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Varieties of Violence: Structural, Cultural, and Direct

CONFLICT RESOLUTION - MEDIATION , 21 Oct 2013

William T. Hathaway – Counter Currents

T errorists, serial killers, domestic murderers — their ghoulish deeds fill our news and popular entertainment, interspersed with wars, riots, and brutal repressions. Violence surrounds us.

Where does it come from?

The answer propagated by the mass media is that violence is human nature. It’s just the way people are.

This view ignores anthropological evidence about societies that have lived in relative peace, and it also contradicts our knowledge of ourselves as human beings. In certain situations we may feel violent impulses, but we can control them; we know they are only a small part of our make-up.

The Norwegian peace researcher Johan Galtung denies that human nature condemns us to violence; instead he gives another explanation of its etiology based on three interacting forces: structural, cultural, and direct.

Structural violence is injustice and exploitation built into a social system that generates wealth for the few and poverty for the many, stunting everyone’s ability to develop their full humanity. By privileging some classes, ethnicities, genders, and nationalities over others, it institutionalizes unequal opportunities for education, resources, and respect. Structural violence forms the very basis of capitalism, patriarchy, and any dominator system.

Cultural violence is the prevailing attitudes and beliefs that justify and legitimize the structural violence, making it seem natural. Feelings of superiority/inferiority based on class, race, sex, religion, and nationality are inculcated in us as children and shape our assumptions about us and the world. They convince us this is the way things are and they have to be.

Direct violence — war, murder, rape, assault, verbal attacks — is the kind we physically perceive, but it manifests out of conditions created by the first two invisible forms and can’t be eliminated without eliminating them. Direct violence has its roots in cultural and structural violence; then it feeds back and strengthens them. All three forms interact as a triad. Cultural and structural violence cause direct violence. Direct violence reinforces structural and cultural violence. We are trapped in a vicious cycle that is now threatening to destroy life on earth.

Our society with its fixation on the physical focuses on direct violence and ignores the structural and cultural. Our leaders know that making changes on those levels would threaten their whole system. But as radicals we focus on the structural and cultural because we know that change has to begin at the roots.

Our best chance to break this cycle is through socialism. Economic democracy and social equality will reduce the structural and cultural violence, which will reduce the direct violence. By approaching it from these fundamental levels, socialism can wind down the syndrome of violence. This may not create utopia, but it will create a society vastly better than the one we now suffer under. We really can have peace, but not under capitalism. _________________________

William T. Hathaway is an adjunct professor of American studies at the University of Oldenburg in Germany. His latest book, Wellsprings, concerns the environmental crisis: http://www.cosmicegg-books.com/books/wellsprings. He is a member of the Freedom Socialist Party ( www.socialism.com ). A selection of his writing is available at www.peacewriter.org .

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By Máire A. Dugan

Originally published in September 2003 with Current Implications added by Heidi Burgess in September, 2020

Current Implications

We are living in an era in which spontaneous, large-scale protests are arising in many parts of the world.[15] In the United States, the summer of 2020 was rife with protests over the horrifying death of George Floyd and several other cases of police brutality directed toward Black men. These were met with counter protests supporting "law and order," as well as other protests over pandemic-related health restrictions. More...

If asked for an example of nonviolent action, one is likely to mention Gandhi, or Martin Luther King, Jr., and maybe Rosa Parks. Strong and courageous people whose effective movements resulted, respectively, in Indian independence from decades of British rule, and the initial steps toward freeing African-Americans from decades of discrimination.

Such well-known cases notwithstanding, most of us tend to think of nonviolence as ineffectual, the weapon of the weak. We stand with Mao in presuming that "power grows out of the barrel of a gun."

This post is also part of the

exploration of the tough challenges posed by the
.

The source of the problem lies partly in the way the words are structured -- defining the concepts in terms of what they are not. Nonviolence and nonviolent action, by their appearance, simply mean "not violence" and "not violent action." It is a short mental jump to presume that they are everything violence and violent action are not. And, since the latter are associated with force , power , and strength, the former must be the absence of these attributes.

The situation is further complicated by a confusion of like-sounding terms -- nonviolence (as a philosophy or lifestyle) and nonviolent action. Before discussing the potential contribution of nonviolent action to the constructive termination of intractable conflict, it seems helpful to clarify our central terms and their relationship to one another.

Nonviolence as Philosophy and Lifestyle

Pacifism is a philosophy which, in its absolutist form, proposes that "all forms of violence, war, and/or killing are unconditionally wrong. The proposed ideal is that social intercourse should be completely nonviolent and peaceful..."[1] In conditional pacifism, nonviolence is still the ideal, but violence may be justified under certain, typically extreme, circumstances. Self-defense in the face of attack may be justified, but one should nonetheless do what one can to minimize the harm inflicted on the perpetrator.

While pacifism may simply be part of a broader humanist philosophy, it is most often associated with a large number of religious traditions. The Christian peace denominations such as the Quakers and the Mennonites have a rejection of violence as a core component, as do a number of non-Christian traditions such as the Jains. The Great Peace of the Iroquois is based on values of caring, citizenship, co-existence, fairness, integrity, reasoning, and respect.[2] Additionally, there are significant pacifist traditions in more mainstream religions such as Judaism, Islam, and Catholicism.

It is beyond the scope of this paper to describe the pacifist traditions of the world's religions individually, let alone in detail. But they share a key central value -- that life is precious and that it is not the right of any person to take the life of another. Some extend this mandate beyond human life to all animal life forms. This results in a range of behavior from vegetarianism to soft-spokenness, from withdrawal from society to active involvement against war and the death penalty.

Additional insights into nonviolence are offered by Beyond Intractability project participants.

The focus of religious nonviolence is not necessarily directed at the broader society. The main concern is often with one's own spiritual wellbeing. This may simply require one to avoid engaging in violent behavior oneself, maybe even at the extreme of not defending oneself from attack. On the other hand, many pacifist traditions encourage believers to work to end war and other forms of violence.

Indeed, the directive to "Love thine enemy" is often married to a hope of affecting the opponent. "If through love for your enemy you can create in him respect or admiration for you, this provides the best possible means by which your new idea or suggestion to him will become an auto-suggestion within him, and it will also help nourish that auto-suggestion."[3] For Gregg, the goal of nonviolence is to convert the enemy.

The opponent, caught off guard by one's refusal to initiate violence or even to reciprocate violence, may come to question his/her own behavior or stance. Gregg calls this "moral jiu jitsu." While it may seem fanciful to think that one's commitment to nonviolence can have this impact, many case studies have shown that this is sometimes the case, particularly when the commitment is constant over time.

"The means are the ends in embryo."

"Not peace at any price, but love at all costs."

One such case concerns Vykom in Travancore Province , India.[4] Under India's caste system, Brahmins (the upper caste) and Untouchables (the lowest caste) were kept apart in a variety of ways. In this case, Untouchables were not allowed to walk on a road that passed in front of a Brahmin temple, but had to walk a lengthier route to their own homes. At its outset, Hindu reformers walked with Untouchables down the road and stood in front of the temple. Protestors were beaten, arrested, and jailed. The Maharajah ordered the police to prevent reformers and Untouchables from entering the road. They shifted their tactics to standing prayerfully in front of police, seeking entry, but not attempting to disobey the directive. Participants stood on the road in shifts of several hours each, weathering the monsoon season during which the water level reached their shoulders. After 16 months, centuries of segregation came to an end as the Brahmins announced simply, "We cannot any longer resist the prayers that have been made to us and we are ready to receive the Untouchables."

A less-cited case, which demonstrates moral jiu jitsu on a personal level, involved a young man named Eddie Dickerson. Dickerson joined a group of other young men in attacking a group of CORE (Congress on Racial Equality) protestors who were attempting to integrate lunch counters in a nearby town on Maryland's Eastern Shore. Returning home after the beating, he found himself haunted by the nonviolent response of those whom he had beaten. He left his friends and walked several miles to the church at which the CORE volunteers were staying to pose the question, "Why didn't you hit back?"

Their behavior and their answers to his question caused him to begin to question both his violent behavior and even segregation itself. His family kicked him out of the house, but he continued his exploration, ending up working for CORE himself. "I don't have any doubts no more. I feel pretty strong that everyone -- no matter what color skin he has -- should have equal opportunities. God meant it that way. And it don't make sense to beat them up so they'll believe it. It has to be done by nonviolence if it's going to work..."[5]

In some faith traditions, nonviolent action becomes a moral imperative in the face of rampant social injustice. Brazilian liberation theologian Leonardo Boff discusses the need to resist that form of violence, which he labels "originating violence."

Originating violence has its roots in the elite institutions of power, in a social structure that protects the interests of the dominant groups, and in the extreme right, which will not tolerate any social change out of fear of losing its privileged status. As a result many countries of the Third World are in the grips of state terrorism.[6]

Such structural violence demands a response; it is morally imperative to strike against it. Rather than retaliatory violence or even revolutionary violence, however, Boff suggests nonviolent action. Through it, we avoid becoming accomplices of injustice by refusing the status quo; yet retain our own human dignity by refraining from violence. He propounds a mistica underlying nonviolent struggle:

The mistica of active nonviolence implies changing ourselves as well as working to change the world. We must live the truth. We must be just, our integrity transparent. We must be peacemakers. It is not enough simply to confront external violence. We must also dig out the roots of violence in our own hearts, in our personal agendas, and in our life projects. In both a personal and a political sense we must seek to live today in miniature what we are seeking for tomorrow.[7]

Gandhian Nonviolent Action

Gandhian nonviolence is based on religious principles drawn from a diversity of scriptures, particularly the Bhagavad Gita, the Bible, and the Koran. Gandhi looked toward higher authority for absolute truth. His central concept, Satyagraha, translated both as "truth seeking" and "soul force," presupposed that the activist could learn from the opponent and vice versa. Truth could neither be achieved nor disseminated by force. Therefore, the concept of ahimsa was also key to the satyagrahi (the person engaged in truth seeking). While ahimsa is typically translated "nonviolence," it is not encumbered in the original transcript by the negative construction and connotation of the English word.

The Indian independence movement lasted over a period of almost three decades, and involved thousands of Indians from all walks of life. Despite its size and duration, it remained almost uniformly nonviolent. Even when law enforcement agents resorted to violence, even when protestors were beaten and/or imprisoned, they themselves eschewed violence.

According to Paul Wehr, Gandhi was able to keep the Indian independence movement from lurching out of control (and possibly becoming violent) through a number of strategies:

A "step-wise"[8] process. Gandhian campaigns began with negotiation and arbitration , during which he worked not only on the issues in dispute, but also on developing a cooperative relationship with the British officials involved. If the conflict was not resolved at this state, the satyagrahis prepared for nonviolent action including "agitation, ultimatum, economic boycott and strikes, noncooperation, civil disobedience, usurpation of governmental functions and the creation of parallel government."[9]
Commitment to nonviolence. Each participant in a Gandhian campaign had to make a personal and absolute commitment to nonviolence. According to Wehr, "[i]t was primarily because of this personalized self-control that such a massive movement developed with surprisingly little violence."[10]
Controlling the dynamics of escalation . Gandhi avoided common precipitators of escalation. For example, he tied each campaign to a single issue and thus avoided proliferation of issues or parties. He put an emphasis on developing personal relationships with opponents, and thus refrained from the tendency to move from confrontation to antagonism. By announcing all intended moves, he minimized the possibility of information becoming distorted.

Looking at the Indian independence movement from the vantage of the 21st century, it may not seem to be as significant an achievement as it was at the time.Colonial governance is an anachronism in our time, scorned for its non-recognition of peoples' rights to self-governance. Things were must different in the early 20th century, however. Half of the world's peoples lived in territories controlled by other powers. In the 1940s, Britain took great pride in its empire, the result of almost three centuries of conquest, acquisition, and effective colonial administration.

King's Nonviolent Action

It is not surprising that, like Gandhi's, Martin Luther King Jr.'s decision to utilize nonviolence was based on religious principles. In fact, King discovered the use of nonviolent action as a political tool through learning about Gandhi's success in India.

King's approach was specifically Christian in orientation, drawing on his own status as a minister and the centrality of the Church in the lives of the Montgomery, Alabama, African-Americans who were the first protestors he led. His speeches utilized the inspirational crescendo structure of African-American sermonizing and he typically used biblical themes in them. This provided a deeper source of unity than the specific issue at hand and his able lieutenants were drawn from the rolls of black preachers.

Like Gandhi's, King's methods were also "step-wise." The King Center lists six:

Step One. Information gathering
Step Two. Education
Step Three. Personal commitment
Step Four. Negotiations
Step Five. Direct action
Step Six. Reconciliation[11]

As with Gandhi, the process is step-wise, creating opportunities for resolution without confrontation and ensuring that both proponents and adversaries have sufficiently accurate information to make decisions both about the issue and the process.

Nonviolent Action as a Political Strategy

While faith- or philosophy-based nonviolence often leads to political change, one can also look at nonviolence from a purely strategic vantage point.This is the view of Gene Sharp, the preeminent cataloguer of nonviolent action. As described above, moral jiu jitsu operates by generating questions within the adversary who comes to a change of heart in the course of this process. Sharp, on the other hand, refers to "political jiu jitsu."

By combining nonviolent discipline with solidarity and persistence in struggle, the nonviolent actionists cause the violence of the opponent's repression to be exposed in the worst possible light.[12]

According to Sharp, non-violent action acts in three ways to change opponents' behavior:

Accommodation

Conversion involves a change of heart in the opponent to the point where the goals of the protestors are now her/his own. At the other extreme, in coercion , the opponent has had no change of heart or mind, but acquiesces to the demands of the protestors because s/he feels there is no choice. In between is accommodation, probably the most frequent mechanism through which nonviolent action is effective.

In the mechanism of accommodation the opponent resolves to grant the demands of the nonviolent actionists without having changed his mind fundamentally about the issues involved. Some other factor has come to be considered more important than the issue at stake in the conflict, and the opponent is therefore willing to yield on the issue rather than to risk or to experience some other condition or result regarded as still more unsatisfactory.[13]

A Gandhian approach suggests that conversion is the appropriate goal of nonviolence. Not all nonviolent action proponents, however, adhere to this standard. On the other extreme there are those whose only concern is achieving the desired goal and the most effective and/or expeditious way of getting there. In between are those who prefer conversion where possible, but not at the cost of significantly prolonging the struggle or participants' suffering.

Sharp defines three major categories of nonviolent action:

Protest and Persuasion . These are actions that highlight the issue in contention and/or a desired strategy for responding to the situation. Specific methods include petitions, leafleting, picketing, vigils, marches, and teach-ins.
Noncooperation . Protestors may refuse to participate in the behavior to which they object socially, economically, and/or politically. Specific methods include sanctuary, boycotts, strikes, and civil disobedience.
Nonviolent intervention. This category includes techniques in which protestors actively interfere with the activity to which they are objecting. Specific methods include sit-ins, fasts, overloading of facilities, and parallel government.

In general, the level of disruption and confrontation increases as one moves from protest and persuasion to intervention. If the protestors' goal is to convert, "protest and persuasion" is likely to be the most appropriate category from which to choose. If the protestors wish to force their opponents to change their behavior, they will probably need to include nonviolent intervention methods in their overall strategy. Those who are seeking accommodation might best mix protest and persuasion tactics with noncooperation if the former are not having the desired impact.

When arranging nonviolent action, it is particularly important to consider the audience. A rally may serve to inspire the already committed (sometimes it is important to "speak to the choir"), but is not likely to change minds; a boycott of a service provided by someone who has not been educated about the issues in question is likely to produce an unnecessary level of resentment.George Lakey and Martin Oppenheimer offer a particularly helpful way of looking at this issue. They point out that any person or group can be categorized according to where she, he or it stands in regard to the issues:

Active proponents
Active supporters
Passive supporters
Passive opponents
Active supporters of the opposition
Active opponents[14]

They then make the point that one's aim in any action should be to move the target population up one notch.

