research paper on northeast india

Identity and Ethnic Conflict in Northeast India: A Historical and Comparative Approach

17 Pages Posted: 13 Aug 2024

Independent

Date Written: July 13, 2024

This research paper delves into the intricate dynamics of identity and ethnic conflict in Northeast India, a region characterized by its rich ethnic diversity and historical complexities. The study aims to understand the historical, political, and socioeconomic factors contributing to these conflicts. Utilizing a qualitative case study approach, the research draws on historical records and government reports from the National Archives of India, employing thematic analysis to identify key themes. The findings highlight the significant impact of colonial policies, such as the Inner Line Permit, and postindependence policies, like the States Reorganization Act, on the region's ethnic dynamics. The study reveals distinct conflict issues among major ethnic groups, including the Nagas, Bodos, Kukis, Mizos, and Assamese, driven by demands for autonomy, resource control, and identity preservation. Government policies, while aiming to protect tribal areas and promote regional development, often faced challenges in implementation, exacerbating tensions. The analysis also underscores the role of insurgent groups in prolonging conflicts and the critical impact of socioeconomic disparities and migration on ethnic tensions. The research provides practical recommendations for inclusive governance, equitable economic development, peace education programs, and strengthening local institutions. These findings offer valuable insights for policymakers, researchers, and practitioners working on conflict resolution and peacebuilding in multi-ethnic societies, emphasizing the need for comprehensive and contextspecific approaches.

Keywords: Ethnic conflict, Northeast India, identity politics, autonomy, insurgency, socio-economic development

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Understanding India’s Manipur Conflict and Its Geopolitical Implications

Violent ethnic clashes in northeast India have a long local history — but the effects could reverberate across South Asia.

By: Binalakshmi Nepram ;   Brigitta W. Schuchert

Publication Type: Analysis

Since May 3, the northeastern Indian state of Manipur has witnessed repeated inter-ethnic clashes primarily between two local ethnic communities, the Meitei and Kuki. The violence has resulted in over 75 deaths and the burning of at least 1,700 buildings (including homes and religious sites). More than 35,000 people are currently displaced as well, with many now living in one of the 315 relief camps in the state. As the fighting continues, these numbers may also be rising.

The state government response has largely echoed the strategies India has previously employed during unrest in the Northeast or Jammu and Kashmir. This has included issuing military curfews, suspending internet services and deploying approximately 17,000 troops and paramilitary forces with shoot-on-site orders in effect for “extreme cases.”

While the violence in Manipur is some of the worst witnessed in the state in decades, it is not an unfamiliar occurrence in India’s Northeast, where the identities of different ethnic communities have repeatedly been weaponized to serve the interests of a powerful few. Any moves toward peacebuilding in the medium- to long-term will have to reckon with what has long been a weaponization of colonial fault lines — as even decades after India’s independence, very little has been done to foster understanding between different communities regarding one another’s history, culture and traditions. 

Democracy at Gun Point: The Current Manipur Violence in Context

Manipur, which means “Land of Jewels,” consists of a valley surrounded by mountain ranges. The state is home to 39 ethnic communities following different faiths, including Hinduism, Christianity and Islam, as well as Indigenous religious traditions such as Sanamahi. Opposition to the manner of Manipur’s merger with India in 1949 laid the groundwork for the nascent stages of resistance and separatist movements and remains at the heart of the dispute between New Delhi and many restive portions of the Northeast.

To quell this resistance, the Indian government imposed the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act in 1958. The act provides broad-based powers for the military and paramilitary groups to “[maintain] public order,” in “disturbed areas,” which have been primarily applied to regions of the Northeast and Jammu and Kashmir.

The act has been criticized by rights groups and contributed to a deep trust deficit between the state and central government in Manipur, while the central government argues it has been necessary for maintaining order in areas with a history of insurgency — some predating India’s independence. In the Northeast (and elsewhere), the central government has also emphasized the threat of foreign support for separatist movements.

Today, the region features multiple conflicting claims to ethnic and communal homelands — and armed insurgent groups to defend those claims. In Manipur, there are at least four valley-based armed groups, several Naga groups and nearly 30 Kuki armed insurgent organizations. The proliferation of armed groups — at one point estimated to stand at around 60 — contributed to the sense of a “ war within a war ” in the state.

