. This Series demonstrates that addressing these more upstream factors is likely to lead to sizeable reductions in suicide rates. We are calling on governments from around the world to take a ‘suicide prevention in all policies’ approach that would see consideration given to how actions in a range of sectors might influence suicide and its prevention.'

The authors also highlight the importance of including people with lived experience in policy making and ensuring their input is valued in the same way as those with professional expertise.

Read the full series in Lancet Public Health.

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