Whatever criteria are chosen to assess possible tactics before embarking on them, nonviolent actionists would do well to imitate their military counterparts at least in the following categories: careful planning and discipline of participants. With that, nonviolence may be just as likely to be successful in a conflict as violence, and it is much less likely to cause much increased hostility, escalation , and backlash .

While most of the protestors were peaceful, a few were not, resulting in substantial amounts of property damage as well as injuries and a few deaths. Law enforcement response to these protests was often militaristic, severe, and contributed to (and, often initiated) the violence. In Portland, for example, President Trump sent in Federal agents ostensibly to protect the federal courthouse, but some commentators observed, the goal was actually to stoke violence in order to bolster Trump's "law and order" bona fides in an election year. Regardless of intent, that did, indeed, transpire—violence increased dramatically once the federal troops arrived.[16]

Much discussion has ensued — among protestors, other activists and advocates as well as scholars — about whether violence or nonviolence is a better strategy for addressing instances of racially-motivated police brutality and, more widely, and for highlighting "systemic racism" throughout the United States.

This article, written in 2003, is still worth reading when one is considering one's answer to that question. It describes two different kinds of nonviolence: principled nonviolence as practiced by Gandhi and King, and strategic nonviolent direct action, as studied and advocated by Gene Sharp, among others. Gandhi and King were both very successful in their nonviolent campaigns—winning major victories against formidable opposition. (Gandhi's movement won Indian independence from Great Britain; King's movement significantly diminished discrimination and contributed to the passage of the landmark 1964 Civil Rights Act, the 1965 Voting Rights Act, and the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act.) Sharp's works have reportedly been followed extensively around the world—most notably in Egypt during the protests and eventual overthrow of Hosnai Mubarak, but also in Serbia, a large number of former Soviet states), Iran, and Northern Ireland [17]

Dugan ends her article by saying "nonviolence may be just as likely to be successful in a conflict as violence, and it is much less likely to cause much increased hostility, escalation , and backlash ." Research released after this was written suggests a stronger conclusion: nonviolence and nonviolent direct action is more successful than violence in attaining the actors' interests and needs.

Most noteworthy among such research is that done by Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan. In their 2011 book Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict, Chenoweth and Stephan conclude:

Though it defies consensus, between 1900 and 2006, campaigns of nonviolent resistance were more than twice as effective as their violent counterparts. Attracting impressive support from citizens that helps separate regimes from their main sources of power, these campaigns have produced remarkable results, even in the contexts of Iran, the Palestinian Territories, the Philippines, and Burma.[18].

And directly relating to U.S. race relations, Omar Wasow has published an article explaining the effectiveness of Black nonviolent protests in the 1960s.

Evaluating black-led protests between 1960 and 1972, I find nonviolent activism, particularly when met with state or vigilante repression, drove media coverage, framing, congressional speech, and public opinion on civil rights. Counties proximate to nonviolent protests saw presidential Democratic vote share increase 1.6–2.5%. Protester-initiated violence, by contrast, helped move news agendas, frames, elite discourse, and public concern toward “social control.” In 1968, ... I find violent protests likely caused a 1.5–7.9% shift among whites toward Republicans and tipped the election. [19]

Other scholars are not as convinced about the superiority of nonviolence, arguing that it was actually the combination of nonviolence with the threat of, or actual use of violence that brought about U.S. civil rights progress. For instance, in "Violence and/or Nonviolence in the Success of the Civil Rights Movement: The Malcolm X–Martin Luther King, Jr. Nexus", August Nimtz asserts:

that it was the combination of that course [non-violent action] and the threat of violence on the part of African Americans that fully explain those two victories [the Civil Rights Act (CRA) and the Voting Rights Act (VRA)]. A close reading of the texts and actions of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X is indispensable for my claim. The archival evidence, as well, makes a convincing case for the CRA, its proposal by the John F. Kennedy (JFK) administration and enactment by Congress. For the VRA, its proposal by the Lyndon B. Johnson (LBJ) administration and enactment by Congress, the evidence is more circumstantial but still compelling. The evidence reveals that for the threat of violence to have been credible, actual violence was required, as events in Birmingham, Alabama, demonstrate. Such violence, the “long hot summers” of the 1960s that began with Birmingham, probably aided and abetted subsequent civil rights gains—a story that has potential lessons for today’s struggles for social equality. [20]

If one is considering the efficacy of violence over nonviolence, however, Guy Burgess suggests one do a thought experiment. "Pretend you are being confronted by two people whose beliefs are polar opposite your own, and who are trying to get their policies enacted, which would greatly harm you. One approaches you with threats, saying if you don't let them have their way, they'll burn down your business or your house or send protesters out to harass you. The other one approaches you and asks to sit down with you, explain their concerns, get your reactions, see if there are areas of common ground, and find a constructive way of dealing with differences. How would you react to each?"

Guy also points out that Trump and his followers are trying hard to create the impression that violent Antifa thugs are coming to ransack conservative communities. The goal is to frame the Antifa and the Left, in general, as violent adversaries. If violent threats are so effective, then why would Trump be trying to make his opponents appear more violent (and, hence, more effective)? The answer: he isn't. He knows that most people don't like others who are violent—they turn against the violent actors and towards those who promise law and order. (Just as Wasow said.)

So we (Guy and Heidi Burgess) come down on the side of nonviolence, and urge you to read about the theory behind it, and its past uses in Maire Dugan's original article.

--Heidi Burgess, Sept 15, 2020

Back to Essay Top

[1] Moseley, Alex. "Pacifism," Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. http://www.utm.edu/research/iep/p/pacifism.htm . Accessed 10/15/02.

[2] http://www.greatpeace.org/ ; http://www.peacemagazine.org/archive/v04n6p06.htm .

[3] Gregg, Richard B. The Power of Nonviolence . The Rev. Ed. Nyack, NY: Fellowship Publications, 1959, p. 50.

[4] http://www.progress.org/archive/vv12.htm ; Sharp, Gene . The Politics of Nonviolent Action . Boston: Porter Sargent Publishers, 1973.

[5] Robbins, Jhan and Rune Robbins. "Why Didn't They Hit Back?" in A. Paul Hare and Herbert H. Blumberg, eds., Nonviolent Direct Action; American Cases: Social and Political Analyses , Washington, D.C.: Corpus Books, 1968, pp. 107-127, p. 126.

[6] Boff, Leonardo. "Active Nonviolence: The Political and Moral Power of the Poor. Forward to Relentless Persistence: Nonviolent Action in Latin America . Philip McManus and Gerald Schlabach, eds., Gabriola Island, B.C.: New Society Publishers, 1991, pp. vii-xi, p. vii

[7] Ibid., p. ix

[8] Wehr, p. 57

[9] Wehr, p. 58

[10] Wehr, p. 59

[11] http://www.thekingcenter.com/prog/non/6steps.html , accessed Oct. 30, 2002.

[12] Sharp, Gene. The Politics of Nonviolent Action. Boston: Porter Sargent Publishers, 1973, p. 657.

[13] Ibid., p. 733

[14] list modified from Oppenheimer, Martin and George Lakey. A Manual for Direct Action . Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1965. A similar (though somewhat different) list is presented in the ICKB essay Intra-Party Differences

[15] Yasmeen Serhan "The Common Element United Worldwide Protests." The Atlantic . November 19, 2019. https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/11/leaderless-protests-around-world/602194/

[16] Chris McGreal and Martin Pengelly "What is happening in Portland and what does Trump hope to gain?" T he Guardian . July 26, 2020. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/jul/26/portland-oregon-protests-what-is-happening-trump-chicago-albuquerque] and https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2020/07/trump-portland-protests-federal-agents-polls.html/

[17 ] Wikipedia article on Gene Sharp: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gene_Sharp.

[18] Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan. Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, August 2011). https://www.ericachenoweth.com/research/wcrw

[19] Omar Wasow. "Agenda Seeding: How 1960s Black Protests Moved Elites, Public Opinion and Voting" American Political Secine Review. June 25, 2020. https://politicalsciencenow.com/agenda-seeding-how-1960s-black-protests-moved-elites-public-opinion-and-voting/

[20] August H. Nimtz "Violence and/or Nonviolence in the Success of the Civil Rights Movement: The Malcolm X–Martin Luther King, Jr. Nexus" New Political Science Volume 38, Issue 1, Feb. 5, 2016. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/07393148.2015.1125116?src=recsys&journalCode=cnps20

Use the following to cite this article: Dugan, Máire A.. "Nonviolence and Nonviolent Direct Action." Beyond Intractability . Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: September 2003 < http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/nonviolent-direct-action >.

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COMPASS Manual for Human Rights Education with Young people

Peace and violence.

Violence: concepts and examples

What is violence.

Violence is a complex concept. Violence is often understood as the use or threat of force that can result in injury, harm, deprivation or even death. It may be physical, verbal or psychological. The World Health Organisation (WHO) defines violence as "intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation". 1 This definition emphasises intentionality, and broadens the concept to include acts resulting from power relationships.

8 million light weapons are produced each year. 2 bullets are produced each year for every person on the planet. 2 out of 3 people killed by armed violence die in countries "at peace". 10 people are injured for every person killed by armed violence. Estimates from www.controlarms.org

An expanded understanding of violence includes not only direct "behavioural" violence, but also structural violence, which is often unconscious. Structural violence results from unjust and inequitable social and economic structures and manifesting itself in for example, poverty and deprivation of all kinds.

Forms of violence can be categorised in many ways. One such classification includes:

direct violence, e.g. physical or behavioural violence such as war, bullying, domestic violence, exclusion or torture
structural violence, e.g. poverty and deprivation of basic resources and access to rights; oppressive systems that enslave, intimidate, and abuse dissenters as well as the poor, powerless and marginalised
cultural violence, e.g. the devaluing and destruction of particular human identities and ways of life, the violence of sexism, ethnocentrism, racism and colonial ideologies, and other forms of moral exclusion that rationalise aggression, domination, inequity, and oppression.

Question: Are direct, structural and/or cultural violence present in your community? How?

Today's human rights violations are the causes of tomorrow's conflicts. Mary Robinson

Violence in the world

Each year, more than 1.6 million people worldwide lose their lives to violence. For every person who dies as a result of violence, many more are injured and suffer from a range of physical, sexual, reproductive and mental health problems. Violence places a massive burden on national economies in health care, law enforcement and lost productivity. World Health Organisation 2

Structural and cultural forms of violence are often deeply impregnated in societies to the point of being perceived as inherent. This type of violence lasts longer, thus eventually having similar consequences as direct violence, or, in some cases, even leading to the oppressed using direct violence as a response. Lower education opportunities in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, limited access to leisure for foreigners, harmful working conditions in certain fields of work, and so on, are acts of structural and cultural violence which have a direct influence on people's access to their rights. Yet these forms of violence are rarely recognised as violations of human rights. What follows are some examples about different forms of violence worldwide. These are not the only ones. More information about the effects of armed conflicts can be found in War and Terrorism and in various other sections of this manual.

Military spending, arms trade and violence

The production and trade in arms and weapons is undoubtedly one of the greatest threats to peace, not least because of the economic, financial and social dimensions of arms production. The production and export of arms is often encouraged on economic grounds with little con- sideration to the impact on peace and security. World military spending is steadily increasing; in 2014 the world spent an estimated €1776 billion on the military. The database of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute3 shows in 2014 the USA (€610 billion) as the biggest military spender, followed by China (€216 billion) and then three European countries, Russia ($84 billion) the United Kingdom ($60 billion) and France (€62 billion). Europe as a whole spent $386 billion.

Data from the Overseas Development Institute (www.odi.org ) shows that we could deliver free primary and secondary education in all the poor countries around the world for $32 billion per year, this is less than a single week's global military spending.

Question: How much does your country of residence spend on arms production and purchases annually?

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) estimates that at least 740,000 women, men, young people and children are killed each year by armed violence; most of those affected live in poverty. The majority of armed killings occur outside of wars, although armed conflicts continue to generate a high number of deaths. Moreover, a huge number of people are injured by armed violence and face long-term suffering because of it. According to Amnesty International, about 60% of human rights violations documented by the organisation have involved the use of small arms and light weapons. 4

Controlling Arms Trade Control Arms is a global civil society alliance campaigning for an international legally-binding treaty that will stop the transfer of arms and ammunition. The campaign emphasises that domestic regulations have failed to adapt to increasing globalisation of the arms trade since different parts of weapons are produced in different places and transferred to other countries to be assembled. Control Arms is calling for a "bulletproof" Arms Trade Treaty that would hold governments accountable for illegal arms transfers. www.controlarms.org

A form of inter-personal violence, bullying is one of the forms of violence that affects young people and is often not considered as a form of violence. Bullying refers to aggressive behaviour which is repeated and intends to hurt someone. It can take the form of physical, psychological or verbal aggression. It can take place in any situation where human beings interact, be it at school, at the workplace or any other social place. Bullying can be direct, confronting a person face-to-face, or indirect by spreading rumours or harming someone over the Internet, for example. Although it is difficult to have clear statistics, research shows that bullying is an increasing problem. Victims often do not dare to speak out, and it is therefore extremely difficult to identify and support victims of bullying.

Is corporal punishment legitimate?

Corporal punishment is the most widespread form of violence against children and is a violation of their human rights. In the past, some argued that smacking was a harmless form of punishment which enabled parents to educate their children, whereas others considered it a violent form of physical punishment. The Council of Europe campaign Raise Your Hand Against Smacking provoked strong debates in Member States, and took a human rights stand against this practice.

Gender-based violence

More information about gender and gender-based violence, can be found in the section on Gender, in chapter 5, and in the manual Gender Matters, www.coe.int/compass

While male-dominated societies often justify small arms possession through the alleged need to protect vulnerable women, women actually face greater danger of violence when their families and communities are armed. Barbara Frey 6

Gender-based violence is one of the most frequent forms of structural and cultural violence. It is present in every society and its consequences affect virtually all human beings. According to the UNFPA, gender-based violence "both reflects and reinforces inequities between men and women and compromises the health, dignity, security and autonomy of its victims. It encompasses a wide range of human rights violations, including sexual abuse of children, rape, domestic violence, sexual assault and harassment, trafficking of women and girls and several harmful traditional practices. Any one of these abuses can leave deep psychological scars, damage the health of women and girls in general, including their reproductive and sexual health, and in some instances, results in death" 5 . Gender-based violence does not have to be physical. In fact, young people suffer much verbal violence, especially targeted at LGBT (young) people and girls.

Everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to promote and to strive for the protection and realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels. Article 1 of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders

In situations of conflict, women become particularly vulnerable and new forms of violence against women emerge. These can range from mass rape to forced sexual assaults, forced pregnancy, or sexual slavery. The polarisation of gender roles during armed conflicts is increased, women thus being seen as objects of war and territories to be conquered.

Violence Against Human Rights Defenders

Useful information for human rights defenders: www.frontlinedefenders.org/ www.amnesty.org/en/human-rights-defenders www.ohchr.org http://www.civilrightsdefenders.org

Investigating, reporting human rights violations and educating people about human rights and campaigning for justice can be dangerous work. Human rights defenders are people who individually, or with others, promote and protect human rights through peaceful and non-violent means. Because of their work, human rights defenders can be subjected to different types of violence, including beatings, arbitrary arrest or execution, torture, death threats, harassment and defamation, or restrictions on their freedom of expression, and association. In 2000, the United Nations established a Special Rapporteur whose main mission is to support implementation of the 1998 Declaration on human rights defenders. The "protection" of human rights defenders includes protecting the defenders themselves and the right to defend human rights. The Special Rapporteur seeks, receives, examines and responds to information on the situation of human rights defenders, promotes the effective implementation of the Declaration and recommends strategies to protect human rights defenders. 7

Question: How free and safe is it to report or denounce human rights abuse and violations in your country?

If you look at them [conflicts] and remove the superficial levels of religion and politics, quite often it is a question of trying to access resources, trying to control those resources, and trying to decide how those resources will be shared. Wangari Maathai

The fight for resources

The possession of or control over natural resources such as water, arable land, mineral oil, metals, natural gas, and so on, have often fuelled violent conflicts throughout history. The depletion of certain resources and the shortage of others, such as water or arable land, is expected to become more widespread due to growth of consumption and climate change. This may create more regional or international tensions, potentially leading to violent conflicts.