Those closely connected with political power took advantage of the tumultuous situation, and the state became the site of rampant gun-running and narco- and human-trafficking. Armed groups frequently back candidates in state elections. In 2022, two Kuki insurgent groups issued statements in support of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), and in 2019 images on social media reportedly showed a letter written by armed groups to Indian Home Minister Amit Shah asking for a party ticket to be given to a candidate of their choice — although the armed group later disputed this.

Northeast politicians have reported intimidation by opposing armed groups, and civil society organizations in Manipur emphasized that the 2022 elections were overshadowed by “ open intimidation ” from militant groups and violence across polling stations. This has led to “democracy at gunpoint” in this fragile region.

What Sparked the Latest Violence in Manipur?

The most recent violence began after the Manipur High Court asked the state government to consider Scheduled Tribe status for the Meitei community, which is the majority population in Manipur. This status would ensure protection within the Indian Constitution and allow the Meitei expanded access to benefits, including reserved seats in government.

The Meitei community in Manipur had long requested this status. However, there were strong concerns that such a move would deepen ethnic divisions, particularly with the Kuki and Naga Indigenous communities. Indeed, soon after the court announcement, a rally was held in protest by the All-Tribal Students Union of Manipur on May 3.

The violence began that same day, when reports surfaced that the Anglo-Kuki War Memorial Gate had been burnt down. This led Kukis to burn several villages inhabited by Meitei communities in Churachanpur, which in turn prompted retaliation by the Meitei, who reportedly torched several localities belonging to the Kuki community in the Imphal Valley areas, leading to several casualties.

While the protests may be identified as the most immediate trigger of violence in Manipur, intra-Indigenous community tensions had been rising in the state for several years. The current state government’s handling of Indigenous land rights issues, for instance, has been perceived as targeting the Kuki communities primarily living in the hill areas surrounding the capital valley. Efforts to survey reserved forests in the hill regions was said to be an effort to reduce poppy cultivation, but has resulted in evictions in Kuki villages.

Meanwhile, another point of contention is the current land imbalance between Indigenous communities: Meiteis cannot buy lands in the previously mentioned hill regions, but Kukis and other tribal communities can buy lands in the valley.

Additionally, the influx of refugees following the 2021 military coup in neighboring Myanmar — particularly those from Sagaing region, who have strong ties with the Kukis — has also created a greater sense of insecurity for the Meitei Indigenous community. Though the real decision-making in the conflict lies with those who control the guns, drugs and politics, the ones most affected in both the communities are women and children. The identities of different ethnic communities were weaponized in the current conflict to suit the agenda of a few.

The Evolution of the Conflict

While getting reliable information from Manipur has been difficult, images and reports from the state portray an ongoing “war zone,” with heavily armed militants continuing to roam, villagers arming themselves and a sharp deterioration in trust between citizens, governance and security.

Social media posts that manage to circumvent the internet blackout are often rife with messages of hate, division and desolation. Prices of essential commodities are skyrocketing and trucks carrying food, medicine and essential supplies have been left stranded . While it is unclear at this point how the conflict will evolve in the short-term, two trends are of particular importance to watch:

Response of the Indian State. At the start of the violence, there was a notable silence from the central government. This elicited criticism from opposition parties , which have accused the BJP of focusing more on the upcoming elections and using silence to foster violence.

With the violence ongoing for nearly one month, India’s Home Minister Amit Shah did recently arrive in Manipur for a four-day visit aimed at “restoring normalcy” to the state, while India’s chief of army staff also recently visited Manipur to assess the situation. At a press conference in Manipur on June 1, Shah announced that a judicial probe that would “investigate the violence” on behalf of the central government, led by a retired High Court judge. He further announced the creation a peace committee between members of different communities, additional fencing on the Myanmar border, and called for the return of an estimated 1,420 weapons looted from local police since the start of the clashes.

The ongoing violence, however, will be a key determining factor in whether these commitments can be met. Amid the chaos on the ground, armed groups continue to exploit the situation, while others have raised concerns of cross-border attacks. Given the concerns and promises to expand border fencing, India will likely need to engage with its neighbors in the region if the violence continues. 

