(2105)
All variables are described as n (%), except for the variables with an * that are described as mean (SD).
The study variables were described using mean and standard deviation (for continuous variables) and count and percentage (for categorical variables). First, descriptive statistics were estimated in the whole sample and by country, and the comparison across countries was performed using t-tests and chi-square tests. Second, associations of sociodemographic and lockdown-related variables with the four measured emotional reactions were estimated using univariable logistic regressions. Third, the variables that were associated with the emotional reactions at p < 0.05 were entered in multivariable logistic regression models to estimate their independent associations with emotional reactions. All tests were 2-tailed and considered statistically significant at p < 0.05.
All subjects gave their written informed consent for inclusion before they participated in the study. Participation was voluntary and without compensation. The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Moreover, the study followed the privacy recommendation released by the Italian Ministry of Education, University, and Research (MIUR) ( https://www.miur.gov.it/privacy-tra-i-banchi-di-scuola (accessed on 15 July 2020)). The project received Institutional approval by the Municipality of Rome, Department of School and Education (institutional authorization number n.987 06/05/2019), and was considered in line with GDPR 2016/679 (General Data Protection Regulation).
A detailed description of the participants’ characteristics is presented in Table 1 . Most of the participants were 14–16 years old (44.4%) or 16–18 years old (35.9%), and 68.7% were female. Of the respondents, 87.3% were from a densely populated area, and 86.7% reported living in an apartment of >60 m 2 . Regarding COVID-19-related variables, 6.7% indicated knowing people with COVID-19 (family members, relatives, and/or friends), while 1.5% reported knowing someone who had died from COVID-19. Several variables significantly differed among countries. Among sociodemographic variables, the degree of urbanization significantly differed among countries ( p < 0.001); adolescents living in rural areas were mainly from Croatia and Romania, and none were from Italy (26.6%, 5.8%, and 0%, respectively), while Italian respondents were mainly from a densely populated area (97.5%). Additionally, housing variables significantly differed among countries for both the house size and the time spent outside: Italian respondents were more likely to live in larger houses ( p < 0.001) and less likely to spend time outside ( p < 0.001). Moreover, the fear of getting infected with COVID-19 was significantly higher among Italian adolescents compared to Romanian and Croatians (50.5%, 46.8%, and 27.7%, respectively, p < 0.001).
Boredom/emptiness was the most frequently reported emotional reaction ( n = 1504, 71.7%) followed by sadness ( n = 1062, 50.5%), anxiety ( n = 786, 37.3%), and anger ( n = 698, 33.2%). Italian adolescents were more likely to report boredom/emptiness, anxiety, and sadness ( p < 0.001), whereas no significant difference between countries emerged for anger. Among sociodemographic variables, we found that age was significantly associated with all outcomes; emotional reactions were more frequently reported by adolescents aged more than 16 years and 14–16 years, compared with those younger than 14 years ( Table 2 ). Boys were less likely than girls to report all measured emotional reactions (anger: OR: 0.64; 95% CI: 0.52–0.79; sadness OR: 0.35; 95% CI: 0.28–0.42; boredom/emptiness: OR: 0.56; 95% CI: 0.46–0.68; and anxiety: OR: 0.42; 95% CI: 0.34–0.52). Similarly, adolescents living in rural areas were less likely to report all emotional reactions than those living in urban areas (anger: OR: 0.51; 95% CI: 0.31–0.83; sadness OR: 0.53; 95% CI: 0.34–0.83; boredom/emptiness: OR: 0.59; 95% CI: 0.37–0.94; and anxiety: OR: 0.28; 95% CI: 0.15–0.51).
Univariable Analysis. Logistic regression models estimating the association between each variable in column 1 and the outcomes in the last four columns (Anger, Sadness, Boredom/emptiness, and Anxiety). All analyses are adjusted for country. Boredom/emptiness has been categorized as follows: always, often = 1; never, rarely, sometimes = 0. Statistically significant variables are in bold.
Variable | Category | Anger OR (95% CI) | Sadness OR (95% CI) | Boredom/Emptiness OR (95% CI) | Anxiety OR (95% CI) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Sociodemographic | |||||
Age | >16 vs. <14 | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) |
14–16 vs. <14 | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Gender | Boy | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) |
Urbanization | Intermediate density areas | 0.8 (0.55–1.14) | 1.04 (0.75–1.45) | 1.09 (0.78–1.53) | ( ) |
Rural | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Siblings | Yes one | 1.06 (0.86–1.32) | 1.04 (0.85–1.28) | 1.11 (0.9–1.36) | 1.02 (0.83–1.26) |
Yes, more than one | 1.29 (0.99–1.69) | 1.1 (0.85–1.41) | 1.18 (0.91–1.52) | 0.97 (0.75–1.27) | |
Mother low SES | Yes | 0.93 (0.77–1.13) | 0.88 (0.73–1.05) | ( ) | 0.96 (0.8–1.16) |
Father low SES | Yes | 1.1 (0.88–1.38) | 1.03 (0.84–1.27) | 1.08 (0.87–1.34) | 0.99 (0.79–1.24) |
Housing | |||||
House | <60 m | ( ) | 1.16 (0.9–1.49) | 1.07 (0.83–1.39) | 1.23 (0.94–1.59) |
Time outside home | No | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | 1.21 (0.99–1.49) |
Privacy | No | ( ) | 1.24 (0.98–1.57) | ( ) | ( ) |
COVID-19-related | |||||
Loved one with COVID | Yes | 1.41 (0.99–2) | 1.33 (0.94–1.88) | ( ) | ( ) |
Loved one died of COVID | Yes | ( ) | 1.5 (0.73–3.08) | 1.62 (0.8–3.29) | 1.3 (0.64–2.62) |
Fear of getting COVID | Yes | 1.11 (0.92–1.33) | ( ) | 1.13 (0.95–1.35) | ( ) |
Trust in the government | Yes, enough | ( ) | 0.8 (0.64–1.01) | ( ) | 0.79 (0.63–1.00) |
Yes, fully | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Job/economy | |||||
Parent’s job | Still employed | 0.99 (0.80–1.24) | 1.20 (0.97–1.48) | 1.04 (0.84–1.28) | 1.03 (0.83–1.28) |
Unemployed | 0.70 (0.38–1.28) | 1.45 (0.84–2.49) | 1.49 (0.87–2.55) | 1.50 (0.87–2.58) | |
Worries about money | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Relationships | |||||
Changed relationship parents | Positive | 0.87 (0.68–1.13) | 0.99 (0.78–1.27) | 0.95 (0.73–1.23) | 1.07 (0.82–1.39) |
Negative | 1.09 (0.77–1.53) | 1.55 (1.1–2.2) | 1.1 (0.77–1.56) | 1.19 (0.84–1.7) | |
Changed relationship friends | Positive | 1.26 (0.96–1.66) | 1.09 (0.84–1.42) | 1.04 (0.79–1.37) | 1.14 (0.86–1.51) |
Negative | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Changed relationship partner | Positive | 0.93 (0.72–1.21) | 1.16 (0.9–1.51) | 1.07 (0.82–1.39) | 1.17 (0.89–1.52) |
Negative | 0.93 (0.7–1.23) | 1.07 (0.81–1.41) | 1.27 (0.95–1.68) | 1.04 (0.78–1.39) | |
Social media | |||||
Increased use | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Support | |||||
Helpful family support | Yes | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) |
Helpful external support | Yes | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) |
Already in therapy | 1.49 (0.98–2.28) | 1.37 (0.91–2.07) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Positive impact | |||||
New interests | Yes | 0.94 (0.78–1.13) | 0.97 (0.82–1.16) | ( ) | 0.99 (0.83–1.2) |
Creative time | Yes | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) |
Having a small house was significantly associated with anger (OR: 1.3; 95% CI: 1.00–1.69), while not spending time outside was significantly associated with anger, sadness, and boredom/emptiness (anger: OR: 1.4; 95% CI: 1.14–1.73; sadness OR: 1.27; 95% CI: 1.04–1.55; and boredom/emptiness: OR: 1.26; 95% CI: 1.03–1.54) ( Table 2 ). Interestingly, several lockdown-related and COVID-19-related variables were associated with emotional reactions, and thus included in the multivariable analysis ( Table 2 ).
Table 3 reports the results of the multivariable analyses including only variables that were significantly associated with the outcomes in the univariate analysis.
Multivariable Analysis. Logistic regression models estimating the independent association between all the variables in column 1 (associated at p < 0.05 in the univariable analyses) and the outcomes in the last four columns; all models are also adjusted for country. Statistically significant variables are in bold.
Variable | Category | Anger OR (95% CI) | Sadness OR (95% CI) | Boredom/Emptiness OR (95% CI) | Anxiety OR (95% CI) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Sociodemographic | |||||
Age | >16 | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) |
14–16 | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Gender | Male | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) |
Urbanization | Intermediate density areas | 0.84 (0.57–1.23) | 1.09 (0.76–1.57) | 1.2 (0.82–1.76) | 0.69 (0.46–1.04) |
Rural | 0.72 (0.43–1.22) | 0.74 (0.45–1.21) | 0.95 (0.56–1.61) | ( ) | |
Mother low SES | Yes | - | - | ( ) | - |
Housing | |||||
House | <60 m | 1.07 (0.8–1.42) | - | - | - |
Time outside home | No | ( ) | ( ) | 1.17 (0.93–1.48) | - |
Privacy | No | 1.2 (0.91–1.57) | - | 0.98 (0.74–1.3) | 0.94 (0.71–1.24) |
COVID-19-related | |||||
Loved one with COVID | Yes | - | - | - | 1.31 (0.9–1.91) |
Loved one died of COVID | Yes | ( ) | - | 1.11 (0.51–2.44) | - |
Fear of getting COVID | Yes | - | ( ) | 1.08 (0.89–1.32) | ( ) |
Trust in the government | Yes, enough | ( ) | 0.87 (0.67–1.12) | ( ) | 0.95 (0.73–1.23) |
Yes, fully | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | 0.74 (0.5–1.11) | |
Job/economy | |||||
Worries about money | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Relationships | |||||
Changed relationship parents | Positive | 0.87 (0.68–1.12) | 1 (0.79–1.28) | 0.94 (0.73–1.22) | 1.08 (0.83–1.4) |
Negative | 1.1 (0.79–1.55) | ( ) | 1.08 (0.76–1.54) | 1.22 (0.86–1.72) | |
Changed relationship friends | Positive | 1.27 (0.97–1.67) | 1.08 (0.83–1.4) | 1.04 (0.79–1.37) | 1.14 (0.86–1.5) |
Negative | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Changed relationship partner | Positive | 0.93 (0.71–1.2) | 1.16 (0.9–1.49) | 1.07 (0.82–1.39) | 1.14 (0.88–1.48) |
Negative | 0.91 (0.69–1.21) | 1.07 (0.81–1.41) | 1.27 (0.96–1.69) | 1.04 (0.78–1.38) | |
Social media | |||||
Increased use | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | |
Support | |||||
Helpful family support | Yes | 0.89 (0.7–1.12) | 1.02 (0.81–1.29) | ( ) | ( ) |
Helpful external support | Yes | 1.21 (0.98–1.5) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) |
Already in therapy | 1.08 (0.69–1.69) | 0.89 (0.57–1.39) | ( ) | 1.49 (0.95–2.33) | |
Positive impact | |||||
New interests | Yes | - | - | 0.93 (0.75–1.15) | - |
Creative time | Yes | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) | ( ) |
Sociodemographic variables. Among sociodemographic variables, we found that the likelihood of reporting anger (OR: 1.59; 95% CI: 1.19–2.11), sadness (OR: 1.67; 95% CI: 1.28–2.18), boredom/emptiness (OR: 1.41: 95% CI: 1.06–1.87), and anxiety (OR: 1.59: 95% CI: 1.18–2.13) were higher among adolescents aged 14–16 years and among those older than 16 years, compared to those aged <14 years, in line with the univariable analyses. Similarly, being a boy was still independently associated with a lower likelihood of reporting all emotional reactions ( Table 3 ). Living in a rural area was associated with a decreased likelihood of experiencing anxiety (OR: 0.41; 95% CI: 0.21–0.78), but the association with anger, boredom/emptiness, and sadness/depression were no longer significant in the multivariable analysis.
Housing. Adolescents reporting not spending time outside their home during the lockdown were significantly more likely to experience anger (OR: 1.33; 95% CI: 1.06–1.66) and sadness (OR: 1.3; 95% CI: 1.04–1.63).
COVID-19-related variables. We found that adolescents who reported that a loved person had died from COVID had a more than two times higher risk of reporting feelings of anger (OR: 2.74; 95% CI: 1.29–5.81) compared with an adolescent who did not. Interestingly, strongly trusting the government was found to be significantly protective against experiencing anger (OR: 0.52; 95% CI: 0.35–0.76), sadness (OR: 0.62; 95% CI: 0.43–0.89), and boredom/emptiness (OR: 0.62; 95% CI: 0.42–0.91).
Relationships with parents and peers. We found that those reporting a negative impact of the lockdown on their relationships with friends were at higher risk of experiencing all emotional difficulties (e.g., OR for anxiety: 1.7; 95% CI: 1.26–2.30). Additionally, adolescents reporting a negative impact on their relationships with parents were more likely to experience sadness (OR: 1.55; 95% CI: 1.10–2.20).
Social media. We found a significantly increased likelihood of experiencing all emotional reactions among adolescents who reported increased use of social media ( Table 3 ), especially boredom/emptiness (OR: 1.44; 95% CI: 1.32–1.57).
Support. We found that those who believed that family support was important during the lockdown were less likely to report both boredom/emptiness (OR: 0.66; 95% CI: 0.52–0.84) and anxiety (OR: 0.61; 95% CI: 0.48–0.78) compared to those who did not believe so. In contrast, those who considered external support as important were more likely to report all emotional difficulties except anger. Notably, those reporting to be in psychotherapy were more likely to report boredom/emptiness (OR: 1.72; 95% CI: 1.08–2.74).
The positive impact of the lockdown. Adolescents who reported to spend time creatively were significantly less likely to experience anger (OR: 0.78; 95% CI: 0.64–0.96), sadness (OR: 0.66; 95% CI: 0.54–0.81), and boredom/emptiness (OR: 0.51; 95% CI: 0.41–0.63) than those who did not spend time creatively.
The present study reports the findings from a survey on the emotional reactions of a large sample of European secondary school students during the COVID-19 crisis. We found that the likelihood of experiencing anger, sadness, boredom/emptiness, and anxiety was higher among oldest (>14 years) and female adolescents, and related to housing characteristics and time spent outside. This is partly consistent with other studies where the female gender was found to be related to higher levels of psychological distress [ 23 , 24 , 25 ]. Additionally, recent studies on Chinese adolescents showed that older girls (15–18 years) were more likely to present depressive/anxious symptoms [ 11 , 26 ]. This might be, in part, explained by the fact that girls are generally more prone to internalizing-spectrum symptoms [ 27 ], while boys might be more likely to show externalizing behaviors and underreport internalizing emotions [ 28 ]. This gender difference might inform school-based preventive, gender-targeted interventions; it might also suggest that the detection of internalizing emotional difficulties might be underestimated among boys, who are at higher risk of developmental difficulties and negative later mental health outcomes than girls [ 29 ], including a higher risk of suicide [ 30 , 31 ]. Notably, even if boys were often less likely to express emotional distress, this might be related to societal and cultural constraints resulting in underreporting of emotional difficulties [ 29 ]. This might also suggest a need for addressing healthy masculinities and gender equality in emotional expressions [ 32 ]
We also found several protective factors. Living in a rural area was protective against experiencing anxiety, while spending time creatively during the lockdown was significantly protective of experiencing anger, sadness, and boredom/emptiness. Consistently, living in an urban area was already found to be a risk factor for experiencing anxiety among college students [ 33 ]. Thus, societal disparities, such as housing characteristics, might exacerbate the adverse emotional effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and have an impact on the emotional reactions of adolescents [ 34 ]. Our findings expand the knowledge on the protective effect of daily routine and positive reframing [ 35 ], which have been found to be protective factors against perceived stress and emotional difficulties [ 24 ]. This was also found in a previous Italian survey, which reported that reconstructing a sort of daily “agenda” during the lockdown helped the overall emotional balance of children [ 36 ].
Results from the present survey provide important insights into adolescents’ emotional reaction after losing someone from COVID-19; we found that young individuals who lost a loved one from COVID-19 were at twice the risk of experiencing anger compared to those who did not (OR: 2.74; 95% CI: 1.29–5.81). The feeling of anger was already found to be a common emotional reaction among adolescents during lockdown [ 24 ], but our study expands the knowledge by suggesting that it is important to address the feeling of anger among young people who have lost someone from COVID-19. Indeed, reacting with anger might suggest that COVID-19 related grief among adolescents is experienced with a sense of injustice, which is typical of conflict-related trauma [ 37 ]. Future research is necessary to better understand the complexity of grief reactions among adolescents who lost someone from COVID-19, as this may inform preventive and therapeutic interventions. A previous study also reported that anger was found as a traumatic reaction among the general population of the Czech Republic, and that this was related to mass media pessimism [ 38 ]. Thus, our findings also suggest that future research studies are needed to clarify the association between mass media reporting and adolescent emotional reactions.
Interestingly, we also found that increased use of social media was significantly associated with all negative emotional reactions investigated, consistently with previous studies [ 10 , 39 ]. However, the direction of this association is difficult to interpret, as adolescents experiencing emotional difficulties might use social media more frequently [ 40 ]. Further studies are needed, aimed at understanding the role of social media in identifying youth in need of help, who are more likely to report negative emotional reactions.