Question: How is your country part of the competition for scarce resources?

Peace, human security and human rights

War and violence inevitably result in the denial of human rights. Building a culture of human rights is a pre-condition to achieving a state of peace. Sustainable, lasting peace and security can only be attained when all human rights are fulfilled. Building and maintaining a culture of peace is a shared challenge for humankind.

What is peace?

A culture of peace will be achieved when citizens of the world understand global problems, have the skills to resolve conflicts and struggle for justice non-violently, live by international standards of human rights and equity, appreciate cultural diversity, and respect the Earth and each other. Such learning can only be achieved with systematic education for peace. Global Campaign for Peace Education of the Hague Appeal for Peace

FIAN is an international human rights organisation that has advocated for the realisation of the right to food. www.fian.org

The above campaign statement offers a broader understanding of peace: peace means not only the lack of violent conflicts, but also the presence of justice and equity, as well as respect for human rights and for the Earth. Johan Galtung, a recognised Norwegian scholar and researcher, defined two aspects of peace. Negative peace means that there is no war, no violent conflict between states or within states. Positive peace means no war or violent conflict combined with a situation where there is equity, justice and development. The absence of war by itself does not guarantee that people do not suffer psychological violence, repression, injustice and a lack of access to their rights. Therefore, peace cannot be defined only by negative peace.

The concept of peace also has an important cultural dimension. Traditionally, for many people in the "western world", peace is generally understood to be an outside condition., while in other cultures, peace also has to do with inner peace (peace in our minds or hearts). In the Maya tradition, for example, peace refers to the concept of welfare; it is linked to the idea of a perfect balance between the different areas of our lives. Peace, therefore, is to be seen as both internal and external processes which affect us.

Human security

A concept closely related to peace and violence is human security, which recognises the interrelation between violence and deprivation of all kinds. It concerns the protection of individuals and communities from both the direct threat of physical violence and the indirect threats that result from poverty and other forms of social, economic or political inequalities, as well as natural disasters and disease. A country may not be under threat of external attack or internal conflict but still be insecure if, for example, it lacks the capacity to maintain the rule of law, if large populations are displaced by famine or decimated by disease or if its people lack the basic necessities of survival and access to their human rights.

Human security furthers human rights because it addresses situations that gravely threaten human rights and supports the development of systems that give people the building blocks of survival, dignity and essential freedoms: freedom from want, freedom from fear and freedom to take action on one's own behalf. It uses two general strategies to accomplish this: protection and empowerment. Protection shields people from direct dangers, but also seeks to develop norms, processes and institutions that maintain security. Empowerment enables people to develop their potential and become full participants in decision making. Protection and empowerment are mutually reinforcing, and both are required.

Question: How does insecurity affect the young people with whom you work?

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted by the UN in 2015 recognise the important role of security for development. SDG 16, sometimes shortened to “Peace and Justice” is to “promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels”. There are 10 targets, for instance 16.1 to reduce all forms of violence, 16.2 end abuse and all forms of violence against and torture of children. The full list of targets is in the further information section of the activity, “How much do we need?”.

The linkages between SDG 16 and human rights are:

Right to life, liberty and security of the person [UDHR art. 3; ICCPR arts. 6(1), 9(1);
ICPED art. 1] including freedom from torture [UDHR art. 5; ICCPR art. 7; CAT art. 2; CRC art. 37(a)]
Protection of children from all forms of violence, abuse or exploitation [CRC arts. 19, 37(a)), including trafficking (CRC arts. 34-36; CRC–OP1)]
Right to access to justice and due process [UDHR arts. 8, 10; ICCPR arts. 2(3), 14-15; CEDAW art. 2(c)]
Right to legal personality [UDHR art. 6; ICCPR art. 16; CRPD art. 12]
Right to participate in public affairs [UDHR art. 21; ICCPR art. 25]
Right to access to information [UDHR art. 19; ICCPR art. 19(1)] (www.ohchr.org)

Peace as a human right

Peace is a way of living together so that all members of society can accomplish their human rights. It is as an essential element to the realisation of all human rights. Peace is a product of human rights: the more a society promotes, protects and fulfils the human rights of its people, the greater its chances for curbing violence and resolving conflicts peacefully. However, peace is also increasingly being recognised as a human right itself, as an emerging human right or part of the so-called solidarity rights.

Non-violence is the supreme law of life. Indian proverb

All peoples shall have the right to national and international peace and security. African Charter on Human and People's Rights, Article 23

The connection between international human rights and the right to peace is very strong, notably because the absence of peace leads to so many violations of human rights. The UDHR recognises, for example, the right to security and freedom (Article 3); prohibits torture, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment (Article 5), and calls for an international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in the declaration can be fully realised (Article 28). The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits propaganda for war as well as "advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence" (Article 20). The right to peace is also codified in some regional documents such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and the Asian Human Rights Charter. The creation of the Council of Europe was itself based on the conviction that "the pursuit of peace based upon justice and international co-operation is vital for the preservation of human society and civilisation".

The right to peace in UN Human Rights Council "The Human Rights Council … 1. Reaffirms that the peoples of our planet have a sacred right to peace; 2. Also reaffirms that the preservation of the right of peoples to peace and the promotion of its implementation constitute a fundamental obliga- tion of all States; 3. Stresses the importance of peace for the promotion and protection of all human rights for all; 4. Also stresses that the deep fault line that divides human society between the rich and the poor and the ever-increasing gap between the de- veloped world and the developing world pose a major threat to global prosperity, peace, human rights, security and stability; 5. Further stresses that peace and security, development and human rights are the pillars of the United Nations system and the foundations for collective security and well-being; …" 11

The opposite of violence isn't non-violence, it's power. When one has moral power, power of conviction, the power to do good, one doesn't need violence. 9 Nelsa Libertad Curbelo 10

Human security is a child who did not die, a disease that did not spread, a job that was not cut, an ethnic tension that did not explode in violence, a dissident who was not silenced. Human security is not a concern with weapons – it is a concern with human life and dignity. Human Development Report, 1994

The Santiago Declaration on the Human Right to Peace, adopted in 2010 by The International Congress on the Human Right to Peace, is one of the most elaborate documents on peace as a human right. The declaration recognises individuals, groups, peoples and all humankind as holders of the "inalienable right to a just, sustainable and lasting peace" (Art. 1) and "States, individually, jointly or as part of multilateral organisations", as the principal duty holders of the human right to peace". The declaration also calls for the right to education "on and for peace and all other human rights" as a component of the right to peace because "education and socialization for peace is a condition sine qua non for unlearning war and building identities disentangled from violence". The right to human security and the right to live in a safe and healthy environment, "including freedom from fear and from want" are also put forward as elements of "positive peace". Other dimensions of the right to peace are the right to disobedience and conscientious objection, the right to resist and oppose oppression and the right to disarmament. The declaration also devotes a specific article to the rights of victims, including their right to seek justice and a breakdown of the obligations entailed in the human right to peace.

Question: In practice, what does the human right to peace mean for you?

Legitimate (state) violence

Not all violence is illegal or illegitimate. Violent acts are sometimes necessary in order to protect the human rights of other people. I may have to use violence for self-defence; I expect a policeman to use, in extreme cases, some kind of violence to protect me or my family from violence from other people. My human right to security implies that the state and its agents protect me from violence. A human rights framework implies that violent actions by state or public agents is justified (and sometimes required), provided that it is organised and enacted within a human rights framework, including respect for the rights of the victim.

All persons have a right to peace so that they can fully develop all their capacities, physical, intellectual, moral and spiritual, without being the target of any kind of violence. Asian Human Rights Charter, 1998, paragraph 4.1

This raises questions about the primacy of some human rights over others: the right to life is a clear human right, and still in many cases, human beings are being punished violently or killed, as a consequence of their acts. Examples from throughout history illustrate how civil movements have brought about change and better access to people's human rights. However, peaceful movements are often suppressed by violent police or army action. Repressing people's right to freedom of expression and association. The "Arab Spring" movements initiated in 2011 showed how youth in Tunisia, Egypt and other Arab countries gathered and peacefully reclaimed their human rights, but were violently attacked and put into detention by state armed forces, many losing their lives.

Question: When is armed intervention by policy justified?

Starvation is the characteristic of some people not having enough to eat. It is not the characteristic of there not being enough to eat. Amartya Sen

From a human rights perspective, the deprivation of the liberty of a person as a consequence of a criminal offence does not take away their inherent humanity. This is why the measures taken by the state against people who have acted violently against others must not be arbitrary, must respect their inherent dignity, and must protect these persons against torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. One of the aims of detention is the social rehabilitation of prisoners.

I object to violence because when it appears to do good, the good is only temporary; the evil it does is permanent. Ghandi

The rule of law and protection of human rights and freedoms are crucial safeguards for an effective and just criminal justice system. Yet, while protecting the innocent 12 , custody and imprisonment are often also, unfortunately, the places where human rights violations appear. According to human rights standards, in particular the Convention on the Rights of the Child, specific rehabilitation mechanisms must be put in place for young offenders, such as "laws, procedures, authorities and institutions specifically applicable to children alleged as, accused of, or recognized as having infringed the penal law" (Art. 40). This, however, is not always the case. According to Penal Reform International, the way authorities deal with young offenders can often lead to long-term physical and psychological ill-health. For example, exposure to violent behaviour in detention and separation from families and community may undermine the idea of rehabilitation and push them further into criminal activities. Based on the UNICEF estimates, today there are more than one million children in detention worldwide.

Question: Can imprisonment be an effective way to rehabilitate and educate children and young people who have committed a criminal offence?

Death penalty

The death penalty is forbidden by the European Convention on Human Rights as well as in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Protocol 1). Outlawing the death penalty does not justify human rights violations. It is also based on the belief that violence cannot be fought with more violence. The outlawing of the death penalty is also a statement about the infallibility of justice: history shows that judicial mistakes are always possible and that there is the risk that the wrong person may be executed. However, the outlawing of the death penalty is also a testament to the belief of the right to life and dignity - and to a fair trial.

Penal Reform International is an international non-governmental organisation working on penal and criminal justice reform worldwide. www.penalreform.org

In 2011, 1,923 people in 63 countries were known to have been sentenced to death and 676 executions were known to have been carried out in 20 countries. However, the 676 figure does not include the perhaps thousands of people that Amnesty International estimates have been executed in China. 13 Belarus is the only country in Europe that in 2012 still carried out executions. According to Amnesty International, prisoners on death row in Belarus are told that they will be executed only minutes before the sentence is carried out. They are executed by a shot to the back of the head. The family members are informed only after execution, and the place of burial is kept in secret.

Young people and a culture of peace

Conflict transformation, reconciliation, peace education, and remembrance are part of the actions that carry the hope for a life free from violence and for a culture of peace. We have to learn from the past and make efforts to avoid the reoccurrence of terrible events against humanity which previous generations lived through. There are still local wars and armed conflicts in some places of the world. It is comforting to know that we are not defenceless and that we have tools to eliminate violence. Young people play an important role in this change.

Only societies based on democracy, the rule of law and human rights can provide sustainable long-term stability and peace. Thorbjørn Jagland, Secretary General of the Council of Europe

The Council of Europe works to promote social justice, and to avoid the escalation of violent conflicts and prevent wars and terrorist activities. The organisation encourages political leaders and civil society to build and nourish a culture of peace instead of a culture of violence and it raises awareness of the cost of violence, the perspectives of a peaceful future, the importance of democracy and democratic skills, as well as promoting humanism, human dignity, freedom and solidarity.

The Council of Europe's youth sector has over 40 years of experience in working on intercultural learning, conflict transformation and human rights education. The adoption by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe of the White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue "Living Together as Equals in Dignity", confirmed the political relevance of these approaches, and emphasised the need for dialogue between cultures for the development and safeguarding of peaceful societies.

Meet your own prejudice! Instead of talking about it, simply meet it. The Living Library Organiser's Guide 14

The 7th Conference of European Ministers responsible for Youth (Budapest, 2005) was devoted to youth policy responses to violence. In the final declaration, the ministers agreed, amongst others, on the importance of taking stock of all forms of violence and of their impact on people, on the need to develop violence-prevention strategies and to recognise young people as actors in violence prevention, "whilst raising their sense of responsibility and actively promoting their participation and co-operation" in this domain. The declaration also recognises human rights education as containing an essential dimension of violence prevention. The ministerial conference was the culmination of a project against violence in daily life which resulted in various educational instruments and initiatives to prevent and address violence, such as the manual for Living Library organisers.

As peace ambassadors we should become the eyes and ears of the Coun-cil of Europe in our countries and in Europe. Zlata Kharitonova, participant in Youth Peace Ambassadors

The youth sector of the Council of Europe has also initiated and supported youth-led projects addressing conflict and promoting peace education. The Youth Peace Camp has been running since 2004, and brings together young people from different conflicting areas to engage in dialogue on the understanding that they share common values and experiences, often very painful ones. The programme helps youth leaders to recognise and address prejudice, combating aggressive and exclusive forms of nationalism, and implementing intercultural learning and human rights education. For some of the participants this is the first time in their lives that they have talked face-to-face with young people from "the other side". The camp is now held annually at the European Youth Centre and occasionally in member states.

Multiplying peace education After the Youth Peace Camp 2011, six Israeli and Palestinian participants decided to keep meeting on the cease fire or so-called "green line". Every month other young people from both sides join the afternoon meeting, which includes discussions, sharing personal stories and having fun. As a joint group they engage in community work on both sides of the line, each time in a different community on a different side, always in a community affected somehow by the ongoing conflict.

The Youth Peace Ambassadors project, initiated in 2011, engages youth leaders in specific grassroots level peace education projects with young people, aiming at transforming conflict situations in their realities. The project is built on a network of specifically trained young people who strengthen the presence and promote the values of the Council of Europe in conflict-affected areas and communities.

Undoing Hate In the last two years, the streets of Prijepolje, a multicultural town in Serbia, became surrounded by "wrong" graffiti, filled with hate speech towards foreigners and people with different religions (Muslim and Orthodox). Most of the graffiti is written by boys from 2 different hooligan groups. My project brings together 10 boys, aged 14 – 18, from both a hooligan group and ethnic/religious minorities, who will redecorate the town by using graffiti to undo the hate graffiti which was put up in various places. While doing so, a peace-building documentary will be filmed. This project should help to create a strong basis for peace building, mutual understanding and tolerance. Edo Sadikovic, JUMP organisation, Serbia (Youth Peace Ambassador's project)

Networks for peace

The following are some examples to consider the variety, seriousness and creativity of peace builders and human rights defenders.

Combatants for Peace – is a movement which was started jointly by Palestinians and Israelis who have taken an active part in the cycle of violence and now fight for peace.

Search for Common Ground implements conflict-transformation programmes.

Responding to Conflict provides training for conflict transformation. Inspiring examples of and study notes for conducting training can be found on their website.

The Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict is a global network seeking a new international consensus on moving from reaction to prevention of violent conflict.

The United Network of Young Peacebuilders is a network of youth-led organisations working towards establishing peaceful societies.