Reconciliation Prospects. Several communities in the state and the region are holding peace and prayer meetings, religious leaders have called for peace, and others have called for the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Women’s groups across northeast India have issued appeals and formed “Mothers Peace Committees” in various localities.

Ending the current violence and fostering long-term reconciliation efforts, however, are fundamentally two different — although interlinked — ends. Any reconciliation must contend with the legacies of violence from multiple insurgencies and the often heavy-handed responses by the government, which have contributed to lasting trauma within the state.

Across all communities, the people in Manipur have suffered immensely for years as they saw their rice fields turned into battlefields and peace be taken away by a few power-hungry people who have engineered division and sown violence. Citizen-centric dialogues and engaging civil society will be key to addressing decades of deep distrust and historical hurt that have polarized Indigenous communities across the region. Indigenous peacemaking initiatives, truth-telling and forgiveness ceremonies could be a wat to start to soothe the fractured hearts and minds of communities who have lived through violence for decades. Women in peacebuilding is also needed, to begin what will be a long process of building responsive governance and transparency in the region.

Binalakshmi Nepram is a senior advisor for USIP’s religion and inclusive societies team.

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Sustainable Tourism for Regional Development in North-East States of India: Trends, Problems and Prospects

Northeastern part of India comprising the states of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Sikkim possesses great physical and human diversities to project it as one of the most potential areas of the country in respect of tourism. The North-Eastern states of India are lesser explored as compared to the rest of the country, despite their scenic beauty. In the context of a globally growing sector like tourism, North-East India with both physical and human diversities is one of the most promising regions of the country in respect of tourism. Considering the significance of the tourism sector as a catalyst for regional development, an attempt has been made in this article to visualize the trend and development of tourism sector in Northeastern region and focus on the need for adoption of a sustainable tourism development strategy. Furthermore, the present study is also an attempt to address the key determinants of sustainability of tourism industry...

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Plant invasion in protected areas, the Indian Himalayan region, and the North East India: progress and prospects

• Review Paper
• Published: 02 June 2021
• Volume 87 , pages 19–35, ( 2021 )

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• Prabhat Kumar Rai 1 &
• J. S. Singh 2  

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Global biodiversity is not uniformly distributed in terms of species richness. The global and national protected areas (PAs), the Indian Himalayan Region (IHR) and the North East (NE) India, are extremely rich in plant biodiversity, contributing to the environment and the socio-economy/livelihood prospects, linked with human health or well-being. However, the anthropogenic disturbances have modified the vegetation structure of PAs, IHR, and NE India, such that the pristine landscapes are now ripe for the encroachment of invasive alien plants (IAPs). The plants invasions is now increasingly being realised as a major threat to biodiversity globally and the ecologically sensitive mountain ecosystems are no exception. The abrupt spread of IAP in these regions can significantly exacerbate the biodiversity conservation problems, as these regions are already faced with challenges of habitat fragmentation and climate change. Also, the complex interactions among the plants invasion, habitat destruction and climate change can further impose a challenge to the restoration ecologists. Interestingly, the invading plants are equipped with several species or site or habitat-specific adaptive mechanisms like the presence of allelochemicals as novel weapons that facilitate their landscape spread and ecological dynamics. This review describes the theories or hypotheses which may account for the accelerated IAPs spread in IHR, NE India and PAs. The research progress in IHR and NE India is discussed with respect to worst invaders like Lantana camara , Chromolaena odorata, Ageratum conyzoides, Parthenium hysterophorus, Mikania micrantha, etc. In this respect, the outcome of preliminary research in NE India to identify the dominant invaders through quantitative methods is also mentioned. Lastly, the management strategies are described to mitigate the IAPs hazards for sustainable biodiversity conservation.

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Authors thank DBT for financial assistance vide Project No. BT/PR24917/NER/95/907/2017; Professor J.S. Singh thanks BHU and INSA for support.

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Rai, P.K., Singh, J.S. Plant invasion in protected areas, the Indian Himalayan region, and the North East India: progress and prospects. Proc.Indian Natl. Sci. Acad. 87 , 19–35 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s43538-021-00013-w

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s43538-021-00013-w

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