Our findings also highlight the importance of the relationship with peers; those reporting a negative impact of the lockdown on their relationship with peers were at higher risk of experiencing negative emotional reactions, particularly more anxiety. This finding is in line with previous evidence highlighting the important role of peer relationships in the development of anxiety among adolescents [ 41 , 42 ]. Moreover, this suggests the importance of establishing peer support networks, either facilitated by peers or by professional interventions [ 43 , 44 , 45 ].
Notably, our findings also showed that trusting government decision-making could be considered a protective factor against negative emotional reactions among young students; strongly trusting the government was found to be significantly protective against experiencing anger, sadness, and boredom/emptiness. Previous findings also suggested that improving knowledge and positive attitudes toward the crisis among young people might enhance their resilience and reduce the risk of the psychological burden of restrictive measures [ 26 ].
The present findings should be interpreted in light of several limitations. First, the cross-sectional design; emotional difficulties were measured at the same assessment, during the lockdown, thus the directions of the associations described are uncertain. Moreover, students were not randomly selected, and this might limit the generalizability to the entire population. Furthermore, the overall mental health status of the respondents is not known prior to the pandemic, so self-selection to complete the survey and participate may be taken into account in interpreting the results. Finally, in the absence of pre-pandemic data, we cannot know if several of the reported associations (e.g., between social media and anxiety) are specifically related to the current COVID-19 crisis or are more general associations that we would have observed independently from the crisis.
The present survey demonstrated that the risk of experiencing anger, sadness, boredom/emptiness, and anxiety was higher among older adolescents, females, and adolescents living in a small flat, not spending time outside, and reporting increased use of social media. Losing a loved one from COVID-19 was specifically associated with anger among affected adolescents, suggesting a specific reaction to such a tragic event. Nonetheless, several protective factors were identified, such as spending time creatively during the lockdown and trusting the government’s decisions. The present findings might help to identify adolescents more likely to report negative emotional reactions during the COVID-19 pandemic and inform policymakers and future public health strategies on improving mental health among adolescents. Additionally, the present study might inform future research on school-based preventive interventions, suggesting that improving trust in public health policies, social connectedness, as well as improving knowledge and positive attitudes toward the health crisis, might enhance resilience and reduce the risk of psychological burden among school students.
The authors would like to thank Giuseppina Pica and the Department for School Politics of the City of Rome, Marco Gusman, Alessia Barbagli, Valentina Bianchini, Marijana Gasparovic, Mirela Groza, Hanny Karlic, Miljana Kukic, Christina Kulterer, Mirela Lăpugean, Caterina Medici M.D., Francesca Padrevecchi, Fabiana Piccinini, Cecilia Santi, Sandra Santomauro, Carla Severini, Laura Soave, Andrew Stephens, Ramona Daniela Varga, Melanie Vicevic, and Lorenzo Webster for their helpful contribution in translating and distributing the questionnaire. A special thanks to headteachers, teachers, and students who took part in the present survey.
Conceptualization, A.F., M.O., M.B. and E.M.; methodology, A.F., M.O., E.M., L.Q., S.F., O.C.; software, A.F., M.O., M.B. and P.V.; validation, A.F., M.O., M.B. and E.M.; formal analysis, A.F., M.O. and M.B.; investigation, all authors; resources, all authors; data curation, all authors; writing—Original draft preparation, A.F., M.O., M.B., P.V., C.I. and E.M.; writing—Review and editing, A.F., M.O., M.B. and E.M.; visualization, A.F., M.O., M.B., P.V., D.L. and E.M.; supervision, M.O.; and project administration, all authors. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
This research received no external funding.
The project received Institutional approval by the Municipality of Rome, Department of School and Education (institutional authorization number n.987 06/05/2019), and was considered in line with GDPR 2016/679 (General Data Protection Regulation).
Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.
Conflicts of interest.
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Greater Good Science Center • Magazine • In Action • In Education
A lot of people I know have been starting to wonder about life after the shelter-in-place orders have been lifted. What will it be like? What will the new normal be?
The answers to those questions will depend a lot on where you live, what your experience has been like, and what you make of it all.
Living in a city that imposed shelter-in-place orders 10 weeks ago, as of this writing, my own life has been a mixed bag. I shifted to working at home pretty easily, but it’s been hard finding a routine and avoiding distractions. I’m connected with friends online, but I miss their physical presence. Plus, my sleep and mood have suffered as anxiety looms over the future of our society.
I don’t want to negate these feelings or ignore our losses. But, as a writer for Greater Good , I can’t help but see some positives coming from this crisis, too. Reflecting on this moment has been a learning opportunity for me and for all of us—a chance to focus more on what matters and to think about living life differently going forward.
Here are some lessons I want to hold on to once sheltering in place is lifted.
Many of us have been relying on social media and Zoom meetings to stay in touch with people during the pandemic. But, while I’m grateful that I can keep up with friends on Facebook or visit with folks via videoconferencing, these aren’t really the same as seeing people in-person.
Why? For one thing, social media doesn’t always bring us closer together. People often heavily curate what they post online to make their lives appear carefree and wonderful, which leaves little room for sharing vulnerability—an important way to connect with others. And, of course, there’s also a lot of alarmist news and clickbait on social media that can wreak havoc with your happiness. If you’re looking for deeper connection there, you’re bound to be disappointed.
Zoom conferencing is an improvement, as you can see people face to face and have actual conversations. But it’s tough to read body language on Zoom, and so it’s harder to pick up on how people are feeling. Also, the science of touch shows us that we humans crave physical contact, which neither Zoom conferencing nor social media can provide. This loss is especially profound for those living alone, where the lack of any physical affection has been particularly hard.
So, while I may continue to use available online tools to stay connected with faraway intimates, I’ve also gained a newfound appreciation for in-person get-togethers. Making more time in my life to be with the people I love and to express affection when we are together is something to bring forward from this experience.
In the near-term, as restrictions lift, I hope to have more physically distant backyard visits with friends and family. While we cannot hug, we can at least look each other in the eye. When the crisis has passed, I plan to prioritize spending more time gathering in groups of diverse people for concerts, sporting events, ceremonies, dancing, and more. The emotional high and sense of connection we get from being in the physical presence of others sharing an experience together is inspiring and sacred. Not only will I appreciate that presence so much more after shelter in place is over, doing so will deepen my sense of common humanity—something that when scaled up can build a kinder, more connected society.
There have been a lot of things to stress out about during this pandemic, for sure. The risk of losing our jobs, becoming sick, or inadvertently infecting a beloved relative is frightening. Having to quarantine at home has kept us from employing our usual ways of coping with stress—like going out with friends or exercising at the gym. And being fed a constant diet of dire and alarmist news has amplified our anxiety and sense of helplessness, making us lose sleep.
Being in a constant state of high alert is not good for our minds or bodies—or for those around us, either. Emotional contagion is real , which means feeding our own stress and fear affects others, too. That’s become even clearer as so many of us find ourselves in closer quarters with family members or roommates whose moods feed off of each other.
However, one silver lining of staying at home is that it’s forced many of us to slow down some and find new ways to manage stress and anxiety. Perhaps you’ve finally learned to meditate —something you’d heard was good for you but never really attempted. Or maybe you’ve pulled out a notebook and journaled about your experience or taken a happiness course online . Some have turned to drawing, planting a garden, or playing a musical instrument. All of these have the potential to improve your mental health and could be worth holding on to once you are set free again.
A way to build resilience to stress, anxiety, and anger
Then there’s the one stress-buster that beats them all: Being kind to others and helping those in need . Ask anyone who’s volunteered at a local food bank, brought a meal to a stuck-at-home neighbor, reached out to a lonely friend, tutored students online, or organized their neighborhood relief group, and they’ll tell you: Focusing your attention on others reduces your own worry and stress—a lesson easily carried forward into the new era. Not only will helping others keep us sane, it will also aid in the recovery of everyone impacted by the pandemic.
It’s pretty obvious that we should be grateful to the “essential workers” during this time of shelter in place. Food suppliers, health care workers, delivery people, and first responders have taken on risks to themselves for the benefit of everyone else.
How can we possibly repay them? By showing a little gratitude and paying the kindness forward.
Before the pandemic, most of us probably didn’t think twice about the workers doing these jobs. Now that they are on everyone’s radar, it’s been heartwarming to see grateful citizens showing their appreciation openly by making signs, clapping or howling out their windows at night, dropping off free meals, and over-tipping service workers. Even just saying “thank you” can go a long way toward building good will .
Gratitude isn’t something we should just show to these current heroes in our midst, though.
We can show more gratitude for all of the people and things that make our life easier and happier. Showing gratitude not only feels good , it encourages more kindness and generosity in both gratitude recipients and anyone who witnesses the expression of gratitude, creating a virtuous cycle. And, since sincere gratitude is a premier social glue in both personal relationships and society at large, offering it helps build a kinder, more compassionate society—something we should all keep in mind.
Before the current shelter in place took hold, I never would have guessed how easy it is to do without so many modern conveniences. Now that shopping at the mall, getting my hair done, or popping into the grocery store for a single ingredient has become impossible, I’ve realized that I’m surviving just fine.
It’s pretty clear that we don’t need so much stuff or as many conveniences as we’ve become accustomed to. The basic essentials—food, clean water, and good health, for example—are much more important than having a manicure or buying the newest computer. Given how many of these consumer items and activities negatively impact the health of the planet, it makes sense to rethink our priorities and consider skipping some to allow everyone to have the basics for survival.
Practices, resources, and articles for individuals, parents, and educators facing COVID-19
Luckily, our well-being isn’t dependent on consumer products. Studies have found that kindness and generosity make us happier than pampering ourselves or buying ourselves stuff. It may be hard to believe; in fact, researchers often find that people underestimate the impacts of giving to others on their happiness.
But it’s true: We will likely be happier and create a healthier society if we can consume less and give more.
As communities around the world manage the pandemic, one thing we’ve all learned is that cooperation matters. Only through group effort can we do something to make a difference in the trajectory of a worldwide threat.
This became crystal clear when comparing state and national responses to the viral outbreak. Some governments were laissez-faire in their response—or even actively punished people who sounded the alarm. Others heeded early warnings and quickly put into place orders to keep people at home. The latter approach, where science was heeded and everyone pitched in to shelter in place, is what paid off in flattening infection curves and saving lives.
Of course, suffering through this time has shown us that there is still much that needs correcting. Not everyone has good health or health care, and many people are living at the edge of poverty. Some people have been forced to go to work despite the risks, and others are dying at higher rates than the general population because of a long history of discrimination. This is unacceptable and needs changing. If the pandemic has opened new eyes to these inequalities, then perhaps they’ll be more likely to become part of that change.
Seeing how willing people were to cooperate with draconian measures for the good of all gives me hope. It’s not easy to herd that many people in one direction, especially when they have to sacrifice some of their personal freedoms to do it. But working together for the common good has helped us fight the pandemic and could bode well for solving other worldwide problems requiring cooperation—like poverty, ethnic violence, and climate-based disaster.
That’s why I hope we will hold on to that lesson after we leave our homes. There is power in keeping in mind our common humanity and our sense of interconnection. If we also remember the importance of our relationships, resilience, gratitude, and doing with less, we can move forward into our un-sheltered lives again with a renewed sense of purpose and tackle some of our most difficult problems. It could be that collective, compassionate action will be the key to creating a better future for us all.
Jill Suttie, Psy.D. , is Greater Good ’s former book review editor and now serves as a staff writer and contributing editor for the magazine. She received her doctorate of psychology from the University of San Francisco in 1998 and was a psychologist in private practice before coming to Greater Good .
Senior Lecturer in Social Science, Swansea University
Michael Ward does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Swansea University provides funding as a member of The Conversation UK.
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A diary is by its very nature an intensely personal thing. It’s a place to record our most intimate thoughts and worries about the world around us. In other words, it is a glimpse at our state of mind.
Now, the coronavirus pandemic, and the impact of the lockdown, have left many people isolated and scared about what the future might bring. As a sociologist, I was keen to hear how people were experiencing this totally new way of life. So in early March I began the CoronaDiaries – a sociological study which aimed to highlight the real voices and the everyday experiences of the pandemic by collecting the accounts of people up and down the UK, before, during and after the crisis.
From the frontline health worker concerned about PPE and exposure to COVID-19, to the furloughed engineer worried about his mental health, these are the voices of the pandemic. Entries take a variety of forms, such as handwritten or word-processed diaries, blogs, social media posts, photos, videos, memes and other submissions like songs, poems, shopping lists, dream logs and artwork. So far, the study has recruited 164 participants, from 12 countries, aged between 11 and 87. These people come from a range of backgrounds.
This article is part of Conversation Insights The Insights team generates long-form journalism derived from interdisciplinary research. The team is working with academics from different backgrounds who have been engaged in projects aimed at tackling societal and scientific challenges.
When I began this project in March, I did not expect the study to prove so popular. I have been studying and working as a sociologist for nearly 20 years and most of my research so far has looked at how young men experience education, gender roles and social inequality.
Like many of us, I was wondering how I could be of use at this time, do my bit in the crisis and make the most of my skills. As the weeks have gone by and more and more people have signed up, I’ve realised this project isn’t just a research study to understand how society is being made and remade – it is also providing hope and acting as a cathartic coping tool for people. While some of the documents have made me cry, especially those from already vulnerable people, others have made me laugh and have been a joy to read. I feel as though I am on a journey with the participants as we move through the crisis.
Reading the entries, what becomes clear as the lockdown is eased is that this pandemic has been – and will continue to be – experienced in very different ways across society. For some, the crisis has been an opportunity, but for others, who are already in a disadvantaged position, it is a very frightening experience.
The frontline health worker
Emma is in her late 30s, and a frontline health worker in a rural location in Wales. Like many key workers, Emma is also juggling family life and caring responsibilities. In a diary entry written in mid-march, Emma foresaw issues with PPE in the NHS.
On my shifts over the previous weekend, it became apparent how unprepared we are. I was working on a ‘clean’ ward and four of the patients were found to potentially be infected. There were no clinical indications they were potentially infected on admission and had been nursed without PPE for two days. We may have all been exposed, as these patients are suspected to have COVID-19. We have been given bare bones PPE. It was quite sobering when a rapid response was called and the doctors refused to enter the cubicle without FFP3 masks , blue gown and visor.
Emma said the equipment “magically turned up” after the doctors took this stand but said the sight of them all in surgical gowns, helmets and visors “did verge on the ridiculous”. She added:
I did find it amusing – we’re looking at the doctors wanting their protection and they are looking at the consultant wanting his! It did feel like a farce. Fortunately, the patient was made stable and went to surgery for another issue. But the whole episode was worrying, particularly the crappy surgical mask and aprons we are provided. It’s also galling that they have told staff there is no PPE when clearly there is. Can’t help but think a lack of information is creating fear amongst staff. It’s also weird they aren’t testing staff unless they’re symptomatic. This is crazy when they are so dependent on bank and agency workers who move around.
The worried mum
Beth, 35, is a mother of two young children who lives in a busy city. In the early days of the crisis, she hid her fears from her children. Here is a snapshot from her written diary:
I didn’t sleep well last night, didn’t help I watched the news before going to sleep. Then looked at my phone and full of corona news … Today was the big announcement from Boris (Friday, March 20) ‘to stay in’! Even though he had been saying this all week, the tone and manner of the broadcast was so scary and serious. I felt scared for my family and it just made me fearful of what is to come. I rang my mum straight away … [she] could hear my fear. After a good chat … my mum … remind[ed] me ‘we are all well at this moment’ and to focus on that. My daughter cried later that evening. I said, ‘what are you scared of’ to which she replied, ‘I’m not sure mummy, I don’t know what I am scared of.’ Which made me realise that I need to be brave and make sure that both kids are reassured. Later that evening, I felt tearful and just feeling overwhelmed by the whole situation. How stupid too, because we are all safe.
Read more: How to help with school at home: don't talk like a teacher
The student
Audrey, 21, goes to a university in Birmingham and is in the final months of her degree. The rupture of “normal” student life became clear when the full scale of the lockdown came into force, causing her housemates to leave their shared house.
I’d just lost all three of my housemates, who’d returned to Barbados, Spain and France – literally one day after each other. My landlord really kindly agreed that my sister could stay with me – and she won’t even charge any rent. I almost cried when I got that message. I was having a facetime with my friend, where we paused to watch Boris Johnson’s speech (March 23). It was so scary because we were effectively in lockdown. I had told my sister that I thought it was about to happen earlier in the day, she didn’t believe me – and then unfortunately it came true! I told her to jump on the train from Manchester.
Audrey went on to write how some of her fellow students set up a food bank in one of the student accommodations near her and that she is determined help where she can. But despite her altruistic efforts, the lockdown was still taking its toll.
I feel deflated from everything. I chatted to a friend over Messenger and she suggested I paint something. I painted this rainbow and felt so much better at the end. I added in my favourite quote that gets [me] through any hard times and stuck it on the window.
The cleaner
Eva is a self-employed cleaner, in her mid 50s, who lives in South Wales with her husband, John, who works in a factory making hand sanitiser. As the lockdown entered its second month, she reflected on her relationship with the woman who worked for her and how differently the pandemic was effecting them both.
Today I am cleaning the community centre, which since the lockdown, is running as a food bank three days a week … I bleach everything, door handles, floors, everything. Most staff work from home at the moment so we are going in the morning until all this is over. I’m glad I’m still in business for Beverly, who works with me, as much as anything. I’m her only income, but if I don’t work, I don’t get paid. We have a cigarette break outside and I remind Beverly to stay apart. ‘What, beans for brekkie, was it?’ I laugh. Beverly really doesn’t care about COVID – like many others I meet, who believe if they get it, they get it.