1 World report on violence and health, WHO 2002, Geneva p 5: http://whqlibdoc.who.int/hq/2002/9241545615.pdf 2 www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/en/ 3 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI): www.sipri.se 4 http://controlarms.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/killer_facts_en.pdf 5 www.unfpa.org/gender/violence.htm 6 Progress report of Barbara Frey, UN Special Rapporteur, "Prevention of human rights violations committed with small arms and light weapons", UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2004/37, 21 June 2004, para 50 7 Source: www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/SRHRDefenders/ 8 Evans, A., Resource scarcity, fair shares and development, WWF / Oxfam, Discussion paper, 2011 9 From the film Barrio De Paz 10 Nelsa Libertad Curbelo is a former nun and street gang mediator in Ecuador 11 UN General Asembly, 15 July 2011, Document A/HRC/RES/1/7/16 of the Human Rights Council 12 Based on the UK criminal Justice systems aims, see: http://ybtj.justice.gov.uk/ 13 Amnesty International death penalty statistics 14 Don't judge a book by its cover – the Living Library Organiser's Guide, Abergel R. et al, Council of Europe Publishing, 2005

Image2: Theme 'Peace and Violence' by Pancho

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Violence: Concepts and examples
12 February Red Hand Day
21 March International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
15 May International Day of Conscientious Objection
29 May International Day of United Nations Peacekeepers
4 June International Day of Innocent Children Victims of Aggression
26 June United Nations International Day in Support of Victims of Torture
6 August Hiroshima Day
21 September International Day of Peace
2 October International Day of Non-Violence
10 October World Day Against the Death Penalty
24-30 October Disarmament Week
9 November International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism
11 November International Day of Science and Peace
25 November International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women
2 December International Day for the Abolition of Slavery

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Thinking beyond Direct Violence

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DOI: 10.1007/978-3-642-32481-9_3
Corpus ID: 141438306

Violence: Direct, Structural and Cultural

J. Galtung , D. Fischer
Published 2013

21 Citations

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Cultural Violence: Its Forms, Effects, and Solutions

Abstract: Cultural violence refers to the social norms, practices, and ideologies that promote and sustain violence and oppression towards specific groups or individuals. It can take various forms, including structural violence, symbolic violence, and direct violence. This blog post aims to provide a comprehensive overview of cultural violence by examining its various forms, effects, and solutions. The article is organized into ten main headings, each with three subheadings, covering the different aspects of cultural violence.

Cultural violence

Table of Contents

Cultural violence is a pervasive and insidious form of violence that affects millions of people around the world. It is often overlooked or ignored, as it operates at a subconscious level, perpetuated by social norms, practices, and beliefs that are deeply ingrained in our societies. Cultural violence can take many different forms, including structural violence, symbolic violence, and direct violence, and can be experienced by individuals and groups who are marginalized or discriminated against on the basis of their gender, race, ethnicity, religion, sexuality, or any other aspect of their identity.

Forms of Cultural Violence

Structural violence.

Structural violence refers to the systematic ways in which social structures and institutions create and maintain unequal power relations, resulting in the marginalization and oppression of certain groups of people.
Examples of structural violence include unequal access to education, healthcare, and job opportunities, as well as the lack of political representation and participation.
Structural violence can be perpetuated by government policies, economic systems, and social norms that reinforce discrimination and inequality.

Symbolic Violence

Symbolic violence refers to the ways in which language, symbols, and cultural practices are used to legitimize and normalize unequal power relations and oppression.
Examples of symbolic violence include derogatory language, stereotypes, and cultural practices that reinforce gender, racial, or ethnic hierarchies.
Symbolic violence can be perpetuated by the media, education, and cultural institutions that promote dominant cultural values and perspectives.

Direct Violence

Direct violence refers to physical, psychological, or emotional harm inflicted on individuals or groups through the use of force or coercion.
Examples of direct violence include hate crimes, domestic violence, and police brutality.
Direct violence can be perpetuated by individuals or groups who seek to maintain their power and control over others.

Effects of Cultural Violence

Physical and mental health effects.

Cultural violence can have severe physical and mental health effects on individuals who are subjected to it.
Physical health effects can include injury, illness, and disability, while mental health effects can include trauma, anxiety, and depression.
Cultural violence can also lead to the development of negative health behaviors, such as substance abuse and self-harm.

Social and Economic Effects

Cultural violence can have significant social and economic effects on individuals and communities.
Social effects can include isolation, exclusion, and discrimination, while economic effects can include poverty, unemployment, and limited access to resources.
Cultural violence can also perpetuate intergenerational cycles of poverty and marginalization.

Societal Effects

Cultural violence can have profound effects on the wider society, including the erosion of trust, social cohesion, and democratic values.
Societal effects can include increased social conflict, political instability, and the breakdown of social institutions.
Cultural violence can also lead to the perpetuation of social inequality and the denial of basic human rights for certain groups of people.

Causes of Cultural Violence

Historical and structural factors.

Historical and structural factors, such as colonization, slavery, and patriarchy, can contribute to the development and perpetuation of cultural violence.
These factors create power imbalances and unequal distribution of resources, which can lead to the marginalization and oppression of certain groups of people.
The legacy of historical and structural factors can continue to impact contemporary society through social norms, practices, and ideologies.

Cultural and Religious Beliefs

Cultural and religious beliefs can also contribute to the development and perpetuation of cultural violence.
Certain cultural and religious practices can reinforce discriminatory attitudes and behaviors towards specific groups of people.
These beliefs can be deeply ingrained in social norms and practices, making it challenging to challenge and change them.

Political and Economic Factors

Political and economic factors, such as authoritarianism, neoliberalism, and globalization, can contribute to the development and perpetuation of cultural violence.
These factors can create conditions of inequality and injustice, which can lead to the marginalization and oppression of certain groups of people.
Political and economic factors can also contribute to the perpetuation of cultural violence by reinforcing dominant cultural values and perspectives.

Examples of Cultural Violence

Gender-based violence.

Gender-based violence is a form of cultural violence that is experienced by women and gender groups .
Examples of gender-based violence include sexual assault, domestic violence, and forced marriage.
Gender-based violence is perpetuated by social norms and practices that reinforce patriarchal values and gender hierarchies.

Racism and Xenophobia

Racism and xenophobia are forms of cultural violence that target individuals and groups based on their race or ethnicity.
Examples of racism and xenophobia include hate crimes, discrimination, and racial profiling.
Racism and xenophobia are perpetuated by social norms and practices that reinforce white supremacy and racial hierarchies.

LGBTQ+ Discrimination

Discrimination against LGBTQ+ individuals is a form of cultural violence that targets individuals based on their sexual orientation or gender identity.
Examples of LGBTQ+ discrimination include hate crimes, employment discrimination, and denial of basic human rights.
LGBTQ+ discrimination is perpetuated by social norms and practices that reinforce heteronormativity and cisnormativity.

Solutions to Cultural Violence

Education and awareness.

Education and awareness campaigns can help to raise awareness about cultural violence and its impact on individuals and communities.
Educational programs can teach individuals about the history and effects of cultural violence and provide strategies for challenging and dismantling oppressive structures.
Awareness campaigns can also help to challenge cultural norms and beliefs that perpetuate violence and promote social justice and equality.

Policy and Legal Reform

Policy and legal reform can help to address the root causes of cultural violence and provide protections for marginalized groups.
Examples of policy and legal reform include anti-discrimination laws, affirmative action policies, and gender and sexuality education programs.
Policy and legal reform can also help to hold individuals and institutions accountable for perpetuating cultural violence.

Grassroots Organizing and Activism

Grassroots organizing and activism can empower individuals and communities to challenge cultural violence and create social change.
Examples of grassroots organizing and activism include protests, community organizing, and mutual aid networks.
Grassroots organizing and activism can also help to amplify the voices of marginalized groups and create networks of support and solidarity.

Cultural violence is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that can have profound impacts on individuals and communities. It is perpetuated by social norms and practices that reinforce oppressive structures and deny basic human rights to certain groups of people. However, there are solutions to cultural violence, including education and awareness, policy and legal reform, and grassroots organizing and activism. By working together, we can challenge and dismantle cultural violence and create a more just and equitable society.

Before concluding, it is important to note that the opinions and views expressed in this blog post are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of any organization or institution the author may be affiliated with. This blog post is intended for informational purposes only and is not a substitute for professional advice. It is also important to recognize that cultural violence affects individuals and communities in different ways, and the experiences of marginalized groups should always be centered and prioritized in discussions about cultural violence and its impacts.

Last worded from Author

As we navigate a world that is still plagued by cultural violence, it is important to remember that change is possible. We must all do our part in challenging oppressive norms and structures, and work towards creating a more just and equitable society. It will take education, policy reform, and grassroots activism to achieve this goal, but the reward will be a world where all individuals and communities can thrive and live free from violence and oppression.

Cultural violence refers to social norms, beliefs, and practices that perpetuate and normalize oppression, discrimination, and violence against certain groups of people. This can include gender-based violence, racism, and discrimination against LGBTQ+ individuals, among other forms of oppression.

Unlike physical violence, which is visible and tangible, cultural violence is often more subtle and insidious. It can be perpetuated through language, social norms, and institutions, making it more difficult to identify and address.

Cultural violence can affect individuals and communities from all backgrounds, but it often disproportionately impacts marginalized groups, such as women, people of color, and LGBTQ+ individuals.

Examples of cultural violence can include victim-blaming in cases of sexual assault, stereotypes that perpetuate harmful beliefs about certain groups of people, and discriminatory policies and practices that limit the rights and opportunities of marginalized individuals and communities.

Challenging cultural violence requires a multi-faceted approach, including education and awareness, policy reform, and grassroots organizing and activism. It is important to center the experiences of marginalized groups and work towards creating a more just and equitable society.

While cultural violence may never be completely eradicated, it is possible to reduce its impact and prevalence through sustained efforts towards education, policy reform, and grassroots activism.

Individuals can help in the fight against cultural violence by educating themselves on the issue, challenging harmful social norms and stereotypes, supporting policies and organizations that work towards social justice, and advocating for the rights of marginalized groups.

Addressing cultural violence is essential for creating a more just and equitable society. It is a necessary step towards ending oppression, discrimination, and violence against marginalized individuals and communities, and ensuring that all people are able to live free from harm and oppression.

Galtung, J. (1990). Cultural violence. Journal of Peace Research, 27(3), 291-305. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343390027003005
Definition Physical Violence: Understanding the Causes
Different Types of Violence
Emotional Violence: Understanding the Invisible Form of Abuse

DR. ASHUTOSH TRIPATHI

Greetings, I am Dr. Ashutosh Tripathi, a psychologist with extensive expertise in criminal behavior and its impact on psychological well-being. I hold a Master of Physics (Honors), a Master of Philosophy, a Master of Psychology, and a PhD in Psychology from BHU in India.Over the past 13 years, I have been privileged to serve more than 3200 patients with unique and varied psychological needs. My clinical work is guided by a deep passion for helping individuals navigate complex psychological issues and live more fulfilling lives.As a recognized contributor to the field of psychology, my articles have been published in esteemed Indian news forums, such as The Hindu, The Times of India, and Punjab Kesari. I am grateful for the opportunity to have been honored by the Government of Israel for my contributions to the Psychological Assistance Program.I remain committed to advancing our understanding of psychology and its applications through my ongoing research, which can be found on leading online libraries such as Science Direct, Wiley, Elsevier, Orcid, Google Scholar, and loop Frontiers. I am also an active contributor to Quora, where I share my insights on various psychological issues.Overall, I see myself as a lifelong student of psychology, constantly learning and growing from my patients, colleagues, and peers. I consider it a great privilege to have the opportunity to serve others in this field and to contribute to our collective understanding of the human mind and behavior.

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Violence: Direct, Structural and Cultural

First Online: 01 January 2013

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Dietrich Fischer 5

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Violence is any avoidable insult to basic human needs, and, more generally, to sentient life of any kind, defined as that which is capable of suffering pain an enjoy well-being. Violence lowers the real level of needs satisfaction below what is potentially possible.

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This text was initially written for the Oxford International Encyclopedia of Peace. This text and all others that are following are reproduced here with the permission of Johan Galtung who holds the copyright for all his own texts.

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Galtung, J., Fischer, D. (2013). Violence: Direct, Structural and Cultural. In: Johan Galtung. SpringerBriefs on Pioneers in Science and Practice, vol 5. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-32481-9_3

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Direct, Structural and Cultural Violence

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Different Structural and Direct Forms of Violence

January 4, 2023
CSS Gender Studies Notes

There are different structural and direct forms of violence. Cultural and structural violence cause direct violence. Direct violence reinforces structural and cultural violence. Direct violence, physical and/or verbal, is visible as behavior. But this action does not come from anywhere; its roots are cultural and structural.

Structural and Direct Forms of Violence

Violence can take many forms. Here I am going to discuss some of the structural and direct forms of violence below:

Direct Violence

Violence can take many forms. In its classic form, it involves the use of physical force, like killing or torture, rape and sexual assault, and beatings. Verbal violence, such as humiliation or put-downs, is also becoming more widely recognized as violence.

Peace and conflict study scholar Johan Galtung describes direct violence as the avoidable impairment of fundamental human needs or life which makes it impossible or difficult for people to meet their needs or achieve their full potential. The threat to use force is also recognized as violence.

Cultural Violence

Cultural violence is the prevailing attitudes and beliefs that we have been taught since childhood and that surround us in daily life about the power and necessity of violence.

Consider the telling of history which glorifies, records, and reports wars and military victories rather than people’s nonviolent rebellions or the triumphs of connections and collaboration.

Nearly all cultures recognize that killing a person is murder, but killing tens, hundreds, or thousands during a declared conflict is called a war.

Structural Violence

Structural violence exists when some groups, classes, genders, nationalities, etc. are assumed to have, and in fact, do have, more access to goods, resources, and opportunities than other groups, classes, genders, nationalities, etc.

This unequal advantage is built into the very social, political, and economic systems that govern societies, states, and the world. These tendencies may be overt as Apartheid or more subtle such as traditions or the tendency to award some groups privileges over another.

The pioneering professor of peace and conflict research, Johan Galtung, was the first to coin the phrase structural violence.

While his concerns were first and foremost related to peace research, his concept of structural violence is widely applicable and has extended to such fields as anthropology, clinked medicine, and sociology.

This theory of structural violence provides a useful framework for the understanding of structural violations of human rights, through an examination of how structures constrain agency to the extent that fundamental human needs are unattainable.

Here, the potential and actual levels match in the case of the tuberculosis patient in the eighteenth century; whereas the potential afforded by medical resources in the present day is higher than the actual.

This expanded conception of violence in terms of its avoidability criteria and the idea of glue between what is possible and what has actually been attained presents a myriad of contestable issues.

Moreover, structural violence as a theory helps to explain the distribution of such suffering. Structural violence, while it may not directly implicate the actor of violence, as outlined by Galtung exposes a clear logic behind the systemic nature of how violence is distributed.

The inequalities that exist in terms of disproportionate life chances because of disease or poverty are directly caused by an unequal distribution of resources but the underlying problem is that the power to decide over the distribution of resources is unevenly distributed.

Structural violence theorists characterize the world system as vastly unequal, exemplified by a growing disparity between those who are rich and getting richer and those who are poor and getting poorer.

Domestic Violence

Domestic violence is not an isolated, individual event, but rather a pattern of perpetrator behaviors used against a survivor.

The pattern consists of a variety of abusive acts, occurring in multiple episodes over the course of the relationship. Some episodes consist of a sustained attack with one tactic repeated many times combined with a variety of other tactics.

One tactic (physical assault) may be used infrequently, while other types of abuse (such as name-calling or intimidating gestures) may be used daily.

Some parts of the pattern are crimes in most countries while other battering acts are not illegal. All parts of the pattern interact with each other and can have profound physical and emotional effects on survivors. Survivors respond to the entire pattern of perpetrators’ abuse rather than simply to one episode or one tactic.

Physical Violence

Physical abuse may include spitting, scratching, biting, grabbing, shaking, shoving, pushing, restraining, throwing, twisting, slapping punching, choking, burning, and/or use of weapons against the survivor. The physical assaults may or may not cause injuries.

Sexual Violence

Sexual violence can take many forms and take place under very different circumstances. A person can be sexually violated by one individual or several people the incident may be planned or a surprise attack.

Although sexual violence occurs most commonly in the survivor’s home. It also takes place in many other settings, such as the workplace, at school, in prisons, in cars, on the streets, or in open spaces.

There is no stereotypical perpetrator, sexually violent men come from all backgrounds, rich and poor, academic and uneducated, religious and non-religious.

Specifically, rape and sexual torture are frequently used as weapons to demoralize the enemy; women are sometimes forced into “temporary marriages” with enemy soldiers.