For once I’m glad I’m a worrier, plus I’m not ready to die yet. We are out of there early as no staff equals less mess. I break it to Beverly that I can’t give her a lift home for now. Last week I made her sit in the back [of the car] which felt faintly ridiculous, but John advised even that’s too close. Beverly shrugs and says that’s fine. Her son died unexpectedly two years ago and now she accepts hardship with ease. I feel bad as her life really is crap and now she has to walk two miles home.
The teacher
Sophia is a teacher in her 40s and based in the south of England. She is trying to home school her children during the lockdown and being a parent and a teacher is proving challenging.
We began the day slightly differently with an online PE lesson from someone called Joe Wicks, or The Body Coach. He’s been really popular during the lockdown and a few of my friends recommended the 30-minute workout session he does every day at 9am, so I thought we’d give it a go! Unfortunately, my two have the concentration spans of goldfish so it didn’t go according to plan! My son ended up lying upside down, with his legs on a chair and his head on the floor and my daughter said he moved too fast, before promptly falling on her behind! The only problem with changing the routine was that we were then 30 minutes late for home school and my son does not cope well with change. He needs quite a rigid structure, with clearly defined timings and any changes can be detrimental. The speed of the school lockdown was particularly challenging: school gives his day structure and taking it away so abruptly was very difficult for him.
The civil servant
Sarah is a civil servant in her mid-60s working in a pivotal role for HM Revenue and Customs. She used her diary to document the rapid changes which have taken place in her organisation since the lockdown and how working from home was becoming “normal” from March 23.
My department is changing so quickly – we have introduced a new i-form to promote more ‘web chat’. This is proving popular with the public. We are trialling taking incoming telephone calls at home. We are all now working from home when we can, no more car sharing, unless it’s with someone you live with – we must keep two metres apart. I am beginning to accept that this is a crisis, once in a generation, completely alien to us. Will life in the future be remembered as ‘before and after’ COVID-19? For the first time in many years I feel so proud to work where I do…I understand, possibly for the first time, why we are ‘key workers’. We have a letter as proof to show the police if we are ever stopped whilst travelling into work and NCP carparks are free for us to use if we come into work! No better validation than that!
The furloughed engineer
Lucas, a man in his late 30s from Northern Ireland, is finding the pandemic difficult on multiple levels. It’s a trigger for his mental health, but also it is a reminder of past troubles.
Nightmare. Anxiety, fear, dread, no way to burn off the angst, worry upon worry, like how the inside of my head can be at times. Then there’s the ones that are really in the middle of it, nurses dying because there was no proper PPE at the right time, people losing parents, friends, and IMHO worst of all, kids.
Lucas writes about how he stopped watching the news because in an attempt to “avoid anxiety”. He adds:
I grew up in Northern Ireland during ‘the troubles’ and it was totally normal for me to watch the news every night at tea time [6pm] and hear of various paramilitary groups killing people. That was 100% normal to me. Looking back watching the news in those times did me no good. Sure, I know some facts about it all, but do I feel any better for it … Same as now, I’m going to try to ride this out with my hands over my ears and my head in the sand at times.
Read more: Coronavirus: a growing number of people are avoiding news
The academic
Jack, 72, is a retired academic who used his diary to comment on societal problems. One of which is the narrative of what the “new normal” is and how society is being remade.
April 29 saw the return of Boris, who was to ‘take control of the problem’. An almost religious return for someone who came back from being nearly dead on Easter Sunday! It seems we are being told to be ready for the new normal which again raises the issue of what post-lockdown will be like. On the web I don’t see sociologists rushing in to think about this new normal! A Google search suggests that the new normal is being constructed largely by those in business and is largely focused on the new normal being a more exaggerated (and better?) version of the old normal – more globalisation, more focus on customers and so on. There is little ‘thinking outside the box’.
Read more: What will the world be like after coronavirus? Four possible futures
The bell-ringer
Daniel, a man in his mid-20s, had just started a new relationship in February with a woman he met while bell-ringing at a church in the Midlands. However, both he and his girlfriend live apart and have not seen each other since the lockdown began. Over the past few months, Daniel has found this a challenge, but has documented how their relationship has been maintained virtually and through the help of keeping a diary.
Suzy and I have got to know each other a lot quicker and a lot better than what we may have done otherwise, and whilst we do miss each other immensely, it’ll make the good times so much better when we do see each other next. Whenever and however we get out of this, I am determined that I will have made the most of these extraordinary circumstances.
This is just a glimpse of the stories that have been gathered by the CoronaDiaries project, but already patterns are emerging. While this crisis is undoubtedly impacting on people across the globe, what is clear from these accounts is that there are multiple crises across everyday life – for the young, the old, for mothers and for fathers and for those from different class, gender and ethnic backgrounds. These entries are able to highlight the multiple different lives behind the dreaded numbers we hear announced each day.
My diarists have been recording how they feel vulnerable and uncertain about their future – but there is also hope that things will not be like this forever.
The evidence which is being gathered here can play an important part in addressing the social, political and economic changes created by the COVID-19 pandemic. This type of analysis will foster global awareness of crucial issues that can help support specific public health responses to better control future outbreaks and to better prepare people for future problems. The study will run until September and all accounts will then be available to view in a free digital online archive.
All the names used in this piece have been changed at the request of the study participants.
For you: more from our Insights series :
Lockdown lessons from the history of solitude
What will the world be like after coronavirus? Four possible futures
The end of the world: a history of how a silent cosmos led humans to fear the worst
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Anastasiya Kandratsenka George Washington High School, Class of 2021
At this point in time there shouldn't be a single person who doesn't know about the coronavirus, or as they call it, COVID-19. The coronavirus is a virus that originated in China, reached the U.S. and eventually spread all over the world by January of 2020. The common symptoms of the virus include shortness of breath, chills, sore throat, headache, loss of taste and smell, runny nose, vomiting and nausea. As it has been established, it might take up to 14 days for the symptoms to show. On top of that, the virus is also highly contagious putting all age groups at risk. The elderly and individuals with chronic diseases such as pneumonia or heart disease are in the top risk as the virus attacks the immune system.
The virus first appeared on the news and media platforms in the month of January of this year. The United States and many other countries all over the globe saw no reason to panic as it seemed that the virus presented no possible threat. Throughout the next upcoming months, the virus began to spread very quickly, alerting health officials not only in the U.S., but all over the world. As people started digging into the origin of the virus, it became clear that it originated in China. Based on everything scientists have looked at, the virus came from a bat that later infected other animals, making it way to humans. As it goes for the United States, the numbers started rising quickly, resulting in the cancellation of sports events, concerts, large gatherings and then later on schools.
As it goes personally for me, my school was shut down on March 13th. The original plan was to put us on a two weeks leave, returning on March 30th but, as the virus spread rapidly and things began escalating out of control very quickly, President Trump announced a state of emergency and the whole country was put on quarantine until April 30th. At that point, schools were officially shut down for the rest of the school year. Distanced learning was introduced, online classes were established, a new norm was put in place. As for the School District of Philadelphia distanced learning and online classes began on May 4th. From that point on I would have classes four times a week, from 8AM till 3PM. Virtual learning was something that I never had to experience and encounter before. It was all new and different for me, just as it was for millions of students all over the United States. We were forced to transfer from physically attending school, interacting with our peers and teachers, participating in fun school events and just being in a classroom setting, to just looking at each other through a computer screen in a number of days. That is something that we all could have never seen coming, it was all so sudden and new.
My experience with distanced learning was not very great. I get distracted very easily and find it hard to concentrate, especially when it comes to school. In a classroom I was able to give my full attention to what was being taught, I was all there. However, when we had the online classes, I could not focus and listen to what my teachers were trying to get across. I got distracted very easily, missing out on important information that was being presented. My entire family which consists of five members, were all home during the quarantine. I have two little siblings who are very loud and demanding, so I’m sure it can be imagined how hard it was for me to concentrate on school and do what was asked of me when I had these two running around the house. On top of school, I also had to find a job and work 35 hours a week to support my family during the pandemic. My mother lost her job for the time being and my father was only able to work from home. As we have a big family, the income of my father was not enough. I made it my duty to help out and support our family as much as I could: I got a job at a local supermarket and worked there as a cashier for over two months.
While I worked at the supermarket, I was exposed to dozens of people every day and with all the protection that was implemented to protect the customers and the workers, I was lucky enough to not get the virus. As I say that, my grandparents who do not even live in the U.S. were not so lucky. They got the virus and spent over a month isolated, in a hospital bed, with no one by their side. Our only way of communicating was through the phone and if lucky, we got to talk once a week. Speaking for my family, that was the worst and scariest part of the whole situation. Luckily for us, they were both able to recover completely.
As the pandemic is somewhat under control, the spread of the virus has slowed down. We’re now living in the new norm. We no longer view things the same, the way we did before. Large gatherings and activities that require large groups to come together are now unimaginable! Distanced learning is what we know, not to mention the importance of social distancing and having to wear masks anywhere and everywhere we go. This is the new norm now and who knows when and if ever we’ll be able go back to what we knew before. This whole experience has made me realize that we, as humans, tend to take things for granted and don’t value what we have until it is taken away from us.
[tid]: dedication, [tid]: new tools for a new house: transformations for justice and peace in and beyond covid-19, [tid]: black lives matter, intersectionality, and lgbtq rights now, [tid]: the voice of asian american youth: what goes untold, [tid]: beyond words: reimagining education through art and activism, [tid]: voice(s) of a black man, [tid]: embodied learning and community resilience, [tid]: re-imagining professional learning in a time of social isolation: storytelling as a tool for healing and professional growth, [tid]: reckoning: what does it mean to look forward and back together as critical educators, [tid]: leader to leaders: an indigenous school leader’s advice through storytelling about grief and covid-19, [tid]: finding hope, healing and liberation beyond covid-19 within a context of captivity and carcerality, [tid]: flux leadership: leading for justice and peace in & beyond covid-19, [tid]: flux leadership: insights from the (virtual) field, [tid]: hard pivot: compulsory crisis leadership emerges from a space of doubt, [tid]: and how are the children, [tid]: real talk: teaching and leading while bipoc, [tid]: systems of emotional support for educators in crisis, [tid]: listening leadership: the student voices project, [tid]: global engagement, perspective-sharing, & future-seeing in & beyond a global crisis, [tid]: teaching and leadership during covid-19: lessons from lived experiences, [tid]: crisis leadership in independent schools - styles & literacies, [tid]: rituals, routines and relationships: high school athletes and coaches in flux, [tid]: superintendent back-to-school welcome 2020, [tid]: mitigating summer learning loss in philadelphia during covid-19: humble attempts from the field, [tid]: untitled, [tid]: the revolution will not be on linkedin: student activism and neoliberalism, [tid]: why radical self-care cannot wait: strategies for black women leaders now, [tid]: from emergency response to critical transformation: online learning in a time of flux, [tid]: illness methodology for and beyond the covid era, [tid]: surviving black girl magic, the work, and the dissertation, [tid]: cancelled: the old student experience, [tid]: lessons from liberia: integrating theatre for development and youth development in uncertain times, [tid]: designing a more accessible future: learning from covid-19, [tid]: the construct of standards-based education, [tid]: teachers leading teachers to prepare for back to school during covid, [tid]: using empathy to cross the sea of humanity, [tid]: (un)doing college, community, and relationships in the time of coronavirus, [tid]: have we learned nothing, [tid]: choosing growth amidst chaos, [tid]: living freire in pandemic….participatory action research and democratizing knowledge at knowledgedemocracy.org, [tid]: philly students speak: voices of learning in pandemics, [tid]: the power of will: a letter to my descendant, [tid]: photo essays with students, [tid]: unity during a global pandemic: how the fight for racial justice made us unite against two diseases, [tid]: educational changes caused by the pandemic and other related social issues, [tid]: online learning during difficult times, [tid]: fighting crisis: a student perspective, [tid]: the destruction of soil rooted with culture, [tid]: a demand for change, [tid]: education through experience in and beyond the pandemics, [tid]: the pandemic diaries, [tid]: all for one and 4 for $4, [tid]: tiktok activism, [tid]: why digital learning may be the best option for next year, [tid]: my 2020 teen experience, [tid]: living between two pandemics, [tid]: journaling during isolation: the gold standard of coronavirus, [tid]: sailing through uncertainty, [tid]: what i wish my teachers knew, [tid]: youthing in pandemic while black, [tid]: the pain inflicted by indifference, [tid]: education during the pandemic, [tid]: the good, the bad, and the year 2020, [tid]: racism fueled pandemic, [tid]: coronavirus: my experience during the pandemic, [tid]: the desensitization of a doomed generation, [tid]: a philadelphia war-zone, [tid]: the attack of the covid monster, [tid]: back-to-school: covid-19 edition, [tid]: the unexpected war, [tid]: learning outside of the classroom, [tid]: why we should learn about college financial aid in school: a student perspective, [tid]: flying the plane as we go: building the future through a haze, [tid]: my covid experience in the age of technology, [tid]: we, i, and they, [tid]: learning your a, b, cs during a pandemic, [tid]: quarantine: a musical, [tid]: what it’s like being a high school student in 2020, [tid]: everything happens for a reason, [tid]: blacks live matter – a sobering and empowering reality among my peers, [tid]: the mental health of a junior during covid-19 outbreaks, [tid]: a year of change, [tid]: covid-19 and school, [tid]: the virtues and vices of virtual learning, [tid]: college decisions and the year 2020: a virtual rollercoaster, [tid]: quarantine thoughts, [tid]: quarantine through generation z, [tid]: attending online school during a pandemic.
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Research Article
Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing
* E-mail: [email protected]
Affiliation Faculty of Health Sciences, Department of Nursing and Health Promotion, Oslo Metropolitan University, Oslo, Norway
Roles Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – review & editing
Roles Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – review & editing
Affiliation Department of Primary and Secondary Teacher Education, Faculty of Education and International Studies, Oslo Metropolitan University, Oslo, Norway
Roles Investigation, Methodology, Writing – review & editing
Roles Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – review & editing
The COVID-19 pandemic lead to a sudden shift to online teaching and restricted campus access.
To assess how university students experienced the sudden shift to online teaching after closure of campus due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Students in Public Health Nutrition answered questionnaires two and 12 weeks (N = 79: response rate 20.3% and 26.6%, respectively) after the lockdown in Norway on 12 March 2020 and participated in digital focus group interviews in May 2020 (mixed methods study).
Two weeks into the lockdown, 75% of students reported that their life had become more difficult and 50% felt that learning outcomes would be harder to achieve due to the sudden shift to online education. Twelve weeks into the lockdown, the corresponding numbers were 57% and 71%, respectively. The most pressing concerns among students were a lack of social interaction, housing situations that were unfit for home office purposes, including insufficient data bandwidth, and an overall sense of reduced motivation and effort. The students collaborated well in digital groups but wanted smaller groups with students they knew rather than being randomly assigned to groups. Most students agreed that pre-recorded and streamed lectures, frequent virtual meetings and student response systems could improve learning outcomes in future digital courses. The preference for written home exams over online versions of previous on-campus exams was likely influenced by student’s familiarity with the former. The dropout rate remained unchanged compared to previous years.
The sudden shift to digital teaching was challenging for students, but it appears that they adapted quickly to the new situation. A lthough the concerns described by students in this study may only be representative for the period right after campus lockdown, the study provide the student perspective on a unique period of time in higher education.
Citation: Almendingen K, Morseth MS, Gjølstad E, Brevik A, Tørris C (2021) Student’s experiences with online teaching following COVID-19 lockdown: A mixed methods explorative study. PLoS ONE 16(8): e0250378. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0250378
Editor: Mohammed Saqr, KTH Royal Institute of Technology, SWEDEN
Received: September 30, 2020; Accepted: April 6, 2021; Published: August 31, 2021
Copyright: © 2021 Almendingen et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Data Availability: All relevant data are within the manuscript and its Supporting Information files.
Funding: The author(s) received no specific funding for this work.
Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
The Coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has caused extraordinary challenges in the global education sector [ 1 , 2 ]. Most countries temporarily closed educational institutions in an attempt to contain the spread of the virus and reduce infections [ 3 ]. In Norway, the move to online teaching and learning methods accelerated as a consequence of the physical closure of universities and university colleges on 12 March 2020 [ 4 ]. Education is better implemented through active, student-centered learning strategies, as opposed to traditional educator-centered pedagogies [ 5 , 6 ]. At the time of the COVID-19 outbreak, the decision to boost the use of active student-centered learning methods and digitalisation had already been made at both the governmental and institutional levels [ 7 , 8 ] because student-active learning (such as use of student response systems and flipping the classroom) increase motivation and improve learning outcomes [ 5 , 7 , 9 ]. However, the implementation of this insight was lagging behind. Traditional educator-centered pedagogies dominated higher education in Norway prior to the lockdown, and only 30% of academic teachers from higher institutions reported having any previous experience with online teaching [ 4 ]. Due to the COVID-19 lockdown, most educators had to change their approaches to most aspects of their work overnight: teaching, assessment, supervision, research, service and engagement [ 4 , 10 ].
Bachelor’s and master’s in Public Health Nutrition (PHN) represents two small-sized programmes at Oslo Metropolitan University (OsloMet). PHN is defined as ‘the application of nutrition and public health principles to design programs, systems, policies, and environments that aims to improve or maintain the optimal health of populations and targeted groups’ [ 11 , 12 ]. Traditional teaching methods dominated on both programs during winter 2020. Following the lockdown, online learning for the continuation of academic activities and the prevention of dropouts from study programmes in higher education were given the highest priority. Due to an extraordinary effort by both the administrative and academic staff, digital alternatives to the scheduled on-campus academic activities were offered to PHN students already in the first week following lockdown. The scheduled on-campus lectures were mainly offered as live-streamed plenary lectures lasting 30–45 minutes, mainly using the video conferencing tool Zoom. Throughout the spring semester educators received training in digital teaching from the institution and increasingly made use of online student response systems (such as Padlet and Mentimeter) as well as tools to facilitate digital group-work (Zoom/Microsoft Teams). Non-theoretical lectures (e.g. cooking classes), were cancelled, and face-to-face exams were re-organized into digital alternatives in order to ensure normal teaching operations. Several small tweaks were employed to minimize dropout. There was no time for coordinating the different courses with regards to the types of online teaching activities, exams and assessments. Social media, i.e Facebook, and SMS were the primary communication channels the first week after lockdown. The use of learning management systems (LMS) Canvas and digital assessment system, Inspera, remained mainly unchanged. Due to the new situation, the deadline for the submission of bachelor theses was postponed by 48 hours. In addition, bachelor students submitting their thesis where given permission to use the submission deadline for the deferred exam in August as their ordinary exam deadline. The deadline for the submission of master theses was extended by one week, but all planned master exams were completed by the end of June, including oral examinations using Zoom instead of the traditional face-to-face examinations on campus. Even though most of the new online activities where put in place with limited regard for subtle nuances of pedagogical theory, and did not allow for much student involvement, the dropout rate from PHN programs remained unchanged compared to previous years. PHN is a small-sized education with close follow up of students. However, although the students experienced a digital revolution overnight, we know little about how they experienced the situation after the university closed for on-campus activities.
Accordingly, the purpose of this study was to assess how Norwegian PHN students experienced the shift to digital teaching following campus lockdown. Students were also asked to provide feedback on what might improve the learning outcomes in future online lectures and courses.
This study utilised a mixed methods cross-sectional design, where quantitative and qualitative methods complemented each other. An invitation to participate was sent out to 79 eligible students via multiple channels (Facebook, Teams, Zoom, LMS Canvas, SMS), with several reminders. The only eligibility criteria was being a student in PHN during spring 2020. All students received the quantitative survey. Due to few students eligible for each focus group interview, all who wanted to participate were interviewed/included. The invited students were in their second-year (n = 17) and third-year (n = 28) bachelor’s and first-year (n = 13) and second-year (n = 21) master’s programme at PHN in the Faculty of Health Sciences at OsloMet. The response rate was 16/79 (20.3%) and 21/79 (26.6%). Two focus group interviews were scheduled in each class (a total of 8) but only 4 interviews were conducted. The research team was heterogeneously composed of members with both pedagogical and health professional backgrounds.
To the best of our knowledge, this study was the first “corona” study at our Faculty. No suitable national or international questionnaire had been developed and /or validated by March 2020. Hence, online questionnaires for the present study were designed virtually ‘over-night’. The questions were however based on experiences from a large-scale interprofessional learning course using the blended learning approach at OsloMet [ 13 , 14 ] and specific experiences that academic staff in Norway reported during the first week of teaching during the lockdown [ 4 ]. The questionnaires were based on an anonymous self-administrated web survey ‘Nettskjema’ [ 15 ]. ‘Nettskjema’ is a Norwegian tool for designing and conducting online surveys with features that are customised for research purposes. It is easy to use, and the respondents can submit answers from a browser on a computer, mobile phone or tablet. During the first week after lockdown, the questionnaire was sent out to university colleagues and head of studies and revised accordingly. The questionnaires were deliberately kept short because the response rate is generally low in student surveys [ 16 ]. Ideally, we should have pretested and validated the questionnaires, but this was not possible within the short-time frame after lockdown. Items were measured on a five-level ordinal scale (Likert scale 0–5). The two forms contained both numerical and open questions, permitting both quantitative and qualitative analyses. The first questionnaire was sent out to the students on 25 March 2020 (two weeks after the closure of university campus; students were asked to submit their answers during the period from 12 March until the link was closed at Easter Holiday), and the second questionnaire was sent on 3 June 2020 (12 weeks after closure; students were asked to submit their answers during the period after Easter and until the end of the spring semester). The questionnaires were distributed as web links embedded in the LMS Canvas application. Because live-streamed lectures were offered primarily through Zoom during the first weeks, students were not asked about interactive digital teaching and tools in the first questionnaire. At the end of both questionnaires, the students were asked what they believed could improve the learning experience in future online education. The qualitative part consisted of text answers to open questions from the two electronic questionnaires.
To capture meaningful insights into the participants experiences, we conducted digital focus group interviews [ 17 ], aiming to conduct one digital focus group interview in each class. PHN is a small sized education, and the teachers know all the students. The focus group interviews were therefore performed by two external independent researchers (EG and CT) who are not directly involved in the PHN education and had no prior knowledge to the students. The two interviewers (moderators) were middle-aged female teachers working in the university, and both have significant experience in digitalizing education. They were presented to the participants as researchers from the university. The report of this study was guided by the consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ). The interviews were conducted via the video conferencing system Zoom during May 2020, following internal guidelines [ 18 ]. In the focus group interviews, the participants reflected on their own experiences, and the moderator guided the discussion using a semi-structured interview guide. This guide was prepared based on the research questions. One pilot interview was conducted, which resulted in some minor changes to the interview guide. The results from the pilot interview are not included in the results. The focus group interviews lasted for approximately one hour, and five students were invited to each focus group interview. The interviews were not recorded, but the moderator took notes, ensuring that the participants remained anonymised.
Quantitative data are described descriptively with numbers and percentages. Apart from re-categorization of response categories, no statistical analysis was performed. Quantitative data were extracted directly from the survey system. Answers in categories 0 or 1 were categorised as ‘Disagree/slightly agree’, answers in categories 2 or 3 were categorised as ‘Somewhat agree’ and answers in categories 4 or 5 were categorised as ‘Agree’. Qualitative data were analysed using systematic text condensation (STC), inspired by Giorgi’s phenomenological approach and modified by Malterud [ 17 ]. First, the entire texts (from the interviews) were read to get an overall impression, and preliminary themes were derived from the interviews. Then, meaning units, such as sentences and words, were identified and connected with the preliminary theme to elucidate the study question. The meaning units were then coded and systemized into groups, so that meaning could be abstracted from the different code groups. Finally, the meanings of the various units were summarised. The qualitative data from the questionnaire were then extracted by the moderators, and the words and sentences were identified and abstracted. In order to ensure quality, the notes from the focus group interviews and the text answers from the questionnaires were reviewed by both moderators.
All participants gave their informed consent. The questionnaires did not include questions about personal health information or sensitive data. The quantitative data were collected through an anonymous web survey using ‘Nettskjema’ [ 15 ]. Internal routines at OsloMet for using Zoom in research interviews were applied [ 18 ]. In the interviews, the participants provided their written consent in the chat without their names and remained anonymous. The data protection was approved by the Norwegian Centre for Research Data (NSD, reference no. 846363), as PHN is a small-sized study programme and because Zoom was used for the digital focus group interviews.
There were 16 (20.3%) and 21 (26.6%) students who answered the questionnaires two and 12 weeks after lockdown, respectively ( Table 1 ). Both samples had an even distribution of bachelor and master students.
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Among the respondents two and 12 weeks after lockdown, 7/16 students (44%) and 9/21 students (43%) reported having previous experience with online learning, respectively ( Table 1 ). After two weeks of forced online education, 8/16 students (50%) expected that their learning outcomes would be inferior with online education compared to their pre-COVID-19 education at campus. After 12 weeks, 15/ 21 students (71%) expected that their learning outcome would be lower, and, notably, none of the students expected that it would be higher. On both occasions, most students reported that studying had become more difficult compared to the time before the pandemic.
Several of the identified challenges with online education were reported by more than 50% of the students, and there was an uneven spread across categories of answers (Tables 2 and 3 ). Only one of 16 students (6%) agreed that they needed to increase their digital competence, but approximately half reported having technical challenges at home. All of the students agreed that the lack of contact with other students was a challenge. However, after 12 weeks, the lack of contact with academic staff seemed to pose less of a challenge.
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After 12 weeks, 20/21 students (95%) agreed that their motivation and effort had been reduced. At the same time, all students wanted to return to campus. Only 5/21 (24%) reported that their learning outcomes had not deteriorated.
Two weeks after lockdown, most students answered that the use of different components of online education would improve the learning outcomes in a future online course ( Table 4 ). Regarding participation in digital group work, there was a nearly even spread across the different categories of answers. Finally, participants preferred written home exams and feedback over the digital options suggested ( Table 5 ).
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After 12 weeks of (forced) online teaching, more ambivalence toward the use of digital learning tools could be detected ( Table 6 ). However, the proportion of students who agreed that digital group work would increase the learning outcomes seemed unchanged (around 1/3 of both samples). In line with the findings obtained only two weeks after lockdown, written submissions and feedback seemed to be preferable to digital exam options ( Table 7 ).
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After 12 weeks, 16/21 students (76%) agreed that social interaction plays a role in learning outcomes and well-being ( Table 8 ), and an equal proportion agreed that it was important that everyone had their camera on during teaching.
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There were 15/21 students (71%) who agreed that their digital competence and interest in digital teaching methods had increased while 6/21 students (29%) disagreed with this statement.
In total, there were four master students who participated in digital focus group interviews (on two different occasions, with three students and one student in the groups, respectively).
The students were satisfied with the teaching and reported that the lecturers were competent in arranging online teaching. The lecturers were also good at adapting to the students’ wishes regarding teaching. Lectures that were streamed live (synchronous classes) were preferred over recordings (asynchronous). One student said it was a privilege to still be able to study even though the university campus was closed due to corona and all the lectures were digital. The students expressed that it is an advantage if the lecturer has digital competence to ensure that the lecture runs smoothly without digital/technical problems, or if there is a co-host who can assist. Technical competence is also important when invitation links are sent out. It signals that the student group is well taken care of. The informants described a course co-ordinator as a person with a good overview and sense of responsibility—someone who is good at structure and order. These qualities were highlighted as important in a fully digitalised teaching program.
The students did not support compulsory attendance, as it would reduce the feeling of freedom that most students value. If learning activities were compulsory, students felt it might also present challenges in dealing with their children and part-time work. The students expressed that most of their fellow students were present in lectures that went live on Zoom. One student stated that live digital lectures were best because it was easier to ask questions. When using a flipped classroom or recordings, the questions must be written down and asked afterwards, but both options (flipped classroom and live streaming) were perceived as fine.
Interestingly, the qualitative results from the questionnaire indicated that some students found it easy to ask questions, while others thought it had become more difficult. According to one student, ‘As long as we have the opportunity to ask questions online, I think it will go just fine. I commute three hours per school day to get to and from school, so I feel I have more time to work with school now that the lecture is online’.
One of the informants thought that interaction was challenging, and it did not feel as natural to ask questions in online classes. ‘Raising your hand’ was not perceived to be as easy as in the face-to-face setting on campus, which could mean that the students did not always get answers to their questions.
The students’ indicated that recorded lectures should not be longer than one hour, as it is easy to lose focus, and one must rewind the recordings. For live online lectures, two hours was deemed fine, and they were perceived as fun to watch. However, each session of the live online lectures should not be longer than 45 minutes.
The online teaching (mainly in the form of synchronous plenum lectures originally intended as on-campus lectures) was challenging in the beginning because some students fell out of the digital rooms due to technical reasons, but it got better over time. Some students experienced poor bandwidth, which led to them not being able to turn on their camera and reduced sound quality. One student stated that poor internet quality was something he could not do anything about, but it resulted in a non-optimal learning situation. It was suggested that using a flipped classroom/recorded lectures in the first weeks after lockdown could have solved this problem.
The respondents pointed out that the use of several conference systems/channels in addition to LMS Canvas provided a poor overview and ineffective communication, and they would prefer a single learning platform. The students were unsure how to contact their teachers in the first weeks after lockdown due to the use of several platforms. Even with a single contact channel (LMS), the students found that the threshold barrier for sending questions to the teacher through email was high.
When asked what they thought about ‘black screens’ (students turning off the camera), several answered that this reduced the quality of communication between the lecturer and student. The lecturer missed affirmative nods from students, and the students also likely missed parts of the communication when the camera was turned off. In some of the lectures, all of the students were encouraged to keep the camera on, and some of the lecturers asked the students questions to initiate two-way communication. The students expressed that it was nice to see the other attending students on video. Furthermore, the participants felt that the lecturers mainly engaged the students who had their camera on. However, several students said that they turned off their cameras during the lectures because the session was being recorded. Another stated that having the camera on was particularly useful when having discussions in digital groups. The students who participated in the survey wished for more recorded lectures, indicating that their lecturers did not do this often.
One of the informants assumed that she would have turned off the camera when recording the lecture, and she thought she had not contributed much. She would have to consider whether a question was ‘stupid’ before asking it, and probably she had not asked any questions at all. She thought this was due to habit, and she indicated that one might get used to being recorded. That is, if recording had been the norm and she had become accustomed to it, it would have been easier to relate to.
All of the informants agreed that presentations with audio were useful, as the material could be repeated by rewinding to the desired location. They also reported that it sometimes took a while for the teachers to post such files, even though the students found these learning resources very useful.
They noticed an increased attendance rate among their peers in the online lectures, which they perceived as positive. The reason for the increased attendance, they believed, was that many students have to make a long trip to attend class, and the threshold for participating had become lower now that all teaching was online. This was supported by the qualitative results from the questionnaire, where a student said, ‘I commute several hours per school day to get to and from school, so I feel I have more time to work with school now that the lecture is online’.
However, one of the informants pointed out that it is important for students to be able to talk to each other when the lecturer is not present, that group activities should be arranged and that they should be provided with opportunities for voluntary meetings on campus in their spare time. One of the informants believed it to be important that the students themselves have a responsibility to address the learning environment and initiate meetings in both academic and social arenas. One felt that it was not desirable that the university was responsible for social contact between peers. It was suggested that time could be set aside, for example, after teaching, so that only students could talk together. It was expressed that in order to preserve social aspects in digital teaching and learning, the first meeting should be on campus. A mentor scheme was suggested, where former students could give tips and advice on how to function as a ‘digital student’.
The students expressed that they mainly collaborated well in digital groups (breakout rooms). Communication usually worked well with both the teacher and peers in these digital rooms. Nevertheless, some students reported that group work was not effective when it was carried out in ‘breakout rooms’. The students felt that the allocated time for group work was too short for collaboration, and some of the time was spent on technical challenges. There were also some students who withdrew from the group work, which the respondents believed was because some were shy. One student said that discussions during group work paid off and that communication worked well, but it was a pity that so few students participated. Getting to know the others in the group well was also deemed to be important for the level of collaboration and professional discussions. The students did not like to be randomly assigned into groups. However, they expressed that it would be advantageous to plan for more group work in smaller groups.
Another positive effect of online teaching the students highlighted was the increased amount of written feedback from lecturers on work submitted voluntarily. The students perceived that this was offered as a compensation for shorter teaching sessions.
One of the respondents thought that it was important to socially interact with peers and missed having lunch with fellow students. Others felt that there had not been many social gatherings in the group previously, and so they did not experience the absence of fellow students as a great loss. They also pointed out that students who had met each other physically at an earlier time had a different starting point in online meetings and for online education. One student stated, ‘Getting to know new peers digitally feels weird’. Furthermore, one of the informants pointed out that most people have a general need for physical contact, and that touching and eye-to-eye contact is important.
Some of the students were more motivated to participate in online learning activities, yet it was perceived to require greater effort to stay motivated and ‘in the course’. Some students work alongside their studies and thus do not attend classes, and others have children who must be tended to. Some indicated that student response systems such as Mentimeter, Quizlet, Padlet, Kahoot! and the use of polls was motivating factors, but it depended on the context in which they were used. Some of the students reported that they especially liked Kahoot, but it was important that the use of such response systems was done in a structured way. They expressed that they liked the teaching programme, which consisted of an introductory video and teaching in which the basics were presented, followed by group work and finally teaching, where the teacher went more in depth. This approach made it easier to follow the teaching and to ask questions.
The students said it was good for motivation when an overview of the course content was published, as it contributed to predictability and more people participate when they know what is planned.
Nevertheless, the qualitative results from the questionnaire indicated that it was difficult to get an overview of everything that needed to be done. It could be challenging to concentrate and have self-discipline due to many distractions, which reduced the students’ motivation. Several students expressed that they felt alone in their studies, and it was difficult to feel alone with the responsibility for learning the curriculum. One student wrote that there was considerable uncertainty, which negatively affected concentration, and that the COVID-19 crises was a difficult time for everyone.
Overall, these students were satisfied with the ad hoc online teaching after the lockdown, although they experienced self-perceived reduced learning outcomes compared to the pre-pandemic situation. It appears that they adapted quickly to the new situation, but they also reported difficulties with the transition to new teaching methods. Based on both the surveys and interviews, the most pressing concerns among students were a lack of social interaction, housing situations that were unsuitable for home office purposes, including insufficient data bandwidth, and a sense of reduced motivation and effort. PHN is a small sized education which enables close contact between educators and students. The low student volume might explain why the dropout rate from the bachelor and master programs remained unchanged compared to that in previous years.
Receiving teaching, supervision, exams and assessments solely through online solutions was a new experience for these students. Apart from a 15-credit mandatory bachelor course offered as hybrid learning (7), traditional teaching methods still dominated the bachelor and master study programmes of PHN in winter 2020. Importantly, the students evaluated the ad hoc solutions offered during the chaotic spring of 2020 rather than a well-planned, high-quality online education using student-active methods [ 5 ]. Teachers switched to online teaching without any time to learn the technology, or standard quality online teaching practices [ 4 ]. They had many years of experience teaching in -person, and they had arranged their lessons and interactive elements around this mode of learning. Alternatively, they had very little experience teaching online. The students’ experiences in these online learning environments, which were thrown together at the last minute, are not necessarily indicative of students’ experiences in a quality online course based on principles from Quality Matters online education [ 19 ].