Women who are incarcerated may be subjected to sexual violence by prison guards and police officers. Other forms of sexual violence include, but are not limited to:

Sexual slavery
Sexual harassment (including demands for sex in exchange for job promotion
Advancement or higher school marks or grades)
Trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation
Forced exposure to pornography
Forced pregnancy
Forced sterilization
Forced abortion
Forced marriage
Female genital mutilation
Virginity tests
Psychological Violence

There are different types of psychological assaults.

Threats of Violence and Harm

The perpetrator’s threats of violence or harm may be directed against the survivor or others important to the survivor or they may be suicide threats. Sometimes the threat includes killing the victim and others and then committing suicide.

Emotional Violence

Emotional abuse is a tactic of control that consists of a wide variety of verbal attacks and humiliations. This includes repeated verbal attacks against the survivor’s worth as an individual or role as a parent, family member, friend, co-worker, or community member.

In domestic violence , verbal attacks and other tactics of control are intertwined with the threat of harm in order to maintain the perpetrator’s dominance through fear.

While repeated verbal abuse is damaging to partners and relationships over time, it alone does not establish the same climate of fear as verbal abuse combined with the use or threat of physical harm.

The presence of emotionally abusive acts may indicate undisclosed use of physical force or it may indicate possible future domestic violence. Emotional abuse may also include humiliating the victim in front of family, friends, or strangers.

Perpetrators may repeatedly claim that survivors are crazy, incompetent, and unable to do anything right. Not all verbal insults between partners are acts of violence.

In order for verbal abuse to be considered domestic violence, it must be part of a pattern of coercive behaviors in which the perpetrator uses or threatens to use physical force.

Perpetrators often try to control survivors’ time, activities, and contact with others. They gain control over them through a combination of isolating and disinformation tactics. Isolating tactics may become more overtly abusive over time.

Through incremental isolation, some perpetrators increase their psychological control to the point where they determine reality for the survivors.

While many survivors are able to maintain their independent thoughts and actions, others believe what the perpetrators say because the survivors are isolated from contrary information.

Through his survivor’s isolation, the perpetrator prevents the discovery of the abuse and avoids being held responsible for it.

Use of Children

Some abusive acts are directed against or involve children in order to control or punish the adult victim. A perpetrator may use children to maintain control over his partner by not paying child support, requiring the children to spy, requiring that at least one child always is in the company of the survivor, threatening to take children away from her, involving her in long legal fights over custody, or kidnapping or taking the children hostage as a way to force the survivor’s compliance.

Children are also drawn into the assaults and are sometimes injured simply because they are present or because the child attempts to intervene in the fight.

Economic Violence

Perpetrators control survivors by controlling their access to all of the family resources: time, transportation, food, clothing, shelter, insurance, and money. It does not matter who the primary provider is or if both partners contribute.

He may actively resist the survivor becoming financially self-sufficient as a way to maintain power and control.

Conversely, he may refuse to work and insist that she support the family. He may expect her to be the family “bookkeeper,” requiring that she keep all records and write all checks, or he may keep financial information away from her.

In all instances being alone makes the decisions. Survivors are put in the position of having to get “permission” to spend money on basic family needs. All of these tactics may be used regardless of the economic class of the family.

Different Kinds of Structural and Direct Forms of Violence are:

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Exploring factors influencing domestic violence: a comprehensive study on intrafamily dynamics

Cintya lanchimba.

1 Departamento de Economía Cuantitativa, Facultad de Ciencias Escuela Politécnica Nacional, Quito, Ecuador

2 Institut de Recherche en Gestion et Economie, Université de Savoie Mont Blanc (IREGE/IAE Savoie Mont Blanc), Annecy, France

Juan Pablo Díaz-Sánchez

Franklin velasco.

3 Department of Marketing, Universidad San Francisco de Quito USFQ, Quito, Ecuador

Associated Data

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Introduction

This econometric analysis investigates the nexus between household factors and domestic violence. By considering diverse variables encompassing mood, depression, health consciousness, social media engagement, household chores, density, and religious affiliation, the study aims to comprehend the underlying dynamics influencing domestic violence.

Employing econometric techniques, this study examined a range of household-related variables for their potential associations with levels of violence within households. Data on mood, depression, health consciousness, social media usage, household chores, density, and religious affiliation were collected and subjected to rigorous statistical analysis.

The findings of this study unveil notable relationships between the aforementioned variables and levels of violence within households. Positive mood emerges as a mitigating factor, displaying a negative correlation with violence. Conversely, depression positively correlates with violence, indicating an elevated propensity for conflict. Increased health consciousness is linked with diminished violence, while engagement with social media demonstrates a moderating influence. Reduction in the time allocated to household chores corresponds with lower violence levels. Household density, however, exhibits a positive association with violence. The effects of religious affiliation on violence manifest diversely, contingent upon household position and gender.

The outcomes of this research offer critical insights for policymakers and practitioners working on formulating strategies for preventing and intervening in instances of domestic violence. The findings emphasize the importance of considering various household factors when designing effective interventions. Strategies to bolster positive mood, alleviate depression, encourage health consciousness, and regulate social media use could potentially contribute to reducing domestic violence. Additionally, the nuanced role of religious affiliation underscores the need for tailored approaches based on household dynamics, positioning, and gender.

1. Introduction

Intimate partner violence is a pervasive global issue, particularly affecting women. According to the World Health Organization ( 1 ), approximately 30% of women worldwide have experienced violence from their intimate partners. Disturbingly, recent studies indicate that circumstances such as the COVID-19 pandemic, which disrupt daily lives on a global scale, have exacerbated patterns of violence against women ( 2 – 4 ). Data from the WHO ( 1 ) regarding gender-based violence during the pandemic reveals that one in three women felt insecure within their homes due to family conflicts with their partners.

This pressing issue of intimate partner violence demands a thorough analysis from a social perspective. It is often insidious and challenging to identify, as cultural practices and the normalization of abusive behaviors, such as physical aggression and verbal abuse, persist across diverse socioeconomic backgrounds. However, all forms of violence can inflict physical and psychological harm on victims, affecting their overall well-being and interpersonal relationships WHO ( 5 ). Furthermore, households with a prevalence of domestic violence are more likely to experience child maltreatment ( 6 ).

In this context, the COVID-19 pandemic has had profound effects on individuals, families, and communities worldwide, creating a complex landscape of challenges and disruptions. Among the numerous repercussions, the pandemic has exposed and exacerbated issues of domestic violence within households. The confinement measures, economic strain, and heightened stress levels resulting from the pandemic have contributed to a volatile environment where violence can escalate. Understanding the factors that influence domestic violence during this unprecedented crisis is crucial for developing effective prevention and intervention strategies.

This article aims to explore the relationship between household factors and domestic violence within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. By employing econometric analysis, we investigate how various factors such as mood, depression, health consciousness, social media usage, household chores, density, and religious affiliation relate to violence levels within households. These factors were selected based on their relevance to the unique circumstances and challenges presented by the pandemic.

The study builds upon existing research that has demonstrated the influence of individual and household characteristics on domestic violence. However, the specific context of the pandemic necessitates a deeper examination of these factors and their implications for violence within households. By focusing on variables that are particularly relevant in the crisis, we aim to provide a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics that contribute to intrafamily violence during the pandemic.

The findings of this study have important implications for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers involved in addressing domestic violence. By identifying the factors that either increase or mitigate violence within households, we can develop targeted interventions and support systems to effectively respond to the unique challenges posed by the pandemic. Furthermore, this research contributes to the broader literature on domestic violence by highlighting the distinct influence of household factors within the context of a global health crisis.

The structure of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 provides a comprehensive review of the relevant literature on household violence. Section 3 presents the case study that forms the basis of this research. Section 4 outlines the methodology employed in the study. Section 5 presents the results obtained from the empirical analysis. Finally, Section 6 concludes the paper, summarizing the key findings and their implications for addressing domestic violence.

2. Literature review

2.1. violence at home.

Throughout human history, the family unit has been recognized as the fundamental building block of society. Families are comprised of individuals bound by blood or marriage, and they are ideally regarded as havens of love, care, affection, and personal growth, where individuals should feel secure and protected. Unfortunately, it is distressingly common to find alarming levels of violence, abuse, and aggression within the confines of the home ( 7 ).

Domestic violence, as defined by Tan and Haining ( 8 ), encompasses any form of violent behavior directed toward family members, regardless of their gender, resulting in physical, sexual, or psychological harm. It includes acts of threats, coercion, and the deprivation of liberty. This pervasive issue is recognized as a public health problem that affects all nations. It is important to distinguish between domestic violence (DV) and intimate partner violence (IPV), as they are related yet distinct phenomena. DV occurs within the family unit, affecting both parents and children. On the other hand, IPV refers to violent and controlling acts perpetrated by one partner against another, encompassing physical aggression (such as hitting, kicking, and beating), sexual, economic, verbal, or emotional harm ( 9 , 10 ). IPV can occur between partners who cohabit or not, and typically involves male partners exerting power and control over their female counterparts. However, it is crucial to acknowledge that there are cases where men are also victims of violence ( 11 ).

Both forms of violence, DV and IPV, take place within the home. However, when acts of violence occur in the presence of children, regardless of whether they directly experience physical harm or simply witness the violence, the consequences can be profoundly detrimental ( 12 , 13 ).

Understanding the intricacies and dynamics of domestic violence and its impact on individuals and families is of paramount importance. The consequences of such violence extend beyond the immediate victims, affecting the overall well-being and social fabric of society. Therefore, it is crucial to explore the various factors that contribute to domestic violence, including those specific to the current context of the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to inform effective prevention and intervention strategies. In the following sections, we will examine the empirical findings regarding household factors and their association with domestic violence, shedding light on the complexities and nuances of this pervasive issue.

2.2. Drivers of domestic violence

As previously discussed, the occurrence of violence within the home carries significant consequences for individuals’ lives. Consequently, gaining an understanding of the underlying factors that contribute to this violence is crucial. To this end, Table 1 provides a comprehensive summary of the most commonly identified determinants of domestic violence within the existing literature.

Determinants of domestic violence.

Determinant	Referred study
(A) Demographic characteristics
(A1) Education of the head of household and of the woman	Erten and Keskin ( ), Krob and Steffen ( ), and Visaria ( )
(A2) Employment and occupation	Alonso-Borrego and Carrasco ( ), Anderberg et al. ( ), Sen ( ), and Visaria ( )
(A3) Religion	Krob and Steffen ( ), Tomisin ( ), Visaria ( ), and Zeybek and Arslan ( )
(B) Presence of a risk factor
(B1) Health – psychological problems (Depression, anxiety and stress)	Van de Velde et al. ( ), Straus et al. ( ), Burney ( ), Cooper and Smith ( ), Heise and Garcia-Moreno ( ), Langford et al. ( ), Walker-Descartes et al. ( ), and WHO ( )
(B2) Retention Tendency	Ishola ( )
(B3) Density	Barrientos et al. ( )
(B4) Reason for confrontation (divorce, jealousy).	Burney ( ), Fareo ( ), Heise and Garcia-Moreno ( ), and WHO ( )

Adapted and improved from the classification proposed by Visaria ( 16 ).

Identifying these determinants is a vital step toward comprehending the complex nature of domestic violence. By synthesizing the findings from numerous studies, Table 1 presents a consolidated overview of the factors that have been consistently associated with domestic violence. This compilation serves as a valuable resource for researchers, practitioners, and policymakers seeking to address and mitigate the prevalence of domestic violence.

The determinants presented in Table 1 encompass various variables, including socio-economic factors, mental health indicators, interpersonal dynamics, and other relevant aspects. By examining and analyzing these determinants, researchers have made significant progress in uncovering the underlying causes and risk factors associated with domestic violence.

It is important to note that the determinants listed in Table 1 represent recurring themes in the literature and are not an exhaustive representation of all potential factors influencing domestic violence. The complex nature of this issue necessitates ongoing research and exploration to deepen our understanding of the multifaceted dynamics at play. Thus, we categorize these factors into two groups to provide a comprehensive understanding of the issue.

Group A focuses on variables that characterize both the victim and the aggressor, which may act as potential deterrents against femicide. Previous research by Alonso-Borrego and Carrasco ( 17 ), Anderberg et al. ( 18 ), Sen ( 19 ), and Visaria ( 16 ) has highlighted the significance of factors such as age, level of education, employment status, occupation, and religious affiliation. These individual characteristics play a role in shaping the dynamics of domestic violence and can influence the likelihood of its occurrence.

Group B aims to capture risk factors that contribute to the presence of violence within the home. One prominent risk factor is overcrowding, which can lead to psychological, social, and economic problems within the family, ultimately affecting the health of its members. Research by Van de Velde et al. ( 21 ), Walker-Descartes et al. ( 23 ), Malik and Naeem ( 2 ) supports the notion that individuals experiencing such distress may resort to exerting force or violence on other family members as a means of releasing their frustration. Additionally, Goodman ( 32 ) have highlighted the increased risk of violence in households with multiple occupants, particularly in cases where individuals are confined to a single bedroom. These concepts can be further explored through variables related to health, depression, anxiety, and stress, providing valuable insights into the mechanisms underlying domestic violence.

By investigating these factors, our study enhances the existing understanding of the complex dynamics of domestic violence within the unique context of the pandemic. The COVID-19 crisis has exacerbated various stressors and challenges within households, potentially intensifying the risk of violence. Understanding the interplay between these factors and domestic violence is essential for the development of targeted interventions and support systems to mitigate violence and its consequences.

2.3. Demographic characteristics (A)

2.3.1. education level (a1).

According to Sen ( 19 ), the education level of the victim, typically women, or the head of household is a significant antecedent of domestic violence. Women’s access to and completion of secondary education play a crucial role in enhancing their capacity and control over their lives. Higher levels of education not only foster confidence and self-esteem but also empower women to seek help and resources, ultimately reducing their tolerance for domestic violence. Babu and Kar ( 33 ), Semahegn and Mengistie ( 34 ) support this perspective by demonstrating that women with lower levels of education and limited work opportunities are more vulnerable to experiencing violence.

When women assume the role of the head of the household, the likelihood of violence within the household, whether domestic or intimate partner violence, increases significantly. This has severe physical and mental health implications for both the woman and other family members, and in the worst-case scenario, it can result in the tragic loss of life ( 22 , 23 , 35 ).

Conversely, men’s economic frustration or their inability to fulfill the societal expectation of being the “head of household” is also a prominent factor contributing to the perpetration of physical and sexual violence within the home ( 36 ).The frustration arising from economic difficulties, combined with the frequent use of drugs and alcohol, exacerbates the likelihood of violent behavior.

These findings underscore the importance of addressing socio-economic disparities and promoting gender equality in preventing and combating domestic violence. By enhancing women’s access to education, improving economic opportunities, and challenging traditional gender roles, we can create a more equitable and violence-free society. Additionally, interventions targeting men’s economic empowerment and addressing substance abuse issues can play a pivotal role in reducing violence within the home.

2.3.2. Employment and occupation (A2)

Macroeconomic conditions, specifically differences in unemployment rates between men and women, have been found to impact domestic violence. Research suggests that an increase of 1% in the male unemployment rate is associated with an increase in physical violence within the home, while an increase in the female unemployment rate is linked to a reduction in violence ( 37 ).

Moreover, various studies ( 34 , 35 , 38 , 39 ) have highlighted the relationship between domestic violence and the husband’s working conditions, such as workload and job quality, as well as the income he earns. The exercise of authority within the household and the use of substances that alter behavior are also associated with domestic violence.

Within this context, economic gender-based violence is a prevalent but lesser-known form of violence compared to physical or sexual violence. It involves exerting unacceptable economic control over a partner, such as allocating limited funds for expenses or preventing them from working to maintain economic dependence. This form of violence can also manifest through excessive and unsustainable spending without consulting the partner. Economic gender-based violence is often a “silent” form of violence, making it more challenging to detect and prove ( 40 ).