Although the students reported reduced learning outcomes after 12 weeks dominated by synchronous live-streamed lectures lasting for 30–45 minutes on Zoom, they had positive attitudes toward use of digital learning materials and tools in future online courses. For asynchronous lectures, the rule of thumb in online education is less than 10–15 minutes [ 19 ]. Although lectures of 45 minute duration is far beyond what is recommended for digital teaching [ 19 ], the students responded based on their recent experiences where many teachers, for reasons of feasibility, conducted their planned on-campus lectures digitally shortly after lockdown. Some of the students also reported that they especially liked Kahoot, however, since we wanted to keep the research questionnaire short, we did not ask more in detail for concrete digital tools. A pre-corona study from OsloMet reported that physiotherapy students’ attitudes toward a flipped classroom intervention were mainly positive, although the academic outcomes from the final exam were similar to those in previous years [ 20 ]. Further, in a recent large-scale pre-COVID-19 blended learning interprofessional course conducted a few weeks ahead of the lockdown, first-year bachelor’s students at OsloMet reported positive perceptions of the blended learning approach, using only short video clips (less than 10 minutes) [ 21 ]. Approximately 3/4 of the students in that study disagreed that virtual group discussions resulted in better learning outcomes than face-to-face group discussions. The present data do not conflict with the findings from that larger-scale study.
The students expressed in various ways that online teaching with a lack of social interaction leads to worse learning outcomes and lower levels of motivation and well-being. Concerns about lack of face-to-face contact may have been aggravated by the stressful situation, and contentment with teaching methods would likely improve if teachers had been able to integrate the appropriate elements in a fully digitalized course. Face-to-face interactions provide the foundation for social communication, the lack of which can be viewed as a critical disadvantage of online learning [ 5 ]. Face-to-face training may be particular crucial for candidates expected to have communication skills, such as nutritionists [ 11 , 12 , 22 – 24 ]. The ad hoc solutions for teaching offered during the 2020 spring term were thus not in agreement with the suggested conceptual dimensions, which allow students to expand their knowledge beyond the intended learning outcome established by the teacher: motivation and attention [ 5 ].
The students expressed concerns that are common in traditional in‐class teaching as well, and such issues should not be overlooked in online teaching [ 25 , 26 ]: insufficient pre‐class study preparation, limited participation and inadequate depth in class discussions. Quality of education lies in the knowledge, skills and expertise that are conveyed as well as in the manner in which they are communicated and learned [ 7 , 26 ]. In different ways, the students’ responses revolved around central quality aspects, such as learning objectives, content, programme design, adaptation, teaching, work methods, supervision and forms of assessment [ 7 ]. These findings are in agreement with other studies on COVID‐19 and education [ 4 , 25 , 27 ].
The students stated that they received insufficient information about the exams. This is understandable because staff initially did not know how the different exams would be digitally transformed in spring term 2020. Asked about exam preferences students said that they preferred longer written exams at home, over old campus-style exams, with short timelines, adapted to an online format. They also preferred multi-day written home exams over potential alternatives such as video or podcasts, which none of them had tried before. It should be noted that they had limited experience with digital options. Student-produced podcast and video have been used as formative assessment forms at our university [ 14 ], but to lesser extent as formative assessment forms. The preference for written home exams over digital options was thus likely influenced by student’s familiarity with the former since no exams during this time-period were in the form of podcast or video. Feedback and guidance from academic staff have been found to be key aspects of study quality, and good feedback contributes to increased motivation and improved learning outcomes (6). Exam uncertainty causes undue stress, and thus a key recommendation during the transition to online learning is to ensure that all information about exams is communicated to the students clearly and in a timely manner [ 27 ].
‘Black screens’ do not necessarily reflect individuals lack of motivation and attention or embarrassment, but they may reflect a lack of digital training among freshmen or technical issues, such as poor bandwidth. Broadband bandwidth overload issues and a lack of suitable equipment will probably not be significant problems in Norway in the future. The students suggested that both flipped classrooms and live streaming should be used in future online courses. Flipping the classroom [ 9 ] ahead of live streaming, with the possibility for the students to write down questions during the live streaming or afterward in a seminar, increases flexibility. Asynchronous tools may be utilised to support students to work at different times. We cannot overlook the possibility that new students might have needs that differ from those of senior students in terms of getting accustomed to online education. Nevertheless, our date indicates that clarification of expectations constitutes an important success criteria for online teaching, especially when it comes to group work and formative and summative assessment [ 4 , 27 ].
The closure of campus may have unknown implications for society in both the short and long term [ 28 – 30 ], including impacts on educational quality and the mental health of students and academic staff [ 31 ]. If students are unable to study effectively for some unknown reason, it will make online learning ineffective, regardless of educational quality. The situation after the lockdown in Norway was confusing, and many students lost their jobs and moved back in with their parents [ 4 ]. We did not collect person-sensitive data, and thus we know little about these students’ circumstances. The dropout rate remained nearly unchanged among these students as compared to previous years. Being a small-sized education, the staff were able to follow-up each student individually using digital videoconference tools, such as Zoom and Teams. In the future, more sustainable approaches should be developed, for example, by increasing peer-to-peer interactions and through mentoring programs [ 1 ]. Reducing dropout and increasing completion rates was a strategic goal for higher education before the lockdown [ 29 ], and we do not know the impact of the lockdown on future dropout and completion rates. The high dropout rate from Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) has been a major concern of researchers and educators over the years [ 32 ]. Although some universities worldwide had already started offering MOOC-based undergraduate degrees before the COVID-19 pandemic [ 32 ], most MOOCs do not lead to degrees. The online courses offered in spring 2020 after the lockdown were mandatory courses leading to degrees, and thus they were not directly comparable to the voluntary MOOCs. However, such issues are premature for consideration in the present study. OsloMet is currently participating both in the future ‘The COVID-19 Multi-Country Student Well-being Study’[ 33 ] and the ‘Corona and Campus’ study [ 34 ]. The ‘Corona and Campus’ study has secondary outcomes related to teaching satisfaction and learning outcomes, and such data will have the power to inform future decision-making [ 30 ]. However, the present data were collected shortly after the national lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic on aspects of digitalisation relevant to the (post)-pandemic situation.
This study has several strengths. The most important strength is data collection shortly after a national lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The combined use of both quantitative and qualitative approaches enabled different perspectives to be captured and adds strength to the study. The triangulation allowed us to identify aspects more accurately and helped to offset the weaknesses of each approach alone. Group dynamics in focus group interviews can help bring out nuances in the data material beyond the answers to the predefined quantitative questions in the electronic questionnaires [ 17 ]. Another strength was the research team consisting of both external moderators providing objectivity, lack of vested interest and a fresh perspective, and internal evaluators who were familiar with the education and the students. One limitation is using a questionnaire which was not pre-tested or validated. However, due to time constraints shortly after campus lockdown following the COVID-19 outbreak, it was not possible to perform pre-testing or validation of the instruments used in the present study. Many of the necessary ad hoc changes to the course plans and exams (spring semester 2020) had yet to be made and decided upon when the present study was initiated, even when the first questionnaire was sent out before Easter 2020. The candidates actual achieved learning outcomes and working skills are unknown due to limited opportunities to monitor the quality of their work [ 4 ]. We do not consider it to be relevant to repeat the study, or reuse its instruments, since the acute phase after lockdown is over. PHN is a small-sized education, and the total number of students were only 79 individuals. The stress associated with the unprecedented situation may have contributed to a low response rate. Private circumstances such as poor internet connection, children at home, and lack of an adequate home office may also have contributed to a low response rate. A low response rate is also a limitation in studies performed in a normal situation [ 16 ]. We cannot rule out selection bias in the sample. The students who volunteered for the digital focus group interviews were positive and thorough. In particular, they seemed to reflect on a more general level, not restricted to their own personal situations. However, the range in age among the study participants was representative for the age range of all PHN students, and both bachelor and master students participated in the study. Data are collected from one single university, and the results might not be representative for large sized educations. Since the study is exploratory, we had not planned the data collection in order to test hypotheses. The study seeks to provide a snapshot in time of an evolving situation. Even with some limiting factors we believe the explorative study offers value since it provides a student perspective on an unprecedented black-swan event in higher education.
Although they had little previous experience with online education, these students seemed to adapt quickly to the sudden shift to ad hoc online education due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The most pressing concerns among students were a lack of social interaction, a feeling of being alone in their studies, unfit housing situations for home office purposes, including insufficient data bandwidth, and a sense of reduced motivation and effort. Although our data indicate that face-to-face contact was greatly missed during this time-period, a thoroughly planned online course with numerous contact points between teachers and students would likely have been received more favorably. Finally, the students expressed that they wanted more structure in future digital courses. Due to the very unusual circumstances experienced both by students and teachers in the early stages of national lockdown in Norway, we are hesitant to conclude with regards to students preferences for future online courses.
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The authors would like to thank the participating students and the academic and administrative staff at Oslo Metropolitan University for their contributions.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has forced teachers and parents to quickly adapt to a new educational context: distance learning. Teachers developed online academic material while parents taught the exercises and lessons provided by teachers to their children at home. Considering that the use of digital tools in education has dramatically increased during this crisis, and it is set to continue, there is a pressing need to understand the impact of distance learning. Taking a multidisciplinary view, we argue that by making the learning process rely more than ever on families, rather than on teachers, and by getting students to work predominantly via digital resources, school closures exacerbate social class academic disparities. To address this burning issue, we propose an agenda for future research and outline recommendations to help parents, teachers and policymakers to limit the impact of the lockdown on social-class-based academic inequality.
The widespread effects of the COVID-19 pandemic that emerged in 2019–2020 have drastically increased health, social and economic inequalities 1 , 2 . For more than 900 million learners around the world, the pandemic led to the closure of schools and universities 3 . This exceptional situation forced teachers, parents and students to quickly adapt to a new educational context: distance learning. Teachers had to develop online academic materials that could be used at home to ensure educational continuity while ensuring the necessary physical distancing. Primary and secondary school students suddenly had to work with various kinds of support, which were usually provided online by their teachers. For college students, lockdown often entailed returning to their hometowns while staying connected with their teachers and classmates via video conferences, email and other digital tools. Despite the best efforts of educational institutions, parents and teachers to keep all children and students engaged in learning activities, ensuring educational continuity during school closure—something that is difficult for everyone—may pose unique material and psychological challenges for working-class families and students.
Not only did the pandemic lead to the closure of schools in many countries, often for several weeks, it also accelerated the digitalization of education and amplified the role of parental involvement in supporting the schoolwork of their children. Thus, beyond the specific circumstances of the COVID-19 lockdown, we believe that studying the effects of the pandemic on academic inequalities provides a way to more broadly examine the consequences of school closure and related effects (for example, digitalization of education) on social class inequalities. Indeed, bearing in mind that (1) the risk of further pandemics is higher than ever (that is, we are in a ‘pandemic era’ 4 , 5 ) and (2) beyond pandemics, the use of digital tools in education (and therefore the influence of parental involvement) has dramatically increased during this crisis, and is set to continue, there is a pressing need for an integrative and comprehensive model that examines the consequences of distance learning. Here, we propose such an integrative model that helps us to understand the extent to which the school closures associated with the pandemic amplify economic, digital and cultural divides that in turn affect the psychological functioning of parents, students and teachers in a way that amplifies academic inequalities. Bringing together research in social sciences, ranging from economics and sociology to social, cultural, cognitive and educational psychology, we argue that by getting students to work predominantly via digital resources rather than direct interactions with their teachers, and by making the learning process rely more than ever on families rather than teachers, school closures exacerbate social class academic disparities.
First, we review research showing that social class is associated with unequal access to digital tools, unequal familiarity with digital skills and unequal uses of such tools for learning purposes 6 , 7 . We then review research documenting how unequal familiarity with school culture, knowledge and skills can also contribute to the accentuation of academic inequalities 8 , 9 . Next, we present the results of surveys conducted during the 2020 lockdown showing that the quality and quantity of pedagogical support received from schools varied according to the social class of families (for examples, see refs. 10 , 11 , 12 ). We then argue that these digital, cultural and structural divides represent barriers to the ability of parents to provide appropriate support for children during distance learning (Fig. 1 ). These divides also alter the levels of self-efficacy of parents and children, thereby affecting their engagement in learning activities 13 , 14 . In the final section, we review preliminary evidence for the hypothesis that distance learning widens the social class achievement gap and we propose an agenda for future research. In addition, we outline recommendations that should help parents, teachers and policymakers to use social science research to limit the impact of school closure and distance learning on the social class achievement gap.
Economic, structural, digital and cultural divides influence the psychological functioning of parents and students in a way that amplify inequalities.
Unequal access to digital resources.
Although the use of digital technologies is almost ubiquitous in developed nations, there is a digital divide such that some people are more likely than others to be numerically excluded 15 (Fig. 1 ). Social class is a strong predictor of digital disparities, including the quality of hardware, software and Internet access 16 , 17 , 18 . For example, in 2019, in France, around 1 in 5 working-class families did not have personal access to the Internet compared with less than 1 in 20 of the most privileged families 19 . Similarly, in 2020, in the United Kingdom, 20% of children who were eligible for free school meals did not have access to a computer at home compared with 7% of other children 20 . In 2021, in the United States, 41% of working-class families do not own a laptop or desktop computer and 43% do not have broadband compared with 8% and 7%, respectively, of upper/middle-class Americans 21 . A similar digital gap is also evident between lower-income and higher-income countries 22 .
Second, simply having access to a computer and an Internet connection does not ensure effective distance learning. For example, many of the educational resources sent by teachers need to be printed, thereby requiring access to printers. Moreover, distance learning is more difficult in households with only one shared computer compared with those where each family member has their own 23 . Furthermore, upper/middle-class families are more likely to be able to guarantee a suitable workspace for each child than their working-class counterparts 24 .
In the context of school closures, such disparities are likely to have important consequences for educational continuity. In line with this idea, a survey of approximately 4,000 parents in the United Kingdom confirmed that during lockdown, more than half of primary school children from the poorest families did not have access to their own study space and were less well equipped for distance learning than higher-income families 10 . Similarly, a survey of around 1,300 parents in the Netherlands found that during lockdown, children from working-class families had fewer computers at home and less room to study than upper/middle-class children 11 .
Data from non-Western countries highlight a more general digital divide, showing that developing countries have poorer access to digital equipment. For example, in India in 2018, only 10.7% of households possessed a digital device 25 , while in Pakistan in 2020, 31% of higher-education teachers did not have Internet access and 68.4% did not have a laptop 26 . In general, developing countries lack access to digital technologies 27 , 28 , and these difficulties of access are even greater in rural areas (for example, see ref. 29 ). Consequently, school closures have huge repercussions for the continuity of learning in these countries. For example, in India in 2018, only 11% of the rural and 40% of the urban population above 14 years old could use a computer and access the Internet 25 . Time spent on education during school closure decreased by 80% in Bangladesh 30 . A similar trend was observed in other countries 31 , with only 22% of children engaging in remote learning in Kenya 32 and 50% in Burkina Faso 33 . In Ghana, 26–32% of children spent no time at all on learning during the pandemic 34 . Beyond the overall digital divide, social class disparities are also evident in developing countries, with lower access to digital resources among households in which parental educational levels were low (versus households in which parental educational levels were high; for example, see ref. 35 for Nigeria and ref. 31 for Ecuador).
In addition to unequal access to digital tools, there are also systematic variations in digital skills 36 , 37 (Fig. 1 ). Upper/middle-class families are more familiar with digital tools and resources and are therefore more likely to have the digital skills needed for distance learning 38 , 39 , 40 . These digital skills are particularly useful during school closures, both for students and for parents, for organizing, retrieving and correctly using the resources provided by the teachers (for example, sending or receiving documents by email, printing documents or using word processors).
Social class disparities in digital skills can be explained in part by the fact that children from upper/middle-class families have the opportunity to develop digital skills earlier than working-class families 41 . In member countries of the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), only 23% of working-class children had started using a computer at the age of 6 years or earlier compared with 43% of upper/middle-class children 42 . Moreover, because working-class people tend to persist less than upper/middle-class people when confronted with digital difficulties 23 , the use of digital tools and resources for distance learning may interfere with the ability of parents to help children with their schoolwork.
A third level of digital divide concerns variations in digital tool use 18 , 43 (Fig. 1 ). Upper/middle-class families are more likely to use digital resources for work and education 6 , 41 , 44 , whereas working-class families are more likely to use these resources for entertainment, such as electronic games or social media 6 , 45 . This divide is also observed among students, whereby working-class students tend to use digital technologies for leisure activities, whereas their upper/middle-class peers are more likely to use them for academic activities 46 and to consider that computers and the Internet provide an opportunity for education and training 23 . Furthermore, working-class families appear to regulate the digital practices of their children less 47 and are more likely to allow screens in the bedrooms of children and teenagers without setting limits on times or practices 48 .
In sum, inequalities in terms of digital resources, skills and use have strong implications for distance learning. This is because they make working-class students and parents particularly vulnerable when learning relies on extensive use of digital devices rather than on face-to-face interaction with teachers.
Even if all three levels of digital divide were closed, upper/middle-class families would still be better prepared than working-class families to ensure educational continuity for their children. Upper/middle-class families are more familiar with the academic knowledge and skills that are expected and valued in educational settings, as well as with the independent, autonomous way of learning that is valued in the school culture and becomes even more important during school closure (Fig. 1 ).