Empowerment becomes a gender challenge that can lead to increased violence, as men may experience psychological stress when faced with the idea of women earning more than them ( 14 , 18 ). Lastly, Alonso-Borrego and Carrasco ( 17 ) and Tur-Prats ( 41 ) conclude that intrafamily violence decreases only when the woman’s partner is also employed, highlighting the significance of economic factors in influencing domestic violence dynamics.

Understanding the interplay between macroeconomic conditions, employment, and economic control within intimate relationships is crucial for developing effective interventions and policies aimed at reducing domestic violence. By addressing the underlying economic inequalities and promoting gender equality in both the labor market and household dynamics, we can work toward creating safer and more equitable environments that contribute to the prevention of domestic violence.

2.3.3. Religion (A3)

Religion and spiritual beliefs have been found to play a significant role in domestic violence dynamics. Certain religious interpretations and teachings can contribute to the acceptance of violence, particularly against women, as a form of submission or obedience. This phenomenon is prevalent in Middle Eastern countries, where religious texts such as the Bible and the Qur’an are often quoted to justify and perpetuate gender-based violence ( 20 ).

For example, in the book of Ephesians 5:22–24, the Bible states that wives should submit themselves to their husbands, equating the husband’s authority to that of the Lord. Similarly, the Qur’an emphasizes the importance of wives being sexually available to their husbands in all aspects of their relationship. These religious teachings can create a belief system where women are expected to endure mistreatment and forgive their abusive partners ( 15 ).

The influence of religious beliefs and practices can complicate a woman’s decision to leave an abusive relationship, particularly when marriage is considered a sacred institution. Feelings of guilt and difficulties in seeking support or ending the relationship can arise due to the belief that marriage is ordained by God ( 15 ).

It is important to note that the response of religious congregations and communities to domestic violence can vary. In some cases, if abuse is ignored or not condemned, it may perpetuate the cycle of violence and hinder efforts to support victims and hold perpetrators accountable. However, in other instances, religious organizations may provide emotional support and assistance through dedicated sessions aimed at helping all affected family members heal and address the violence ( 20 ).

Recognizing the influence of religious beliefs on domestic violence is crucial for developing comprehensive interventions and support systems that address the specific challenges faced by individuals within religious contexts. This includes promoting awareness, education, and dialog within religious communities to foster an understanding that violence is never acceptable and to facilitate a safe environment for victims to seek help and healing.

2.4. Presence of risk factor (B)

2.4.1. depression, anxiety, and stress (b1).

Within households, the occurrence of violence is unfortunately prevalent, often stemming from economic constraints, social and psychological problems, depression, and stress. These factors instill such fear in the victims that they are often hesitant to report the abuse to the authorities ( 42 ).

Notably, when women assume the role of heads of households, they experience significantly higher levels of depression compared to men ( 21 ). This study highlights that the presence of poverty, financial struggles, and the ensuing violence associated with these circumstances significantly elevate the risk of women experiencing severe health disorders, necessitating urgent prioritization of their well-being. Regrettably, in low-income countries where cases of depression are on the rise within public hospitals, the provision of adequate care becomes an insurmountable challenge ( 21 ).

These findings underscore the urgent need for comprehensive support systems and targeted interventions that address the multifaceted impact of domestic violence on individuals’ mental and physical health. Furthermore, effective policies should be implemented to alleviate economic hardships and provide accessible mental health services, particularly in low-income settings. By addressing the underlying factors contributing to violence within households and ensuring adequate care for those affected, society can take significant strides toward breaking the cycle of violence and promoting a safer and more supportive environment for individuals and families.

2.4.2. Retention tendency (B2)

Many societies, particularly in Africa, are characterized by a deeply ingrained patriarchal social structure, where men hold the belief that they have the right to exert power and control over their partners ( 31 ). This ideology of patriarchy is often reinforced by women themselves, who may adhere to traditional gender roles and view marital abuse as a norm rather than recognizing it as an act of violence. This acceptance of abuse is influenced by societal expectations and cultural norms that prioritize the preservation of marriage and the submission of women.

Within these contexts, there is often a preference for male children over female children, as males are seen as essential for carrying on the family name and lineage ( 43 ). This preference is also reflected in the distribution of property and decision-making power within households, where males are given greater rights and authority. Such gender-based inequalities perpetuate the cycle of power imbalances and contribute to the normalization of violence against women.

It is important to note that men can also be victims of domestic violence. However, societal and cultural norms have long portrayed men as strong and superior figures, making it challenging for male victims to come forward and report their abusers due to the fear of being stigmatized and rejected by society ( 16 ). The cultural expectations surrounding masculinity create barriers for men seeking help and support, further perpetuating the silence around male victimization.

These cultural dynamics underscore the complexity of domestic violence within patriarchal societies. Challenging and dismantling deeply rooted gender norms and power structures is essential for addressing domestic violence effectively. This includes promoting gender equality, empowering women, and engaging men and boys in efforts to combat violence. It also requires creating safe spaces and support systems that encourage both women and men to break the silence, seek help, and challenge the harmful societal narratives that perpetuate violence and victim-blaming.

2.4.3. Density (B3)

Moreover, the issue of overcrowding within households has emerged as another important factor influencing domestic violence. Overcrowding refers to the stress caused by the presence of a large number of individuals in a confined space, leading to a lack of control over one’s environment ( 44 ). This overcrowding can have a detrimental impact on the psychological well-being of household members, thereby negatively affecting their internal relationships.

The freedom to use spaces within the home and the ability to control interactions with others have been identified as crucial factors that contribute to satisfaction with the home environment and the way individuals relate to each other. In this regard, studies have shown that when households are crowded, and individuals lack personal space and control over their living conditions, the risk of violence may increase ( 45 ).

Furthermore, investigations conducted during periods of extensive confinement, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, have shed light on the significance of other environmental factors within homes ( 46 ). For instance, aspects like proper ventilation and adequate living space have been found to influence the overall quality of life and the health of household inhabitants.

These findings emphasize the importance of considering the physical living conditions and environmental factors within households when examining the dynamics of domestic violence. Addressing issues of overcrowding, promoting healthy and safe living environments, and ensuring access to basic amenities and resources are crucial steps in reducing the risk of violence and improving the well-being of individuals and families within their homes.

2.4.4. Reason for confrontation (B4)

Another form of violence that exists within households is abandonment and neglect, which manifests through a lack of protection, insufficient physical care, neglecting emotional needs, and disregarding proper nutrition and medical care ( 47 ). This definition highlights that any member of the family can be subjected to this form of violence, underscoring the significance of recognizing its various manifestations.

In this complex context, negative thoughts and emotions can arise, leading to detrimental consequences. For instance, suspicions of infidelity and feelings of jealousy can contribute to a decrease in the partner’s self-esteem, ultimately triggering intimate partner violence that inflicts physical, social, and health damages ( 32 , 48 ).

Furthermore, it is important to acknowledge the intimate connection between domestic violence and civil issues. Marital conflicts, particularly when accompanied by violence, whether physical or psychological, can lead to a profound crisis within the relationship, often resulting in divorce. Unfortunately, the process of obtaining a divorce or establishing parental arrangements can be protracted, creating additional friction and potentially exacerbating gender-based violence ( 49 ).

These dynamics underscore the complex interplay between domestic violence and broader social, emotional, and legal contexts. Understanding these interconnected factors is crucial for developing effective interventions and support systems that address the multifaceted nature of domestic violence, promote healthy relationships, and safeguard the well-being of individuals and families within the home.

Finally, despite the multitude of factors identified in the existing literature that may have an impact on gender-based violence, we have selected a subset of variables for our study based on data availability. Specifically, our analysis will concentrate on the following factors reviewed: (A3) religion, (B1) depression, health consciousness, and mood, (B2) retention tendency as reflected by household chores, and (B3) density.

The rationale behind our choice of these variables stems from their perceived significance and potential relevance to the study of domestic violence. Religion has been widely acknowledged as a social and cultural determinant that shapes beliefs, values, and gender roles within a society, which may have implications for power dynamics and relationship dynamics within households. Depression, as a psychological construct, has been frequently associated with increased vulnerability and impaired coping mechanisms, potentially contributing to the occurrence or perpetuation of domestic violence. Health consciousness and mood are additional constructs that have garnered attention in the context of interpersonal relationships. Health consciousness relates to individuals’ awareness and concern for their own well-being and that of others, which may influence their attitudes and behaviors within the household. Mood, on the other hand, reflects emotional states that can influence communication, conflict resolution, and overall dynamics within intimate relationships.

Furthermore, we have included the variable of retention tendency, as manifested through household chores. This variable is indicative of individuals’ willingness or inclination to maintain their involvement and responsibilities within the household. It is hypothesized that individuals with higher retention tendencies may exhibit a greater commitment to the relationship, which could influence the occurrence and dynamics of domestic violence. Lastly, we consider the variable of density, which captures the population density within the living environment. This variable may serve as a proxy for socio-environmental conditions, such as overcrowding or limited personal space, which can potentially contribute to stress, conflict, and interpersonal tensions within households.

By examining these selected factors, we aim to gain insights into their relationships with domestic violence and contribute to a better understanding of the complex dynamics underlying such occurrences. It is important to note that these variables represent only a subset of the broader range of factors that influence gender-based violence, and further research is warranted to explore additional dimensions and interactions within this multifaceted issue.

3. Data collection and variables

The reference population for this study is Ecuadorian habitants. Participants were invited to fill up a survey concerning COVID-19 impact on their mental health. Data collection took place between April and May 2020, exactly at the time of the mandatory lockdowns taking place. In this context governmental authorities ordered mobility restrictions as well as social distancing measures. We conduct three waves of social media invitations to participate in the study. Invitations were sent using the institutional accounts of the universities the authors of this study are affiliated. At the end, we received 2,403 answers, 50.5% females and 49.5% males. 49% of them have college degrees.

3.1. Ecuador stylized facts

Ecuador, a small developing country in South America, has a population of approximately 17 million inhabitants, with a population density of 61.85 people per square kilometer.

During the months under investigation, the Central Bank of Ecuador reported that the country’s GDP in the fourth quarter of 2020 amounted to $16,500 million. This represented a decrease of 7.2% compared to the same period in 2019, and a 5.6% decline in the first quarter of 2021 compared to the same quarter of the previous year. However, despite these declines, there was a slight growth of 0.6% in the GDP during the fourth quarter of 2020 and 0.7% in the first quarter of 2021 when compared to the previous quarter.

In mid-March, the Ecuadorian government implemented a mandatory lockdown that lasted for several weeks. By July 30, 2020, Ecuador had reported over 80,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19. The statistics on the impact of the pandemic revealed a death rate of 23.9 per 100,000 inhabitants, ranking Ecuador fourth globally behind the UK, Italy, and the USA, with rates of 63.7, 57.1, and 36.2, respectively. Additionally, Ecuador’s observed case-fatality ratio stood at 8.3%, placing it fourth globally after Italy, the UK, and Mexico, with rates of 14.5, 14, and 11.9%, respectively ( 50 ). As the lockdown measures continued, mental health issues began to emerge among the population ( 51 ).

The challenging socioeconomic conditions and the impact of the pandemic on public health have had significant repercussions in Ecuador, highlighting the need for comprehensive strategies to address both the immediate and long-term consequences on the well-being of its population.

3.2. Dependent variable

The dependent variable in this study is Domestic Violence, which is measured using a composite score derived from five items. These items were rated on a 7-point scale, ranging from 1 (never) to 7 (very frequent), to assess the frequency of intrafamily conflict and violence occurring within the respondents’ homes. The five items included the following statements: “In my house, subjects are discussed with relative calm”; “In my house, heated discussions are common but without shouting at each other”; “Anger is common in my house, and I refuse to talk to others”; “In my house, there is the threat that someone will hit or throw something”; and “In my house, family members get easily irritated.”

To evaluate the internal consistency of the measurement, Cronbach’s Alpha was calculated and found to be 0.7. This indicates good internal consistency, suggesting that the items in the scale are measuring a similar construct and can be considered reliable for assessing the level of domestic violence within the households under investigation.

3.3. Independent variables

3.3.1. mood.

The mood construct, based on Peterson and Sauber ( 52 ), is measured using three Likert scale questions. The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The questions included: “I am in a good mood,” “I feel happy,” and “At this moment, I feel nervous or irritable.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.7757, indicating good internal consistency.

3.3.2. Depression

The depression construct, based on the manual for the Depression Anxiety Stress Scales by Lovibond S and Lovibond P, is measured by summing the results of 13 Likert scale questions. The scale ranges from strongly disagreeing to strongly agreeing. The questions include: “I feel that life is meaningless,” “I do not feel enthusiastic about anything,” “I feel downhearted and sad,” and others. The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.9031, indicating high internal consistency.

3.3.3. Health consciousness

The health consciousness construct, based on Gould ( 53 ), is measured using four Likert scale questions. The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The questions include: “I’m alert to changes in my health,” “I am concerned about the health of others,” “Throughout the day, I am aware of what foods are best for my health,” and “I notice how I lose energy as the day goes by.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.7, indicating acceptable internal consistency.

3.3.4. Household chores

The respondents were asked to rate their involvement in various household chores on a scale from “not at all” to “a lot.” The listed household chores include cooking, washing dishes, cleaning restrooms, doing laundry, home maintenance, and helping with children/siblings. It can serve as a proxy for Retention Tendency.

3.3.5. Density

It is measured as the number of people per bedroom, indicating the level of overcrowding within households.

3.3.6. Religion

The religion construct is measured as the sum of four Likert scale items based on Worthington et al. ( 54 ). The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The items include: “My religious beliefs lie behind my whole approach to life,” “It is important to me to spend periods in private religious thought and reflection,” “Religion is very important to me because it answers many questions about the meaning of life,” and “I am informed about my local religious group and have some influence in its decisions.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.8703, indicating good internal consistency.

3.4. Control variables

3.4.1. social media.

The respondents were asked to indicate the number of hours they spend on social networks during a typical day. The scale ranges from “I do not review information on social networks” to “More than three hours.”

Sex is measured as a binary variable, where 1 represents female and 0 represents male.

Age refers to the age of the respondent.

3.4.4. Age of householder

Age of householder refers to the age of the individual who is the primary occupant or head of the household.

3.5. Describe statistics

Table 2 reports the means, standard deviation, and correlation matrix. Our dataset has not the presence of missing values.

Summary statistics.

		Mean	SD	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10
1	D. Violence	10.17603	3.10559	1
2	Mood	13.3866	3.966022	−0.3045*	1
3		38.5335	15.83018	0.3774*	−0.6162*	1
4		20.81981	4.312471	−0.0545*	−0.0516*	0.1795*	1
5	Social media	2.383271	1.137874	0.1200*	−0.1055*	0.1712*	0.0197	1
6	Household chores	16.58843	6.621124	−0.0594*	0.0265	0.0181	0.2099*	−0.034	1
7	Density	1.448138	0.7631484	0.1309*	−0.0796*	0.1085*	0.032	0.0083	0.0814*	1
8	Religion	13.58177	6.810956	0.0104	0.0633*	0.0231	0.2335*	−0.0422*	0.1517*	0.0822*	1
9	Age	30.69247	10.24113	−0.2046*	0.1058*	−0.1606*	0.1081*	−0.1259*	0.1080*	−0.1407*	0.1295*	1
10	Age householder	48.46692	12.29038	0.0319	0.0408*	−0.0687*	0.0064	0.0478*	−0.1317*	−0.0235	0.0236	0.0981*	1

* p < 0.01.

Descriptive statistics reveal that the variables in the sample exhibit a considerable degree of homogeneity, as evidenced by the means being larger than the standard deviations. Moreover, the strong correlation between Depression and mood suggests that these two variables should not be included together in the same model.

4. Methodological approach

Our empirical identification strategy comprises the following linear model:

We employed ordinary least squares (OLS) regression techniques to examine the relationship between our selected exogenous variables and household violence during the period of mandatory lockdowns. To ensure the robustness of our regression model, we conducted several diagnostic tests. Firstly, we tested for heteroscedasticity using the Breusch-Pagan test, yielding a chi-square value of 223.58 with a value of p of 0, indicating the presence of heteroscedasticity in the model. Secondly, we assessed multicollinearity using the variance inflation factor (VIF), which yielded a VIF value of 1.07, indicating no significant multicollinearity issues among the variables. Furthermore, we conducted the Ramsey Reset test to examine the presence of omitted variables in the model. The test yielded an F-statistic of 2.06 with a value of p of 0.103, suggesting no strong evidence of omitted variables. Lastly, we checked the normality of the residuals using the skewness and kurtosis tests, which yielded a chi-square value of 97.9 with a value of p of 0, indicating departure from normality in the residuals.

Hence, our analysis revealed the presence of heteroscedasticity issues and non-normality in the residuals. Consequently, it is imperative to employ an alternative estimation technique that can handle these challenges robustly. In light of these circumstances, we opted for Quantile Regression, as proposed by Koenker and Bassett ( 55 ), which allows for a comprehensive characterization of the relationship between the input variable(s) x and the dependent variable y.

4.1. Quantile regression

While an OLS predicts the average relationship between the independent variables and the dependent variable, which can cause the estimate to be unrepresentative of the entire distribution of the dependent variable if it is not identically distributed, Quantile Regression allows estimating parts of the dependent variable. Distribution of the dependent variable and thus determine the variations of the effect produced by the exogenous variables on the endogenous variable in different quantiles ( 56 ). The Quantile Regression methodology also presents the benefit that, by providing them with a weight, the errors are minimal. Quantile Regression is defined as follows:

where: Y i is dependent variable, X i is vector of independent variables, β(ϑ): is vector of parameters to be estimated for a given quantile ϑ, e ϑ i : is random disturbance corresponding to the quantile ϑ, Q ϑ ( Y i ) is qth quantile of the conditional distribution of Y i given the known vector of regressors X i .

The Quantile Regression model provides predictions of a specific quantile of the conditional distribution of the dependent variable and is considered the generalization of the sample quantile of an independent and identically distributed random variable ( 57 ). By considering a range of quantiles, Quantile Regression offers a more nuanced understanding of the conditional distribution, making it a valuable technique for analyzing various aspects of the relationship between variables.

The estimation results are reported in Table 3 . The regressions 1 and 3 consider individuals who are not household heads, while regressions 2 and 4 involve the respondent being the household head. In regressions 5 and 6, the respondent is not the household head and is also female, whereas in regressions 7 and 8, the respondents are household heads and male. The regressions exhibit a coefficient of determination ranging between 9 and 11.

	(1)	(2)	(3)	(4)	(5)	(6)	(7)	(8)
	Violence	Violence	Violence	Violence	Violence	Violence	Violence	Violence
	Responder is not head of household	Responder is head of household	Responder is not head of household	Responder is head of household	Responder is not head of household (female)	Responder is head of household (female)	Responder is not head of household (male)	Responder is head of household (male)
Mood			−0.311*** [0.0271]	−0.206*** [0.0431]	−0.275*** [0.0395]	−0.265*** [0.0648]	−0.339*** [0.0381]	−0.178*** [0.0583]
Depression	0.0929*** [0.00664]	0.0703*** [0.0106]
Health Consciousness	−0.0683*** [0.0244]	−0.140*** [0.0406]	−0.0481* [0.0253]	−0.149*** [0.0434]	−0.00663 [0.0366]	−0.0960 [0.0679]	−0.0644* [0.0360]	−0.177*** [0.0581]
Social media	0.146 [0.0892]	0.328** [0.144]	0.188* [0.092]	0.345** [0.155]	0.175 [0.133]	0.196 [0.234]	0.167 [0.135]	0.470** [0.210]
Household chores	−0.0236 [0.0159]	−0.00957 [0.0257]	−0.0396** [0.0167]	0.00336 [0.0280]	−0.0256 [0.0239]	0.0427 [0.0421]	−0.0610** [0.0244]	−0.0114 [0.0379]
Density	0.265* [0.136]	0.728*** [0.203]	0.198 [0.143]	0.638*** [0.219]	0.323* [0.195]	0.513 [0.311]	0.0399 [0.222]	0.538* [0.306]
Religion	0.0178 [0.0155]	0.0710*** [0.0233]	0.0302* [0.0164]	0.0782*** [0.0253]	0.00485 [0.0232]	0.0727* [0.0393]	0.0568** [0.0238]	0.0745** [0.0339]
Sex	−0.00513 [0.213]	−0.0225 [0.352]	0.180 [0.224]	0.164 [0.381]
Age	−0.0854 [0.0607]	−0.0641 [0.102]	−0.135 [0.0634]	−0.0844 [0.109]	−0.114 [0.0847]	0.0541 [0.188]	−0.159 [0.119]	−0.171 [0.139]
Age	0.000573 [0.000849]	0.000743 [0.00113]	0.00110 [0.000889]	0.000675 [0.00122]	0.000808 [0.00115]	−0.000443 [0.00214]	0.00158 [0.00183]	0.00148 [0.00154]
Age householder	−0.0520 [0.0613]		0.0427 [0.0643]		0.0523 [0.0893]		0.0115 [0.0992]
Age householder	0.000607 [0.000593]		−0.000389 [0.000623]		−0.000382 [0.000878]		−0.000174 [0.000942]
_cons	12.14*** [2.056]	10.26*** [2.386]	18.23*** [2.167]	16.50*** [2.573]	16.15*** [2.994]	12.49*** [4.323]	20.58*** [3.339]	18.91*** [3.305]
	1802	597	1802	597	992	195	810	402
Pseudo R	0.1090	0.1161	0.0878	0.0869	0.0906	0.1136	0.0916	0.0960

Standard errors in brackets. * p < 0.1, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.001.

The effects of the different variables studied on violence are presented below: Across all regressions, it can be observed that the mood of a person, which indicates whether they are in a good mood or feeling cheerful, nervous, or irritated, is statistically significant at all levels of confidence. This implies that violence decreases when the mood is good. On the other hand, depression has a positive and significant sign. This tells us that, on average, an increase of one unit in the depression, anxiety, and stress scale is associated with an increase in the measurement of conflict and intrafamily violence in a household, whether the respondent is a household head or not.

On the other hand, Health Consciousness has a negative and significant sign, indicating that violence decreases as Health Consciousness increases. However, it is noteworthy that it loses significance when the survey respondent is a woman, regardless of whether she is a household head or not.

Regarding Household chores, which refers to the time spent on household tasks, it can be observed that it is only significant and negative when the respondent is not a household head, and this significance holds even when the respondent is male. In other words, less time spent on household chores decreases violence in households where the respondent is not a household head.

The variable religion generally has a positive and significant sign in most regressions, but loses significance in regressions (1) and (5), where the respondent is not the household head and is female, respectively. This suggests that being religious would increase the levels of violence.

In general, density increases violence in the surveyed households, as indicated by a positive and significant sign. However, it is interesting to note that it is only significant again when the respondent is not a household head and is female, or when the respondent is a household head and is male.

As for the control variables, the variable Social media, which indicates the number of hours a person spends on social media, is positive and significant whether the respondent is a household head or not, and even when the respondent is male. This suggests that violence decreases with access to social media, possibly due to increased access to information. Finally, the variables sex, age of the respondent, and age of the household head were not significant.

6. Discussion

Interestingly, the prevalence and intensity of domestic violence appear to vary across different segments of society. Goodman ( 33 ) have highlighted the existence of variations in episodes of domestic violence among social strata. They have also identified several factors that act as deterrents to domestic violence, including income levels, educational attainment, employment status of the household head, household density, consumption of psychotropic substances, anxiety, and stress. These factors increase the likelihood of experiencing instances of violence within the home.

Within this context, the COVID-19 pandemic has had far-reaching implications for individuals and families worldwide, with significant impacts on various aspects of daily life, including domestic dynamics. This study explores the relationship between household factors and violence within the context of the pandemic, shedding light on the unique challenges and dynamics that have emerged during this period.

Our findings highlight the importance of considering mental well-being in the context of domestic violence during the pandemic. We observe that positive mood is associated with a decrease in violence levels within households. This suggests that maintaining good mental health and emotional well-being during times of crisis can serve as a protective factor against violence. With the increased stress and anxiety caused by the pandemic, policymakers and practitioners should prioritize mental health support and interventions to address potential escalations in violence within households.

Furthermore, our results indicate that depression exhibits a positive association with violence. As individuals grapple with the impacts of the pandemic, such as job loss, financial strain, and social isolation, the prevalence of depression may increase. This finding underscores the urgent need for accessible mental health resources and support networks to address the heightened risk of violence stemming from increased levels of depression.

The study also reveals that health consciousness plays a crucial role in reducing violence within households. As individuals become more aware of the importance of maintaining their health amidst the pandemic, violence levels decrease. This suggests that promoting health awareness and encouraging healthy lifestyle choices can serve as protective factors against domestic violence. Public health initiatives and educational campaigns aimed at fostering health-conscious behaviors should be emphasized as part of comprehensive violence prevention strategies.

Interestingly, our analysis uncovers a mitigating effect of social media usage on violence levels during the pandemic. With the increased reliance on digital platforms for communication and information sharing, access to social media may provide individuals with alternative channels for expression and support, ultimately reducing the likelihood of violence. Recognizing the potential benefits of social media, policymakers and practitioners should explore ways to leverage these platforms to disseminate violence prevention resources, provide support, and promote positive social connections within households.

Additionally, our findings highlight the role of household chores and density in shaping violence levels during the pandemic. Less time spent on household chores is associated with decreased violence, indicating that redistributing domestic responsibilities may alleviate tension and conflict within households. The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted routines and added new challenges to household dynamics, making it essential to consider strategies that promote equitable distribution of chores and support mechanisms for individuals and families.

Moreover, the positive association between household density and violence emphasizes the impact of living conditions during the pandemic. With prolonged periods of confinement and restricted mobility, crowded living spaces may intensify conflicts and escalate violence. Policymakers should prioritize initiatives that address housing conditions, promote safe and adequate living environments, and provide resources to mitigate the negative effects of overcrowding.

In this line, our study delves into the intricate relationship between household factors and violence during the COVID-19 pandemic, primarily within our specific context. However, it is valuable to consider how our findings align or diverge when juxtaposed with research from developed countries, where economic, social, and healthcare systems are typically more advanced. In developed countries, the impact of crises, such as the pandemic, could manifest differently due to varying levels of financial stability, access to support networks, and well-established healthcare systems.

For instance, while we observe that maintaining mental well-being serves as a protective factor against violence, developed countries might have better access to mental health resources and support networks, potentially magnifying the impact of positive mental health on violence prevention ( 58 ). Similarly, the positive association between health consciousness and reduced violence levels could be influenced by different perceptions of health and well-being in developed countries, where health awareness campaigns are more prevalent ( 51 ).

The mitigating effect of social media on violence levels during the pandemic might also vary across contexts. Developed countries might have more widespread and equitable access to digital platforms, leading to a stronger impact on violence reduction through alternative channels for communication and support ( 59 ). Conversely, regions with limited digital infrastructure could experience a smaller effect.

Additionally, comparing the role of religious affiliation and its influence on violence with findings from developed countries could reveal cultural variations in the interplay between religious teachings, gender dynamics, and violence ( 60 ). While our study suggests the need for interventions promoting peaceful religious interpretations, it is crucial to examine whether similar efforts have been successful in developed nations with distinct cultural norms and religious landscapes.

In this context, this study makes a significant contribution to the field of gender-based violence research by intricately examining the intersection of diverse socio-economic and psychological factors within the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic. The uniqueness of this article lies in its holistic approach to comprehend domestic violence dynamics amidst a global crisis. By dissecting and analyzing how mental health, health awareness, social media utilization, household chore distribution, living space density, and religious affiliation interact to influence violence levels, this study provides a deeper and nuanced insight into the factors contributing to the manifestation and prevention of gender-based violence. Moreover, by pinpointing areas where traditional gender norms and religious beliefs might exacerbate violence, the article suggests novel avenues for research and intervention development that account for cultural and contextual complexities. Ultimately, this work not only advances the understanding of gender-based violence during a critical period but also offers practical and theoretical recommendations to inform policies and preventive actions both throughout the pandemic and in potential future crises.

In considering the limitations of our study, we acknowledge that while our findings provide crucial insights into the role of religious affiliation in shaping violence levels during the pandemic, there are certain aspects that warrant further investigation. Firstly, our analysis primarily focuses on the association between religious beliefs and violence without delving deeply into the underlying mechanisms that drive this relationship. Future research could employ qualitative methodologies to explore how specific religious doctrines and practices interact with broader cultural norms to influence gender dynamics and contribute to violence within households. Additionally, our study does not extensively address variations in religious interpretations across different communities, which could lead to distinct outcomes in terms of violence prevention efforts. To address these limitations, scholars could conduct comparative studies across religious affiliations and denominations to uncover nuanced insights into the interplay between religious teachings, cultural contexts, and violence dynamics.

Furthermore, while our study suggests that policymakers and practitioners should consider developing targeted interventions promoting peaceful religious interpretations to mitigate violence, the precise design and effectiveness of such interventions remain areas ripe for exploration. Future research could involve collaboration with religious leaders and communities to develop and test intervention strategies that align with both religious teachings and contemporary gender equality principles. This interdisciplinary approach could yield actionable insights into fostering cultural change and enhancing the role of religion in promoting non-violence within households.

In conclusion, our study provides valuable insights into the dynamics of domestic violence within households during the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings underscore the importance of addressing mental health, promoting health consciousness, leveraging social media, redistributing household chores, improving housing conditions, and considering the nuanced role of religious beliefs. By incorporating these findings into policy and intervention strategies, policymakers and practitioners can work toward preventing and mitigating domestic violence in the context of the ongoing pandemic.

Data availability statement

Author contributions.

CL played a crucial role in this research project, being responsible for the data collection, conducting the econometric analysis, contributing to the literature review, introduction, and discussion sections of the manuscript. JD-S made significant contributions to the project and assisted in the data collection process, contributed to the literature review, and provided insights in the discussion section. FV assisted with the data collection process and reviewed the article for accuracy and clarity. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

This project receives funding from Vicerrectorado de Investigación y Proyección Social, Escuela Politécnica Nacional.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Acknowledgments

The authors acknowledge the Escuela Politécnica Nacional for this support on this project.

Introduction

Why non-carceral community-based investments are key for preventing gun violence
How state and local leaders are leveraging ARP funds to invest in non-carceral safety strategies
Recommendations from the field: Maximizing ARP funds to promote holistic community safety

In June 2022, the most significant piece of gun violence prevention legislation in decades, the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act , became law. Alongside several common-sense gun regulations, the law allocates $250 million for community-based violence prevention initiatives—a promising step toward promoting safety through non-carceral and community-centered approaches. 1

This federal action is important, but it only scratches the surface of what can be done to keep communities safe from gun violence. From investing in youth employment programs to revitalizing vacant lots to improving the quality of neighborhood housing, a wealth of community-based safety interventions are proven to reduce violent crime—including gun violence—in the places most impacted by it, and tackle the conditions of inequality that allow violence to concentrate in the first place. 2 But far too often, these community-based interventions are under-funded, particularly when compared to more punitive approaches. 3

Luckily, another source of federal aid can fund community-based safety investments: the American Rescue Plan’s (ARP) $350 billion in Coronavirus State and Local Fiscal Recovery Funds. In addition to helping states and localities recover from the pandemic, the funds also provide local leaders with an unparalleled opportunity to address the public health crisis of gun violence. Indeed, President Joe Biden recently called on state and local leaders to use portions of this funding to address gun violence, including by “expanding evidence-based community violence intervention programs, and preventing crime by making our neighborhoods stronger with more educational and economic opportunities.” 4

This research brief documents how state and local leaders are leveraging ARP funds to invest in non-carceral community-based safety initiatives; presents perspectives and case studies from leaders on-the-ground innovating on such strategies; and offers recommendations for how state and local leaders can maximize ARP funds to promote community safety prior to 2024 (when all funds must be obligated) and 2026 (when all funds must be spent). This is an unparalleled—and time-limited—window of opportunity, and states and localities should be thinking strategically right now about how to not only invest in proven strategies to reduce gun violence, but also promote life-affirming safety investments that support thriving communities.