According to classical social reproduction theory 8 , 49 , school is not a neutral place in which all forms of language and knowledge are equally valued. Academic contexts expect and value culture-specific and taken-for-granted forms of knowledge, skills and ways of being, thinking and speaking that are more in tune with those developed through upper/middle-class socialization (that is, ‘cultural capital’ 8 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 ). For instance, academic contexts value interest in the arts, museums and literature 54 , 55 , a type of interest that is more likely to develop through socialization in upper/middle-class families than in working-class socialization 54 , 56 . Indeed, upper/middle-class parents are more likely than working-class parents to engage in activities that develop this cultural capital. For example, they possess more books and cultural objects at home, read more stories to their children and visit museums and libraries more often (for examples, see refs. 51 , 54 , 55 ). Upper/middle-class children are also more involved in extra-curricular activities (for example, playing a musical instrument) than working-class children 55 , 56 , 57 .
Beyond this implicit familiarization with the school curriculum, upper/middle-class parents more often organize educational activities that are explicitly designed to develop academic skills of their children 57 , 58 , 59 . For example, they are more likely to monitor and re-explain lessons or use games and textbooks to develop and reinforce academic skills (for example, labelling numbers, letters or colours 57 , 60 ). Upper/middle-class parents also provide higher levels of support and spend more time helping children with homework than working-class parents (for examples, see refs. 61 , 62 ). Thus, even if all parents are committed to the academic success of their children, working-class parents have fewer chances to provide the help that children need to complete homework 63 , and homework is more beneficial for children from upper-middle class families than for children from working-class families 64 , 65 .
The trends described above have been observed in ‘normal’ times when schools are open. School closures, by making learning rely more strongly on practices implemented at home (rather than at school), are likely to amplify the impact of these disparities. Consistent with this idea, research has shown that the social class achievement gap usually greatly widens during school breaks—a phenomenon described as ‘summer learning loss’ or ‘summer setback’ 66 , 67 , 68 . During holidays, the learning by children tends to decline, and this is particularly pronounced in children from working-class families. Consequently, the social class achievement gap grows more rapidly during the summer months than it does in the rest of the year. This phenomenon is partly explained by the fact that during the break from school, social class disparities in investment in activities that are beneficial for academic achievement (for example, reading, travelling to a foreign country or museum visits) are more pronounced.
Therefore, when they are out of school, children from upper/middle-class backgrounds may continue to develop academic skills unlike their working-class counterparts, who may stagnate or even regress. Research also indicates that learning loss during school breaks tends to be cumulative 66 . Thus, repeated episodes of school closure are likely to have profound consequences for the social class achievement gap. Consistent with the idea that school closures could lead to similar processes as those identified during summer breaks, a recent survey indicated that during the COVID-19 lockdown in the United Kingdom, children from upper/middle-class families spent more time on educational activities (5.8 h per day) than those from working-class families (4.5 h per day) 7 , 69 .
School closures have encouraged autonomous work among students. This ‘independent’ way of studying is compatible with the family socialization of upper/middle-class students, but does not match the interdependent norms more commonly associated with working-class contexts 9 . Upper/middle-class contexts tend to promote cultural norms of independence whereby individuals perceive themselves as autonomous actors, independent of other individuals and of the social context, able to pursue their own goals 70 . For example, upper/middle-class parents tend to invite children to express their interests, preferences and opinions during the various activities of everyday life 54 , 55 . Conversely, in working-class contexts characterized by low economic resources and where life is more uncertain, individuals tend to perceive themselves as interdependent, connected to others and members of social groups 53 , 70 , 71 . This interdependent self-construal fits less well with the independent culture of academic contexts. This cultural mismatch between interdependent self-construal common in working-class students and the independent norms of the educational institution has negative consequences for academic performance 9 .
Once again, the impact of these differences is likely to be amplified during school closures, when being able to work alone and autonomously is especially useful. The requirement to work alone is more likely to match the independent self-construal of upper/middle-class students than the interdependent self-construal of working-class students. In the case of working-class students, this mismatch is likely to increase their difficulties in working alone at home. Supporting our argument, recent research has shown that working-class students tend to underachieve in contexts where students work individually compared with contexts where students work with others 72 . Similarly, during school closures, high self-regulation skills (for example, setting goals, selecting appropriate learning strategies and maintaining motivation 73 ) are required to maintain study activities and are likely to be especially useful for using digital resources efficiently. Research has shown that students from working-class backgrounds typically develop their self-regulation skills to a lesser extent than those from upper/middle-class backgrounds 74 , 75 , 76 .
Interestingly, some authors have suggested that independent (versus interdependent) self-construal may also affect communication with teachers 77 . Indeed, in the context of distance learning, working-class families are less likely to respond to the communication of teachers because their ‘interdependent’ self leads them to respect hierarchies, and thus perceive teachers as an expert who ‘can be trusted to make the right decisions for learning’. Upper/middle class families, relying on ‘independent’ self-construal, are more inclined to seek individualized feedback, and therefore tend to participate to a greater extent in exchanges with teachers. Such cultural differences are important because they can also contribute to the difficulties encountered by working-class families.
The issues reviewed thus far all increase the vulnerability of children and students from underprivileged backgrounds when schools are closed. To offset these disadvantages, it might be expected that the school should increase its support by providing additional resources for working-class students. However, recent data suggest that differences in the material and human resources invested in providing educational support for children during periods of school closure were—paradoxically—in favour of upper/middle-class students (Fig. 1 ). In England, for example, upper/middle-class parents reported benefiting from online classes and video-conferencing with teachers more often than working-class parents 10 . Furthermore, active help from school (for example, online teaching, private tutoring or chats with teachers) occurred more frequently in the richest households (64% of the richest households declared having received help from school) than in the poorest households (47%). Another survey found that in the United Kingdom, upper/middle-class children were more likely to take online lessons every day (30%) than working-class students (16%) 12 . This substantial difference might be due, at least in part, to the fact that private schools are better equipped in terms of online platforms (60% of schools have at least one online platform) than state schools (37%, and 23% in the most deprived schools) and were more likely to organize daily online lessons. Similarly, in the United Kingdom, in schools with a high proportion of students eligible for free school meals, teachers were less inclined to broadcast an online lesson for their pupils 78 . Interestingly, 58% of teachers in the wealthiest areas reported having messaged their students or their students’ parents during lockdown compared with 47% in the most deprived schools. In addition, the probability of children receiving technical support from the school (for example, by providing pupils with laptops or other devices) is, surprisingly, higher in the most advantaged schools than in the most deprived 78 .
In addition to social class disparities, there has been less support from schools for African-American and Latinx students. During school closures in the United States, 40% of African-American students and 30% of Latinx students received no online teaching compared with 10% of white students 79 . Another source of inequality is that the probability of school closure was correlated with social class and race. In the United States, for example, school closures from September to December 2020 were more common in schools with a high proportion of racial/ethnic minority students, who experience homelessness and are eligible for free/discounted school meals 80 .
Similarly, access to educational resources and support was lower in poorer (compared with richer) countries 81 . In sub-Saharan Africa, during lockdown, 45% of children had no exposure at all to any type of remote learning. Of those who did, the medium was mostly radio, television or paper rather than digital. In African countries, at most 10% of children received some material through the Internet. In Latin America, 90% of children received some remote learning, but less than half of that was through the internet—the remainder being via radio and television 81 . In Ecuador, high-school students from the lowest wealth quartile had fewer remote-learning opportunities, such as Google class/Zoom, than students from the highest wealth quartile 31 .
Thus, the achievement gap and its accentuation during lockdown are due not only to the cultural and digital disadvantages of working-class families but also to unequal support from schools. This inequality in school support is not due to teachers being indifferent to or even supportive of social stratification. Rather, we believe that these effects are fundamentally structural. In many countries, schools located in upper/middle-class neighbourhoods have more money than those in the poorest neighbourhoods. Moreover, upper/middle-class parents invest more in the schools of their children than working-class parents (for example, see ref. 82 ), and schools have an interest in catering more for upper/middle-class families than for working-class families 83 . Additionally, the expectation of teachers may be lower for working-class children 84 . For example, they tend to estimate that working-class students invest less effort in learning than their upper/middle-class counterparts 85 . These differences in perception may have influenced the behaviour of teachers during school closure, such that teachers in privileged neighbourhoods provided more information to students because they expected more from them in term of effort and achievement. The fact that upper/middle-class parents are better able than working-class parents to comply with the expectations of teachers (for examples, see refs. 55 , 86 ) may have reinforced this phenomenon. These discrepancies echo data showing that working-class students tend to request less help in their schoolwork than upper/middle-class ones 87 , and they may even avoid asking for help because they believe that such requests could lead to reprimands 88 . During school closures, these students (and their families) may in consequence have been less likely to ask for help and resources. Jointly, these phenomena have resulted in upper/middle-class families receiving more support from schools during lockdown than their working-class counterparts.
Despite being strongly influenced by social class, differences in academic achievement are often interpreted by parents, teachers and students as reflecting differences in ability 89 . As a result, upper/middle-class students are usually perceived—and perceive themselves—as smarter than working-class students, who are perceived—and perceive themselves—as less intelligent 90 , 91 , 92 or less able to succeed 93 . Working-class students also worry more about the fact that they might perform more poorly than upper/middle-class students 94 , 95 . These fears influence academic learning in important ways. In particular, they can consume cognitive resources when children and students work on academic tasks 96 , 97 . Self-efficacy also plays a key role in engaging in learning and perseverance in the face of difficulties 13 , 98 . In addition, working-class students are those for whom the fear of being outperformed by others is the most negatively related to academic performance 99 .
The fact that working-class children and students are less familiar with the tasks set by teachers, and less well equipped and supported, makes them more likely to experience feelings of incompetence (Fig. 1 ). Working-class parents are also more likely than their upper/middle-class counterparts to feel unable to help their children with schoolwork. Consistent with this, research has shown that both working-class students and parents have lower feelings of academic self-efficacy than their upper/middle-class counterparts 100 , 101 . These differences have been documented under ‘normal’ conditions but are likely to be exacerbated during distance learning. Recent surveys conducted during the school closures have confirmed that upper/middle-class families felt better able to support their children in distance learning than did working-class families 10 and that upper/middle-class parents helped their children more and felt more capable to do so 11 , 12 .
The research reviewed thus far suggests that children and their families are highly unequal with respect to digital access, skills and use. It also shows that upper/middle-class students are more likely to be supported in their homework (by their parents and teachers) than working-class students, and that upper/middle-class students and parents will probably feel better able than working-class ones to adapt to the context of distance learning. For all these reasons, we anticipate that as a result of school closures, the COVID-19 pandemic will substantially increase the social class achievement gap. Because school closures are a recent occurrence, it is too early to measure with precision their effects on the widening of the achievement gap. However, some recent data are consistent with this idea.
Comparing academic achievement in 2020 with previous years provides an early indication of the effects of school closures during the pandemic. In France, for example, first and second graders take national evaluations at the beginning of the school year. Initial comparisons of the results for 2020 with those from previous years revealed that the gap between schools classified as ‘priority schools’ (those in low-income urban areas) and schools in higher-income neighbourhoods—a gap observed every year—was particularly pronounced in 2020 in both French and mathematics 102 .
Similarly, in the Netherlands, national assessments take place twice a year. In 2020, they took place both before and after school closures. A recent analysis compared progress during this period in 2020 in mathematics/arithmetic, spelling and reading comprehension for 7–11-year-old students within the same period in the three previous years 103 . Results indicated a general learning loss in 2020. More importantly, for the 8% of working-class children, the losses were 40% greater than they were for upper/middle-class children.
Similar results were observed in Belgium among students attending the final year of primary school. Compared with students from previous cohorts, students affected by school closures experienced a substantial decrease in their mathematics and language scores, with children from more disadvantaged backgrounds experiencing greater learning losses 104 . Likewise, oral reading assessments in more than 100 school districts in the United States showed that the development of this skill among children in second and third grade significantly slowed between Spring and Autumn 2020, but this slowdown was more pronounced in schools from lower-achieving districts 105 .
It is likely that school closures have also amplified racial disparities in learning and achievement. For example, in the United States, after the first lockdown, students of colour lost the equivalent of 3–5 months of learning, whereas white students were about 1–3 months behind. Moreover, in the Autumn, when some students started to return to classrooms, African-American and Latinx students were more likely to continue distance learning, despite being less likely to have access to the digital tools, Internet access and live contact with teachers 106 .
In some African countries (for example, Ethiopia, Kenya, Liberia, Tanzania and Uganda), the COVID-19 crisis has resulted in learning loss ranging from 6 months to more 1 year 107 , and this learning loss appears to be greater for working-class children (that is, those attending no-fee schools) than for upper/middle-class children 108 .
These findings show that school closures have exacerbated achievement gaps linked to social class and ethnicity. However, more research is needed to address the question of whether school closures differentially affect the learning of students from working- and upper/middle-class families.
First, to assess the specific and unique impact of school closures on student learning, longitudinal research should compare student achievement at different times of the year, before, during and after school closures, as has been done to document the summer learning loss 66 , 109 . In the coming months, alternating periods of school closure and opening may occur, thereby presenting opportunities to do such research. This would also make it possible to examine whether the gap diminishes a few weeks after children return to in-school learning or whether, conversely, it increases with time because the foundations have not been sufficiently acquired to facilitate further learning 110 .
Second, the mechanisms underlying the increase in social class disparities during school closures should be examined. As discussed above, school closures result in situations for which students are unevenly prepared and supported. It would be appropriate to seek to quantify the contribution of each of the factors that might be responsible for accentuating the social class achievement gap. In particular, distinguishing between factors that are relatively ‘controllable’ (for example, resources made available to pupils) and those that are more difficult to control (for example, the self-efficacy of parents in supporting the schoolwork of their children) is essential to inform public policy and teaching practices.
Third, existing studies are based on general comparisons and very few provide insights into the actual practices that took place in families during school closure and how these practices affected the achievement gap. For example, research has documented that parents from working-class backgrounds are likely to find it more difficult to help their children to complete homework and to provide constructive feedback 63 , 111 , something that could in turn have a negative impact on the continuity of learning of their children. In addition, it seems reasonable to assume that during lockdown, parents from upper/middle-class backgrounds encouraged their children to engage in practices that, even if not explicitly requested by teachers, would be beneficial to learning (for example, creative activities or reading). Identifying the practices that best predict the maintenance or decline of educational achievement during school closures would help identify levers for intervention.
Finally, it would be interesting to investigate teaching practices during school closures. The lockdown in the spring of 2020 was sudden and unexpected. Within a few days, teachers had to find a way to compensate for the school closure, which led to highly variable practices. Some teachers posted schoolwork on platforms, others sent it by email, some set work on a weekly basis while others set it day by day. Some teachers also set up live sessions in large or small groups, providing remote meetings for questions and support. There have also been variations in the type of feedback given to students, notably through the monitoring and correcting of work. Future studies should examine in more detail what practices schools and teachers used to compensate for the school closures and their effects on widening, maintaining or even reducing the gap, as has been done for certain specific literacy programmes 112 as well as specific instruction topics (for example, ecology and evolution 113 ).
We are aware of the debate about whether social science research on COVID-19 is suitable for making policy decisions 114 , and we draw attention to the fact that some of our recommendations (Table 1 ) are based on evidence from experiments or interventions carried out pre-COVID while others are more speculative. In any case, we emphasize that these suggestions should be viewed with caution and be tested in future research. Some of our recommendations could be implemented in the event of new school closures, others only when schools re-open. We also acknowledge that while these recommendations are intended for parents and teachers, their implementation largely depends on the adoption of structural policies. Importantly, given all the issues discussed above, we emphasize the importance of prioritizing, wherever possible, in-person learning over remote learning 115 and where this is not possible, of implementing strong policies to support distance learning, especially for disadvantaged families.
Where face-to face teaching is not possible and teachers are responsible for implementing distance learning, it will be important to make them aware of the factors that can exacerbate inequalities during lockdown and to provide them with guidance about practices that would reduce these inequalities. Thus, there is an urgent need for interventions aimed at making teachers aware of the impact of the social class of children and families on the following factors: (1) access to, familiarity with and use of digital devices; (2) familiarity with academic knowledge and skills; and (3) preparedness to work autonomously. Increasing awareness of the material, cultural and psychological barriers that working-class children and families face during lockdown should increase the quality and quantity of the support provided by teachers and thereby positively affect the achievements of working-class students.
In addition to increasing the awareness of teachers of these barriers, teachers should be encouraged to adjust the way they communicate with working-class families due to differences in self-construal compared with upper/middle-class families 77 . For example, questions about family (rather than personal) well-being would be congruent with interdependent self-construals. This should contribute to better communication and help keep a better track of the progress of students during distance learning.
It is also necessary to help teachers to engage in practices that have a chance of reducing inequalities 53 , 116 . Particularly important is that teachers and schools ensure that homework can be done by all children, for example, by setting up organizations that would help children whose parents are not in a position to monitor or assist with the homework of their children. Options include homework help groups and tutoring by teachers after class. When schools are open, the growing tendency to set homework through digital media should be resisted as far as possible given the evidence we have reviewed above. Moreover, previous research has underscored the importance of homework feedback provided by teachers, which is positively related to the amount of homework completed and predictive of academic performance 117 . Where homework is web-based, it has also been shown that feedback on web-based homework enhances the learning of students 118 . It therefore seems reasonable to predict that the social class achievement gap will increase more slowly (or even remain constant or be reversed) in schools that establish individualized monitoring of students, by means of regular calls and feedback on homework, compared with schools where the support provided to pupils is more generic.
Given that learning during lockdown has increasingly taken place in family settings, we believe that interventions involving the family are also likely to be effective 119 , 120 , 121 . Simply providing families with suitable material equipment may be insufficient. Families should be given training in the efficient use of digital technology and pedagogical support. This would increase the self-efficacy of parents and students, with positive consequences for achievement. Ideally, such training would be delivered in person to avoid problems arising from the digital divide. Where this is not possible, individualized online tutoring should be provided. For example, studies conducted during the lockdown in Botswana and Italy have shown that individual online tutoring directly targeting either parents or students in middle school has a positive impact on the achievement of students, particularly for working-class students 122 , 123 .
Interventions targeting families should also address the psychological barriers faced by working-class families and children. Some interventions have already been designed and been shown to be effective in reducing the social class achievement gap, particularly in mathematics and language 124 , 125 , 126 . For example, research showed that an intervention designed to train low-income parents in how to support the mathematical development of their pre-kindergarten children (including classes and access to a library of kits to use at home) increased the quality of support provided by the parents, with a corresponding impact on the development of mathematical knowledge of their children. Such interventions should be particularly beneficial in the context of school closure.
Beyond its impact on academic performance and inequalities, the COVID-19 crisis has shaken the economies of countries around the world, casting millions of families around the world into poverty 127 , 128 , 129 . As noted earlier, there has been a marked increase in economic inequalities, bringing with it all the psychological and social problems that such inequalities create 130 , 131 , especially for people who live in scarcity 132 . The increase in educational inequalities is just one facet of the many difficulties that working-class families will encounter in the coming years, but it is one that could seriously limit the chances of their children escaping from poverty by reducing their opportunities for upward mobility. In this context, it should be a priority to concentrate resources on the most deprived students. A large proportion of the poorest households do not own a computer and do not have personal access to the Internet, which has important consequences for distance learning. During school closures, it is therefore imperative to provide such families with adequate equipment and Internet service, as was done in some countries in spring 2020. Even if the provision of such equipment is not in itself sufficient, it is a necessary condition for ensuring pedagogical continuity during lockdown.
Finally, after prolonged periods of school closure, many students may not have acquired the skills needed to pursue their education. A possible consequence would be an increase in the number of students for whom teachers recommend class repetitions. Class repetitions are contentious. On the one hand, class repetition more frequently affects working-class children and is not efficient in terms of learning improvement 133 . On the other hand, accepting lower standards of academic achievement or even suspending the practice of repeating a class could lead to pupils pursuing their education without mastering the key abilities needed at higher grades. This could create difficulties in subsequent years and, in this sense, be counterproductive. We therefore believe that the most appropriate way to limit the damage of the pandemic would be to help children catch up rather than allowing them to continue without mastering the necessary skills. As is being done in some countries, systematic remedial courses (for example, summer learning programmes) should be organized and financially supported following periods of school closure, with priority given to pupils from working-class families. Such interventions have genuine potential in that research has shown that participation in remedial summer programmes is effective in reducing learning loss during the summer break 134 , 135 , 136 . For example, in one study 137 , 438 students from high-poverty schools were offered a multiyear summer school programme that included various pedagogical and enrichment activities (for example, science investigation and music) and were compared with a ‘no-treatment’ control group. Students who participated in the summer programme progressed more than students in the control group. A meta-analysis 138 of 41 summer learning programmes (that is, classroom- and home-based summer interventions) involving children from kindergarten to grade 8 showed that these programmes had significantly larger benefits for children from working-class families. Although such measures are costly, the cost is small compared to the price of failing to fulfil the academic potential of many students simply because they were not born into upper/middle-class families.
The unprecedented nature of the current pandemic means that we lack strong data on what the school closure period is likely to produce in terms of learning deficits and the reproduction of social inequalities. However, the research discussed in this article suggests that there are good reasons to predict that this period of school closures will accelerate the reproduction of social inequalities in educational achievement.
By making school learning less dependent on teachers and more dependent on families and digital tools and resources, school closures are likely to greatly amplify social class inequalities. At a time when many countries are experiencing second, third or fourth waves of the pandemic, resulting in fresh periods of local or general lockdowns, systematic efforts to test these predictions are urgently needed along with steps to reduce the impact of school closures on the social class achievement gap.
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We thank G. Reis for editing the figure. The writing of this manuscript was supported by grant ANR-19-CE28-0007–PRESCHOOL from the French National Research Agency (S.G.).
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Goudeau, S., Sanrey, C., Stanczak, A. et al. Why lockdown and distance learning during the COVID-19 pandemic are likely to increase the social class achievement gap. Nat Hum Behav 5 , 1273–1281 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-021-01212-7
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As first responders, paramedics are an extremely important part of the care chain. COVID-19 significantly impacted their working circumstances. We examined, according to the experiences and observations of paramedics, (1) what kinds of emotions the Emergency Medical Service (EMS) personnel experienced in their new working circumstances, and (2) what work-related factors became resources for the well-being of EMS personnel during the initial months of the COVID-19 pandemic.
This qualitative study utilized reflective essay material written by experienced, advanced-level Finnish paramedics ( n = 30). The essays used in this study were written during the fall of 2020 and reflected the period when Finland had declared a state of emergency (on 17.3.2020) and the Emergency Powers Act was implemented. The data was analyzed using an inductive thematic analysis.
The emotions experienced by the EMS personnel in their new working circumstances formed three themes: (1) New concerns arose that were constantly present; (2) Surviving without proper guidance; and (3) Rapidly approaching breaking point. Three themes were formed from work-related factors that were identified as resources for the well-being of the EMS personnel. These were: (1) A high level of organizational efficiency was achieved; (2) Adaptable EMS operations; and (3) Encouraging atmosphere.
Crisis management practices should be more attentive to personnel needs, ensuring that managerial and psychological support is readily available in crisis situations. Preparedness that ensures effective organizational adaptation also supports personnel well-being during sudden changes in working circumstances.
Peer Review reports
At the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, healthcare personnel across the globe faced unprecedented challenges. As initial responders in emergency healthcare, paramedics were quickly placed at the front lines of the pandemic, dealing with a range of emergencies in unpredictable conditions [ 1 ]. The pandemic greatly changed the everyday nature of work [ 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 ]. Those working on the front line were suddenly forced to adjust to personal protective equipment (PPE) requirements [ 9 , 10 ] and rapidly changing instructions that caused significant adjustments to their job description [ 11 , 12 ]. For instance, it has been reported that during the initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, Emergency Medical Services (EMS) personnel, including paramedics working in prehospital emergency care, experienced a significant increase in stress [ 10 , 13 ] due to several reasons, such as the lack of protection and support, increased demands, lack of personnel, fear of exposure to COVID-19 during missions, concerns of spreading the virus to family members, and frustration over quickly changing work policies [ 11 , 14 , 15 ].
With the unprecedented challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, some research has been directed toward identifying available resources that help in coping with such situations. For example, Sangal et al. [ 15 ] underscored the association between effective communication and reduced work stress and burnout, and emphasized the critical need for two-way communication, consistent messaging, and the strategic consolidation of information prior to its dissemination. In parallel, Dickson et al. [ 16 ] highlight the pivotal role of leadership strategies in fostering a healthful work environment. These strategies include being relationally engaging, visibly present, open, and caring for oneself and others, while embodying core values such as compassion, empathy, courage, and authenticity. Moreover, Awais et al. [ 14 ] identify essential measures to reduce mental distress and support EMS personnel’s overall well-being in pandemic conditions, such as by providing accessible mental health and peer support, ensuring a transparent information flow, and the implementation of clear, best-practice protocols and guidelines. As a lesson learned from COVID-19, Kihlström et al. (2022) add that crisis communication, flexible working conditions, compensation, and allowing for mistakes should be part of crisis management. They also emphasize the importance of psychological support for employees. [ 12 ]
Overall, the COVID-19 pandemic had a multifaceted impact on EMS personnel, highlighting the necessity for comprehensive support and resilience strategies to safeguard their well-being [ 11 , 17 , 18 ] alongside organizational functions [ 12 , 19 ]. For example, in Finland, it has been noted in the aftermath of COVID-19 that the availability and well-being of healthcare workers are key vulnerabilities of the resilience of the Finnish health system [ 12 ]. Effective preparedness planning and organizational resilience benefit from learning from past events and gaining a deeper understanding of observations across different organizational levels [ 12 , 19 , 20 ]. For these reasons, it is important to study how the personnel experienced the changing working circumstances and to recognize the resources, even unexpected ones, that supported their well-being during the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic [ 12 , 19 ].
The aim of this study was to examine the emotions experienced and the resources identified as supportive of work well-being during the initial months of the COVID-19 pandemic, from the perspective of the paramedics. Our research questions were: According to the experiences and observations of paramedics, (1) what kinds of emotions did the EMS personnel experience in the new working circumstances, and (2) what work-related factors became resources for the well-being of EMS personnel during the initial months of the COVID-19 pandemic? In this study, emotions are understood as complex responses involving psychological, physiological, and behavioral components, triggered by significant events or situations [ 21 ]. Resources are understood as physical, psychological, social, or organizational aspects of the work that help achieve work goals, reduce demands and associated costs [ 22 ].
This qualitative study utilized reflective essay material written in the fall of 2020 by experienced, advanced-level paramedics who worked in the Finnish EMS during the early phase of the pandemic, when Finland had declared (March 17, 2020 onward) a state of emergency and implemented the Emergency Powers Act. This allowed for new rules and guidelines from the government to ensure the security of healthcare resources. Some work rules for healthcare personnel changed, and non-urgent services were limited.
This study is part of a broader, non-project-based research initiative investigating the work well-being of paramedics from various perspectives, and the data was collected for research purposes from this standpoint. The data collection for this study was conducted at the South-Eastern Finland University of Applied Sciences as part of the Current Issues in EMS Management course. The course participants were experienced, advanced-level Finnish paramedics who were students of the master’s degree program in Development and Management of Emergency Medical Services. A similar data collection method has been utilized in other qualitative studies [for example, 23 , 24 ].
The South-Eastern Finland University of Applied Sciences granted research permission for the data collection on August 20, 2020. The learning platform “Learn” (an adapted version of Moodle [ 25 ]) was used to gather the data. A research notice, privacy statement, and essay writing instructions were published on the platform on August 21, 2020. The paramedics were asked to write about their own experiences and observations regarding how the state of emergency impacted the work well-being of EMS personnel. They were instructed not to use references but only their own reflections. Three guiding questions were asked: “What kind of workloads did EMS personnel experience during the state of emergency?” “How has this workload differed from normal conditions?” and “What effects did this workload have on the well-being of the EMS personnel?”. The assignment did not refer solely to paramedics because the EMS field community may also include individuals with other titles (such as EMS field supervisors or firefighters performing prehospital emergency care); hence the term “EMS personnel” was used.
The essay was part of the mandatory course assignments, but submitting it for research purposes was voluntary. The paramedics were informed that their participation in the study would not affect their course evaluations. They had the freedom to decline, remove parts of, or withdraw the essay before analysis. None of the paramedics exercised these options. They were also informed that the last author removes any identifying details (such as names, places, and organizational descriptions that could reveal their workplace) before sharing the data with other, at the time unnamed, researchers. The last author (female) is a senior researcher specializing in EMS and work well-being topics, a principal lecturer of the respective course, and the head of the respective master’s program, and familiar to all of them through their studies. The paramedics were aware that the essays were graded by the last author on a pass/fail scale as part of the course assessment. However, comprehensive and well-reasoned reflections positively influenced the course grade. The evaluation was not part of this study. The paramedics had the opportunity to ask further questions about the study directly from the last author during and after the essay writing process and the course.
The paramedics wrote the essays between August 23, 2020, and November 30, 2020. Thirty-two paramedics (out of 39) returned their essays using the Learn platform during this timeframe. Thus, seven of the course completions were delayed, and the essays written later were no longer appropriate to include in the data due to the time elapsed since the initial months of the COVID-19 pandemic.
All 32 gave their informed consent for their essays to be included in the study. Essays written by paramedics who had not actively participated in EMS field work during exceptional circumstances were excluded from the material ( n = 2), because they wrote the essay from a different perspective, as they could not reflect on their own experiences and observations. Thus, a total of 30 essays were included in the study. The total material was 106 pages long and comprised 32,621 words in Finnish.
Thirty advanced-level paramedics from Finland participated in this study. They all had a bachelor’s degree in emergency care or nursing with additional emergency care specialization. At the time of the study, they were pursuing their master’s studies. Thirteen of them were women, and seventeen were men. The average age of the participants was 33.5 years among women and 35.9 years among men. Women had an average of 8.7 years of work experience, and men had 8.8 years. All the participating paramedics worked in EMS in different areas across Finland (except northern Finland) during their studies and the early phase of the pandemic.
The data was analyzed with a thematic analysis following the process detailed by Braun & Clarke [ 26 ]. First, the two researchers thoroughly familiarized themselves with the data, and the refined aim and research questions of the study were formulated inductively in collaboration based on the content of the data (see [ 26 ], page 84). After this, a thorough coding process was mainly carried out by the first author (female), who holds a master’s degree, is an advanced-level paramedic who worked in EMS during the pandemic, and at the time of the analysis was pursuing her doctoral studies in a different subject area related to EMS. Generating the initial codes involved making notes of interesting features of anything that stood out or seemed relevant to the research question systematically across the entire dataset. During this process, the original paragraphs and sentences were copied from the essay material into a table in Microsoft Word, with each research question in separate documents and each paragraph or sentence in its own row. The content of these data extracts was then coded in the adjacent column, carefully preserving the original content but in a more concise form. Then, the content was analyzed, and codes were combined to identify themes. After that, the authors reviewed the themes together by moving back and forth between the original material, the data in the Word documents, and the potential themes. During this process, the authors worked closely and refined the themes, allowing them to be separated and combined into new themes. For example, emotions depicting frustration and a shift to indifference formed their own theme in this kind of process. Finally, the themes were defined into main, major and minor themes and named. In the results, the main themes form the core in response to the research questions and include the most descriptions from the data. The major themes are significant but not as central as the main themes. Major themes provide additional depth and context to the results. One minor theme was formed as the analysis process progressed, and it provided valuable insights and details that deepened the response to the research question. All the coded data was utilized in the formed themes. The full content of the themes is reported in the Results section.
The emotions experienced by the EMS personnel in their new working circumstances formed three themes: New concerns arose that were constantly present (main theme); Surviving without proper guidance (major theme); and Rapidly approaching breaking point (major theme) (Fig. 1 ). Work-related factors identified as resources for the well-being of EMS personnel formed three themes: A high level of organizational efficiency was achieved (main theme); Adaptable EMS operations (major theme); and Encouraging atmosphere (minor theme) (Fig. 2 ).
Emotions experienced by the EMS personnel in their new working circumstances
The main theme included several kinds of new concerns. In the beginning, the uncertainty about the virus raised concerns about work safety and the means to prevent the spread of the disease. The initial lack of training and routines led to uncertainty. In addition, the decrease in the number of EMS missions raised fears of units being reduced and unilateral decisions by the management to change the EMS personnel’s work responsibilities. The future was also a source of uncertainty in the early stages. For example, the transition to exceptional circumstances, concerns about management and the supervisors’ familiarity with national guidelines and lack of information related to sickness absence procedures, leave, personal career progression, and even the progress of vaccine development, all contributed to this feeling of uncertainty. The initial uncertainty was described as the most challenging phase, but the uncertainty was also described as long-lasting.
Being on the front line with an unknown, potentially dangerous, and easily transmissible virus caused daily concerns about the personnel’s own health, especially when some patients hid their symptoms. The thought of working without proper PPE was frightening. On the other hand, waiting for a patient’s test result was stressful, as it often resulted in many colleagues being quarantined. A constant concern for the health of loved ones and the fear of contracting the virus and unknowingly bringing it home or transmitting it to colleagues led the EMS personnel to change their behavior by limiting contact.
Being part of a high-risk group , I often wondered , in the case of coronavirus , who would protect me and other paramedics from human vanity and selfishness [of those refusing to follow the public health guidelines]? (Participant 25)
The EMS personnel felt a weight of responsibility to act correctly, especially from the perspective of keeping their skills up to date. The proper selection of PPE and aseptic procedures were significant sources of concern, as making mistakes was feared to lead to quarantine and increase their colleagues’ workloads. At the same time, concerns about the adequacy of PPE weighed on the personnel, and they felt pressure on this matter to avoid wastage of PPEs. The variability in the quality of PPE also caused concerns.
Concerns about acting correctly were also tied to ethical considerations and feelings of inadequacy when the personnel were unable to explain to patients why COVID-19 caused restrictions on healthcare services. The presence of students also provoked such ethical concerns. Recognizing patients’ symptoms correctly also felt distressing due to the immense responsibility. This concern was also closely tied to fear and even made some question their career choices. The EMS personnel were also worried about adequate treatment for the patients and sometimes felt that the patients were left alone at home to cope. A reduction in patient numbers in the early stages of the pandemic raised concerns about whether acutely ill individuals were seeking help. At the same time, the time taken to put on PPE stressed the personnel because it increased delays in providing care. In the early phase of the pandemic, the EMS personnel were stressed that patients were not protected from them.
I’m vexed in the workplace. I felt it was immediately necessary to protect patients from us paramedics as well. It wasn’t specifically called for , mostly it felt like everyone had a strong need to protect themselves. (Participant 30)
All these concerns caused a particularly heavy psychological burden on some personnel. They described feeling more fatigued and irritable than usual. They had to familiarize themselves with new guidelines even during their free time, which was exhausting. The situation felt unjust, and there was a looming fear of the entire healthcare system collapsing. COVID-19 was omnipresent. Even at the base station of the EMS services, movement was restricted and social distancing was mandated. Such segregation, even within the professional community, added to the strain and reduced opportunities for peer support. The EMS personnel felt isolated, and thoughts about changing professions increased.
It was inevitable that the segregation of the work community would affect the community spirit , and a less able work community has a significant impact on the individual level. (Participant 8)
At the onset of the pandemic, the job description of the EMS personnel underwent changes, and employers could suddenly relocate them to other work. There was not always adequate support for familiarizing oneself with the new roles, leading to a feeling of loss of control. The management was described as commanding and restricting the personnel’s actions. As opportunities to influence one’s work diminished, the sense of job satisfaction and motivation decreased.
Some felt that leadership was inadequate and neglectful, especially when the leaders switched to remote work. The management did not take the situation seriously enough, leaving the EMS personnel feeling abandoned. The lack of consistent leadership and failure to listen to the personnel caused dissatisfaction and reduced occupational endurance. In addition, the reduced contact with colleagues and close ones reduced the amount of peer support. The existing models for psychological support were found to be inadequate.
Particularly in the early stages, guidelines were seen as ambiguous and deficient, causing frustration, irritation, and fear. The guidelines also changed constantly, even daily, and it was felt that the information did not flow properly from the management to the personnel. Changes in protection recommendations also led to skepticism about the correctness of the national guidance, and the lack of consistent guidelines perplexed the personnel. Internalizing the guidelines was not supported adequately, but the necessity to grasp new information was described as immense and cognitively demanding.
At times , it felt like the work was a kind of survival in a jungle of changing instructions , one mission at a time. (Participant 11)
Risking one’s own health at work caused contentious feelings while concurrently feeling angry that management could work remotely. The arrogant behavior of people toward COVID-19 left them frustrated, while the EMS personnel had to limit their contacts and lost their annual leave. There were fears about forced labor.
Incomplete and constantly changing guidelines caused irritation and indifference, as the same tasks had to be performed with different levels of PPE within a short time. Some guidelines were difficult to comply with in practice, which was vexing.
Using a protective mask was described as distressing, especially on long and demanding missions. Communication and operation became more difficult. Some described frustration with cleaning PPE meant for single use.
Ensuring the proper implementation of a work pair’s aseptic and equipment maintenance was burdensome, and explaining and repeating guidelines was exhausting. A feeling of indifference was emphasized toward the end of a long shift.
After the initial stage, many began to slip with the PPE guidelines and found the instructions excessive. COVID-19 information transmitted by the emergency center lost its meaning, and instructions were left unheeded, as there was no energy to believe that the patient would have COVID-19, especially if only a few disease cases had been reported in their area.
It was disheartening to hear personnel being labeled as selfish for demanding higher pay during exceptional circumstances. This lack of recognition eroded professionalism and increased thoughts of changing professions.
However , being a doormat and a human toilet , as well as a lack of appreciation , undermines my professionalism and the prolonged situation has led me to seriously consider a different job , where values other than dedication and constant flexibility carry weight. I have heard similar thoughts from other colleagues. None of us do this for money. (Participant 9)
Work-related factors identified as resources for the well-being of EMS personnel
The main theme held several different efficient functions. In the early stages of the pandemic, some felt that the information flow was active. Organizations informed the EMS personnel about the disease, its spread, and its impact on the workplace and emergency care activities.
Some felt that managers were easily accessible during the pandemic, at least remotely. Some managers worked long days to be able to support their personnel.
The response to hate and uncertainty was that one of the supervisors was always present in the morning and evening meetings. Supervisors worked long hours so as to be accessible via remote access. (Participant 26)
The organizations took effective steps to control infections. Quick access to COVID-19 tests, clear guidelines for taking sick leave, and permission to take sick leave with a low threshold were seen as positive things. The consideration of personnel belonging to risk groups by moving them to other work tasks was also perceived as positive. In addition, efforts were made to prevent the emergence of infection chains by isolating EMS personnel in their own social facilities.
Established guidelines, especially on the correct use of protective measures, made it easier to work. Some mentioned that the guidelines were available in ambulances and on phones, allowing the protection guidelines to be checked before going on a mission.
The employers took into account the need for psychological support in a diverse manner. Some organizations provided psychological support such as peer debriefing activities, talking therapy with mental health professionals, actively inquiring about their personnel’s feelings, and training them as support workers. The pandemic situation also caused organizations to create their own standard operating models to decrease mental load.
Fortunately , the problem has now been addressed actively , as a peer-to-peer defusing model was built up at our workplace during the crisis , and group defusing has started , the purpose of which is to lighten the work-related mental load. (Participant 3)
There were several different resources that clarified mission activities. The amount of protective and cleaning equipment was ramped up, and the treatment equipment was quickly updated to meet the demands brought about by the pandemic and to enable safety distances for the EMS personnel. In addition, various guidelines were amended to reduce exposure. For example, personnel on the dedicated COVID-19 ambulances were separated to work without physical contact with others, and field supervisors joined the EMS missions less often than before. Moreover, people at the scene were contacted by phone in advance to ensure that there would be no exposure risk, which also allowed other occupational safety risks to be identified. New practices resulted from the pandemic, such as cleaning communication equipment during shift changes and regularly using PPE with infected patients. All of these were seen as positive resources for efficient work.
At the end of each shift , all keys , telephones , etc., were cleaned and handed over to the next shift. This practice was not previously established in our area , but this will become a permanent practice in the future and is perceived by everyone in our work community as a positive thing. (Participant 10)
Some stated that access to PPE was sufficient, especially in areas where the number of COVID-19 infections was low. PPE was upgraded to make it easier to wear. Further, organizations acquired a variety of cleaning equipment to speed up the disinfection of ambulances.
Organizations hired more employees to enable leave and the operation of dedicated COVID-19 ambulances. The overall number of ambulances was also increased. Non-urgent missions were handled through enhanced phone services, reducing the unnecessary exposure of EMS personnel to COVID-19.
Five extra holiday substitutes were hired for EMS so that the employer could guarantee the success of agreed leave , even if the Emergency Preparedness Act had given them opportunities to cancel or postpone it. (Participant 12)
Peer support from colleagues, a positive, comfortable, pleasant work environment, and open discussion, as well as smooth cooperation with other healthcare employees were felt to be resources for work well-being by reducing the heavy workload experienced. Due to the pandemic, the appreciation of healthcare was felt to increase slightly, which was identified as a resource.
One factor affecting resilience in the healthcare sector is certainly that in exceptional circumstances , visibility and appreciation have somewhat increased. (Participant 23)
This study examined, according to the experiences and observations of paramedics, (1) what kinds of emotions the Emergency Medical Service (EMS) personnel experienced in their new working circumstances, and (2) what work-related factors became resources for the well-being of EMS personnel during the initial months of the COVID-19 pandemic. Each research question was answered with three themes.
Previous studies have shown that the pandemic increased the workload of paramedics, prompting changes in their operating models and the function of EMS to align with new pandemic-related requirements [ 9 , 27 ]. Initially, the paramedics in the current study described facing unclear and deficient guidelines and feeling obligated to follow instructions without adequate support to internalize them. Constantly changing instructions were linked to negative emotions in various ways. Moreover, the overwhelming flood of information was heavily connected to this, although the information flow was also perceived as a resource, especially when it was timely and well-structured. The study by Sangal et al. [ 15 ] has raised similar observations and points out the importance of paying special attention to the personnel working in the frontline, as in EMS, who might be more heavily impacted by too much information and anxiety about it. They also discovered that three factors are crucial for addressing the challenges of information overload and anxiety: consolidating information before distributing it, maintaining consistent communication, and ensuring communication is two-way. McAlearney et al. [ 11 ] found that first responders, including EMS personnel, reported frustration regarding COVID-19 information because of inconsistencies between sources, misinformation on social media, and the impact of politics. A Finnish study also recognized that health systems were not sufficiently prepared for the flood of information in the current media environment [ 12 ]. Based on these previous results and our findings, it can be concluded that proper implementation of crisis communication should be an integral part of organizations’ preparedness in the future, ensuring that communication effectively supports employee actions in real-life situations. Secondly, this topic highlights the need for precise guidelines and their implementation. With better preparedness, similar chaos could be avoided in the future [ 17 ].
Many other factors also caused changes in work. The EMS mission profile changed [ 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 ], where paramedics in this study saw concerns. To prevent infection risk, the number of pre-arrival calls increased [ 7 ], the duration of EMS missions increased [ 8 , 9 ], and the continuous use of PPE and enhanced hygiene standards imposed additional burdens [ 9 , 10 ]. In Finland, there was no preparedness for the levels of PPE usage required in the early stages of the pandemic [ 12 ]. In this study, paramedics described that working with potentially inadequate PPE caused fear and frustration, which was increased by a lack of training, causing them to feel a great deal of responsibility for acting aseptically and caring for patients correctly. Conversely, providing adequate PPE, information and training has been found to increase the willingness to work [ 28 ] and the sense of safety in working in a pandemic situation [ 29 ], meaning that the role of precise training, operating instructions and leadership in the use of PPE is emphasized [ 30 ].
The paramedics in this study described many additional new concerns in their work, affecting their lives comprehensively. It has been similarly described that the pandemic adversely affected the overall well-being of healthcare personnel [ 31 ]. The restrictions implemented also impacted their leisure time [ 32 ], and the virus caused concerns for their own and their families’ health [ 11 , 28 ]. In line with this, the pandemic increased stress, burnout [ 10 , 33 ], and anxiety among EMS personnel and other healthcare personnel working on the frontline [ 11 , 14 , 34 , 35 ]. These kinds of results underscore the need for adequate guidance and support, a lack of which paramedics reported experiencing in the current study.
Personnel play a crucial role in the efficient operation of an organization and comprise the main identified resource in this study. Previous studies and summaries have highlighted that EMS personnel did not receive sufficient support during the COVID-19 pandemic [ 11 , 14 , 17 , 18 ]. Research has also brought to light elements of adequate support related to the pandemic, such as a review by Dickson et al. [ 16 ] that presents six tentative theories for healthful leadership, all of which are intertwined with genuine encounter, preparedness, and information use. In this current study, the results showed numerous factors related to these contexts that were identified as resources, specifically underlined by elements of caring, effective operational change, knowledge-based actions, and present leadership, similarly described in a study by Eaton-Williams & Williams [ 18 ]. Moreover, the paramedics in our study highlighted the importance of encouragement and identified peer support from colleagues as a resource, which is in line with studies in the UK and Finland [ 12 , 23 , 37 ].
In the early stages of the pandemic, it was noted that the EMS personnel lacked adequate training to manage their mental health, and there was a significant shortage of psychosocial support measures [ 14 ], although easy access to support would have been significant [ 18 ]. In the current study, some paramedics felt that mental health support was inadequate and delayed, while others observed an increase in mental health support during the pandemic, seeing it as an incentive for organizations to develop standard operating models for mental support, for example. This awakening was identified as a resource. This is consistent, as providing psychological support to personnel has been highlighted as a core aspect of crisis management in a Finnish study assessing health system resilience related to COVID-19 [ 12 ]. In a comprehensive recommendation commentary, Isakov et al. [ 17 ] suggest developing a national strategy to improve resilience by addressing the mental health consequences of COVID-19 and other occupational stressors for EMS personnel. This concept, applicable beyond the US, supports the view that EMS organizations are becoming increasingly aware of the need to prepare for and invest in this area.
A fundamental factor likely underlying all the described emotions was that changes in the job descriptions of the EMS personnel due to the pandemic were significant and, in part, mandated from above. In this study, paramedics described feelings of concern and frustration related to these many changes and uncertainties. According to Zamoum and Gorpe (2018), efficient crisis management emphasizes the importance of respecting emotions, recognizing rights, and making appropriate decisions. Restoring trust is a significant challenge in a crisis situation, one that cannot be resolved without complete transparency and open communication [ 38 ]. This perspective is crucial to consider in planning for future preparedness. Overall, the perspective of employee rights and obligations in exceptional circumstances has been relatively under-researched, but in Australia, grounding research on this perspective has been conducted with paramedics using various approaches [ 39 , 40 , 41 ]. The researchers conclude that there is a lack of clarity about the concept of professional obligation, specifically regarding its boundaries, and the issue urgently needs to be addressed by developing clear guidelines that outline the obligation to respond, both in normal day-to-day operations and during exceptional circumstances [ 39 ].
Complex adaptive systems (CAS) theory recognizes that in a resilient organization, different levels adapt to changing environments [ 19 , 20 ]. Barasa et al. (2018) note that planned resilience and adaptive resilience are both important [ 19 ]. Kihlström et al. (2022) note that the health system’s resilience was strengthened by a certain expectation of crisis, and they also recognized further study needs on how effectively management is responding to weak signals [ 12 ]. This could be directly related to how personnel can prepare for future changes. The results of this study revealed many negative emotions related to sudden changes, but at the same time, effective organizational adaptation was identified as a resource for the well-being of EMS personnel. Dissecting different elements of system adaptation in a crisis has been recognized as a highly necessary area for further research [ 20 ]. Kihlström et al. (2022) emphasize the importance of ensuring a healthy workforce across the entire health system. These frameworks suggest numerous potential areas for future research, which would also enhance effective preparedness [ 12 ].
In this study, we utilized essay material written in the fall of 2020, in which experienced paramedics reflected on the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic from a work-oriented perspective. The essays were approached inductively, meaning that they were not directly written to answer our research questions, but the aim and the research questions were shaped based on the content [ 26 ]. The essays included extensive descriptions that aligned well with the aim of this study. However, it is important to remember when interpreting the results that asking specifically about this topic, for instance, in an interview, might have yielded different descriptions. It can be assessed that the study achieved a tentative descriptive level, as the detailed examination of complex phenomena such as emotions and resources would require various methods and observations.
Although the essays were mostly profound, well-thought-out, and clearly written, their credibility [ 42 ] may be affected by the fact that several months had passed between the time the essays were written and the events described. Memories may have altered, potentially influencing the content of the writings. Diary-like material from the very onset of the pandemic might have yielded more precise data, and such a data collection method could be considered in future research on exceptional circumstances.
The credibility [ 42 ] could also have been enhanced if the paramedics who wrote the essays had commented on the results and provided additional perspectives on the material and analysis through a multi-phase data collection process. This was not deemed feasible in this study, mainly because there was a 2.5-year gap between data collection and the start of the analysis. However, this also strengthened the overall trustworthiness of the study, as it allowed the first author, who had worked in prehospital emergency care during the initial phase of the pandemic, to maintain a distance from the subject, and enabled a comparison of our own findings with previously published research that investigated the same period in different contexts. The comparison was made when writing the discussion, with the analysis itself being inductive and following the thematic analysis process described by Braun & Clarke [ 26 ].
When evaluating credibility [ 42 ], it should also be noted that the participants who wrote the essays, i.e., the data for the study, were experienced paramedics but also students and one of the researchers was their principal lecturer. This could potentially limit credibility if the students, for some reason, did not want to produce truthful content for their lecturer to read. However, this risk can be considered small because the essays’ topics did not concern the students’ academic progress, the essays’ content was quite consistent, and the results aligned with other studies. As a strength, it can be considered that the students shared their experiences without holding back, as the thoughts were not for workplace use, and they could trust the data privacy statement.
To enhance transferability [ 42 ], the context of the study was described in detail, highlighting the conditions prevailing in Finnish prehospital emergency care during the early stages of the pandemic. Moreover, including a diverse range of perspectives from paramedics working in different regions of Finland (except Northern Finland) contributes to the transferability of the study, indicating that the results may be applicable and relevant to a wider context beyond a single specific region.
Dependability [ 42 ] was reinforced by the close involvement of two researchers from different backgrounds in the analysis of the material, but a limitation is that no separate analyses were conducted. However, the original data was repeatedly revisited during the analysis, which strengthened the dependability. Moreover, the first author kept detailed notes throughout the analysis process, and the last author supervised the progress while also contributing to the analysis and reporting. The research process is also reported in detail.
This study highlighted numerous, mainly negative emotions experienced by EMS personnel during the initial months of the COVID-19 pandemic due to new working circumstances. At the same time, several work-related factors were identified as resources for their well-being. The findings suggest that crisis management practices should be more attentive to personnel needs, ensuring that personnel have the necessary support, both managerial and psychological, readily available in crisis situations. Effective organizational adaptation in a crisis situation also supports personnel well-being, emphasizing the importance of effective preparedness. Future research should particularly focus on considering personnel well-being as part of organizational adaptation during exceptional circumstances and utilize these findings to enhance preparedness.
The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to the inclusion of sensitive information and the extent of the informed consent provided by the participants.
Complex Adaptive Systems (theory)
Coronavirus Disease 2019
Emergency Medical Services
Personal Protective Equipment
United Kingdom
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We want to sincerely thank all the paramedics who participated in this study.
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Henna Myrskykari
Emergency Medical Services, University of Turku and Turku University Hospital, Turku, Finland
Department of Healthcare and Emergency Care, South-Eastern Finland University of Applied Sciences, Kotka, Finland
Hilla Nordquist
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Study design (HM, HN). Data collection (HN). Methodology (HN). Analysis (HM, HN). Writing (HM, HN). Review and editing (HM, HN). Supervision (HN). Both authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Correspondence to Henna Myrskykari .
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The study followed the good scientific practice defined by the Finnish National Board on Research Integrity TENK [ 43 ]. The study was conducted in accordance with the Helsinki Declaration and applicable national guidelines. Adhering to the Finnish National Board on Research Integrity (TENK) guidelines on ethical principles of research with human participants and ethical review in the human sciences in Finland, an ethical review statement from a human sciences ethics committee was not required for this type of study. The participants consisted of adult students engaged in regular employment. Their involvement in the research was grounded on informed consent. The study did not involve concerns regarding the participants’ physical integrity, nor were they subjected to exceptionally strong stimuli. The potential for causing mental harm was not beyond what is typically encountered in everyday life, and their participation did not pose any safety risks [ 44 ].
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Myrskykari, H., Nordquist, H. Paramedics’ experiences and observations: work-related emotions and well-being resources during the initial months of the COVID-19 pandemic—a qualitative study. BMC Emerg Med 24 , 152 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12873-024-01072-0
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