Why non-carceral community-based investments are key for preventing gun violence

Despite news headlines to the contrary, the U.S. is not in the midst of a crime wave . But it is experiencing an unprecedented and alarming increase in murders, driven largely by gun homicides. 5 Between 2019 and 2020, murder rates nationwide rose nearly 30%, while other forms of crime went down. 6 Since then, homicides, gun assaults, and other forms of violent crime have continued to trend upward, and as of June 2022, the homicide rate was 39% higher than it was prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. 7 For this reason, this brief focuses primarily on the role that community-based safety investments can play in addressing gun violence but it is important to note that these investments can also have broader impacts on public safety and community well-being.

To understand the effectiveness of community-based safety investments, it helps to look at where most gun violence occurs. 8 Within cities and towns, gun violence is spatially concentrated—disproportionately occurring within a select set of high-poverty and disinvested neighborhoods, and within these neighborhoods, a select set of streets. 9  These are also the places where indicators of structural disadvantage (such as poverty, racial segregation, lower educational attainment, and high unemployment) cluster. 10 This pattern held during the recent nationwide increase in gun violence. 11  

The spatial concentration of violence stems from generations of policies and public and private investment decisions. Numerous studies have found a connection between state-sponsored racial segregation and gun violence, with the same places historically deemed unworthy of economic investment (through redlining) being more likely to be where gun violence concentrates today. 12 Research has also identified a link between concentrated poverty, densely crowded housing, and vacant buildings with higher rates of violent crime, including gun homicides. 13

Given the many place-based factors that contribute to gun violence, there is growing recognition that just like improving public health in other ways, reducing gun violence requires addressing its social determinants and looking outside traditional systems (such as courts or hospitals) to tackle its root causes. 14 This approach is consistent with the preferences of survivors of violent crime, who overwhelmingly prefer investments in non-punitive crime prevention over criminal legal system responses. 15 As the John Jay College of Criminal Justice recently pointed out , this approach is also consistent with an emerging and growing body of research that elevates the effectiveness of non-carceral public safety investments that put communities at the center and builds their capacity to advance safety, health, and economic opportunity. 16

The next section of this brief examines four categories of non-carceral community safety investments that ARP funds are being used for. Before introducing examples of investments in each category, we provide further empirical justification for specific investments within that category. But while the empirical evidence matters, the underlying moral argument does as well: Mass incarceration is not a morally acceptable solution to systemic disinvestment . 17 Local leaders should support non-carceral community safety interventions not only because they are effective, but because investing in struggling communities is the right thing to do.

Methodology This brief pulls from public data state and local governments reported to the U.S. Treasury Department regarding ARP spending. 18 We filtered projects by “Expense Category Group- 3-Services to Disproportionately Impacted Communities,” and further filtered by “Category-3.16-Social Determinants of Health: Community Violence Interventions.” 19 These filters, which Treasury has since recategorized as “Category 1 Public Health, 1.11 Community Violence Intervention,” document instances in which state and local leaders are purposefully aiming to reduce violence by addressing social determinants. We recognize that there are many more projects that are not coded as violence interventions that can still have an outsized impact in reducing violence, such as those designed to restore vacant lots or pilot universal basic incomes. However, we believe it is important to highlight how states and localities are explicitly thinking about violence prevention through community-centered approaches. Within the Community Violence Intervention designation, we also filtered out funding allocated to victim services. While such projects are commendable and necessary, they are responses to violence, whereas our brief is concerned with interventions that prevent violence. Additionally, this brief focuses entirely on non-carceral safety uses of ARP funds, meaning we excluded uses that expand the reach of the criminal legal system (such as increasing the size of the police force or acquiring new public safety technology). The justification behind this approach is to highlight forward-looking and life-affirming visions of community safety, rather than carceral approaches that produce negative intergenerational consequences (such as mental health ramifications, family separation, poor educational performance, and racialized class stratification). 20 Finally, we conducted qualitative interviews with 14 government and civic leaders working at the state, county, and city level. 21 In selecting interviewees, we balanced attention to government and civil society and sought to center Black voices, particularly in localities with a large Black population.

How state and local leaders are leveraging ARP funds to invest in non-carceral safety strategies

While the most straightforward uses of the American Rescue Plan’s State and Local Fiscal Recovery Funds are to replace lost tax revenue or shore up general funds, the Treasury Department’s rules allow for a broad range of uses that “build a strong, resilient, and equitable recovery by making investments that support long-term growth and opportunity.” 22 Treasury also makes clear that community safety interventions are valid expenditure types for all communities, particularly those that have suffered an uptick in violence. 23 And as analysts at Civil Rights Corps , Alliance for Safety and Justice , the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities , and other organizations have pointed out, these flexible funds offer the largest-ever influx of federal dollars to support states and localities advance non-carceral interventions that promote a holistic vision of community safety. 24

Below is a curated list of state and local investments in non-carceral community safety interventions, categorized along four key dimensions of community well-being. 25 While there are many more examples, our list represents a diverse set of locations with distinct approaches.

Enhancing economic opportunity to promote safety

A place’s economic health has a significant influence on its rates of violence; neighborhoods with higher poverty rates, unemployment, and income inequality have higher rates of violent crime. 26 On the other side of this relationship, a promising body of evidence demonstrates that by enhancing economic opportunity and reducing inequality within neighborhoods, places can significantly reduce crime. 27 For instance, evidence shows that youth workforce development and employment programs can reduce youth involvement in violent crime by as much as 45%. 28 Improving school quality has also been found to reduce violent crime arrests. 29 Finally, helping families avoid financial stress has been found to reduce crime and produce numerous other community benefits. 30

Figure 1 illustrates how state and local governments are heeding this body of evidence and using ARP funds to advance community safety through economic mobility. For example, Illinois allocated $60 million investment toward youth employment programming, which subsidizes wages for high-risk youth and allows them to gain employability skills, participate in career development and apprenticeship programming, and receive wraparound services to address the root causes of employment barriers.

Case study: How a small city in Virginia is using ARP funds to reduce violent crime through youth workforce development Danville is a Black-majority (49%) city in southern Virginia with a population of approximately 42,000 . In 2016, it had the state’s highest per capita homicide rate , largely driven by gang-related violence . To tackle this, the city implemented a variety of community-centered programs to build trust in high-violence neighborhoods and prevent violence among at-risk youth. As Danville’s City Manager Ken Larking told us, “The best way to reduce crime is to prevent it and intervene before it happens.” In 2020 (the year with the most recently reported data ), Danville saw a 50% reduction in violent crime from 2016. The city’s focus on prevention is also central to how it’s using ARP funds. Larking said that Danville is allocating funds on both “direct” violence prevention (including $236,000 on community violence initiatives) as well as “indirect” violence prevention, such as $1 million to address blight and additional grants to help residents of disinvested neighborhoods start businesses. Of particular note is Project Imagine , a youth workforce development and violence prevention initiative that received $36,000 in ARP funding. Project Imagine provides gang-involved or at-risk youth with mentorship, apprenticeships, and employment opportunities, and enables former participants to become “ambassadors” who represent their neighborhoods in city meetings and provide input on the city’s strategic plan. “One thing I knew coming into this city is that there was no voice from the Black community that was being heard,” Robert David, who leads Project Imagine, told us. When David was brought on in 2018, he had no staff or budget, but was able to access unused city funds from the federal Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act to begin offering paid jobs to youth. He also turned everyday community spaces into hubs to promote workforce development. “We made the barbershop a haven,” he said, noting when one of his outreach workers isn’t there, people will ask the barber, “Where’s my man with the jobs?” The infusion of ARP funds has helped David hire permanent outreach workers to connect with more youth, which has since significantly increased enrollment in the initiative. The funds have also enabled him to acquire a permanent building for Project Imagine, which will serve as a safe drop-in space and community center for youth.

Investing in the built environment and public health to promote safety

The most consistent evidence on the relationship between violence prevention and place exists in the realm of the built environment. Numerous studies find that the renovation of housing, vacant buildings, land, and lots as well as efforts to add greenery and improve air quality significantly reduce violent crime. 31 These place-based strategies aim to counter decades of public and private disinvestment by revitalizing the physical environment and improving the health and safety of entire communities, rather than focusing on a sub-set of high-risk individuals (which many violence prevention programs, such violence interrupters, tend to focus on). 32 These interventions also align with a public health approach to preventing violence, which addresses the environmental factors that increase susceptibility to violence and advances protective environments that nurture safety, health, and well-being. 33 Examples range from addressing air pollution to increasing Medicaid coverage to expanding access to substance abuse and mental health treatment. 34

Figure 2 highlights how state and local governments are using ARP funds to advance built environment improvements in communities and bolster public health system responses to community violence. For example, Chicago allocated ARP dollars to fund public realm improvements, building restorations, the preservation of safe and affordable housing, and the reactivation of city-owned land in the 15 areas with the highest rates of homicide and nonfatal shootings.

It is important to note that while Figure 2 includes built environment and public health interventions explicitly categorized as “community violence interventions,” there are many other examples of state and local governments investing in built environment improvements that have the potential to prevent violence and are not categorized as such. These include city beautification and a revitalized community park in Milwaukee , streetlight repair in Los Angeles , and weatherization efforts to remove lead and mold in Washington, D.C . 35

Case study: How Multnomah County, Ore. is taking a public health approach to violence prevention Multnomah County is home to Portland, Oregon’s most populous city. During the pandemic, gun violence in the city nearly tripled . In response to this sharp uptick and an over-burdened social service system, county officials allocated over $61 million of their ARP funds to violence prevention, including $4 million in public health approaches . “We drew a one-to-one connection between the uptick and gun violence and the pandemic,” said Adam Renon, senior policy advisor to the Multnomah County chair. “The loss of social cohesion, the isolation, the breakdown of traditional society norms. So, we said, let’s use ARP funds to address that.” The county allocated $300,000 to hire “community health specialists” who provide families directly impacted by gun violence with safety plans and trauma support. An additional $1.2 million went toward creating a behavioral health response team of clinicians and peers to serve youth and families affected by gun violence. And the county expanded existing programs, including the Habilitation, Empowerment, Accountability, Therapy (H.E.A.T.) curriculum —a cognitive behavioral therapy program meant to address generational traumas for justice-involved people. Raffaele Timarchi, policy advisor to the county chair, explained the importance of embedding public health approaches to violence prevention across multiple county departments: “[Just because] we take a public health approach to violence prevention doesn’t mean that all of our investments have to be in a public health department…We want to spread the tools of public health into these other departments, including people working at the community level.” This approach ran through Multnomah County’s ARP safety allocations, which included significant investments to strengthen communities through emergency rental assistance, community organization incubators, and a $4.8 million investment in direct assistance to help pay for residents’ pressing financial needs, including food, child care, transportation, and living expenses

“We drew a one-to-one connection between the uptick and gun violence and the pandemic. The loss of social cohesion, the isolation, the breakdown of traditional society norms. So, we said, let’s use ARP funds to address that.” Adam Renon, Senior Policy Advisor, Multnomah County

Nurturing social cohesion to promote safety

A significant body of evidence demonstrates that social cohesion and feelings of belonging to a neighborhood are associated with lower violent crime rates. 36 Research has also found that increasing the number of spaces for informal contact between neighbors (e.g., parks, community centers) is linked to a greater sense of safety for people in urban areas. 37 A growing body of evidence even indicates that creative placemaking can enhance community safety. 38

The evidence linking social cohesion with reduced violence forms the basis for many evidence-based community violence intervention programs, such as Cure Violence or Advance Peace , 39 which rely on community outreach to reach individuals in neighborhoods at the highest risk for violence. 40 These violence interrupting programs have contributed to significant declines in violence in high-crime neighborhoods in Richmond, Calif., Stockton, Calif., Los Angeles, Washington, D.C., Chicago, Baltimore, and others. 41

Figure 3 highlights how state and local governments are using ARP funds to either invest in community violence interruption programs or in activities and programs that promote social cohesion. For example, Elkhart, Ind. is using ARP dollars to host summer events with music and food, present talks by credible messengers (e.g., people who have formerly been involved with the criminal legal system and now work in violence prevention), distribute anti-gun-violence yard signs, and provide COVID-19 information. Cincinnati is funding the Save Our Youth: Kings & Queens program, in which at-risk teens participate in a three-month program involving field trips and speakers focusing on Black history.

Case study: How St. Louis is preventing violence by investing in safe youth spaces St. Louis is a midsized city (45.7% Black) with a population of roughly 300,000 . Even with a slight decline in 2021, St. Louis continues to have one of the highest homicide rates in the nation . In recent years, there has been growing recognition among city officials that to prevent violence, they must target its root causes—starting with offering resources to those who are most at-risk for committing and be victims of violence, including youth in disinvested neighborhoods. “We have over 50 kids that have been shot since the beginning of this year,” said Wilford Pinkney Jr., director of the Mayor’s Office of Children, Youth, and Families. “Most of our car jackings and car thefts are all juveniles…There was no one engaging with them to determine what is happening, why they engaged in that behavior, and to try to deal with addressing it early on. We need to deal with that before we get to the point that they’re car jacking and shooting people.” As part of its ARP allocation, St. Louis devoted $5.5 million to violence interruption initiatives. One is Safer Summer St. Louis, which funds youth- and grassroots-led organizations to plan pop-up events aimed at providing safe, community-building spaces. Jessica Meyers, director for the St. Louis Area Violence Prevention Commission , said that motivation for the program came from youth themselves: “We heard from the youth that they feel like they do not have access to their whole neighborhood. They do not have access to safe spaces in their neighborhood. The spaces that should be safe, like parks, aren’t safe because of gun violence or drug dealing or gang activity. Or the spaces that are safe—like a recreation center or a YMCA or a business—they don’t feel welcome in them, or they feel there are barriers, whether that’s a fee or transportation.” Safer Summer St. Louis seeks to tackle this by providing funding (up to $5,000 per event) to youth in neighborhoods most impacted by gun violence to host events like block parties, bike rides, fitness events, and other activities of their choosing. Meyers said that while the program is based on evidence about what works to prevent violence, it is really about showing St. Louis youth that the city is invested in their future. “[Safer Summer St. Louis] is about investing in youth and telling them we value them enough that we’re taking this $1 million in [ARP] funding and we’re going to put it directly to events that allow you to be young and have fun in St. Louis—in a safer St. Louis.”

“[Safer Summer St. Louis] is about investing in youth and telling them we value them enough that we’re taking this $1 million in [ARP] funding and we’re going to put it directly to events that allow you to be young and have fun in St. Louis—in a safer St. Louis.” Jessica Meyers, Director of the St. Louis Area Violence Prevention Commission

Strengthening civic infrastructure to promote safety

Nearly every non-carceral community-based safety intervention requires the leadership and dedication of civic and community-based organizations to be implemented. 42 And aside from that, research indicates that the mere presence of such organizations within a neighborhood leads to reductions in violent crime. 43 The challenge, however, is that while city resources are plentiful for increasing police in high-crime neighborhoods, cities routinely fail to fund the community infrastructure (such as grassroots organizations) that stabilize communities. 44

Figure 4 highlights how state and local governments are using ARP funds to enhance the capacity of community-based and civic organizations to prevent violence. For example, New Haven, Conn. used $785,000 of its ARP funds to create Civic Space , a centralized public forum for citizens and grassroots organizations to share input on ARP investments, learn about new community-centered violence prevention initiatives, and partner with other organizations working on similar aims.

Case study: How Minnesota is supporting locally led grassroots organizations prevent violence Minnesota has a population of 5.7 million , with the largest concentrations in the cities of Minneapolis and Saint Paul. Despite relatively strong gun laws, firearms are the leading cause of death for youth in the state. With Minneapolis being the site of George Floyd’s murder and the catalyst for global protests against racial injustice, the state knew it needed to act boldly in allocating ARP funds toward non-carceral public safety approaches—ultimately obligating $16.8 million for violence prevention and intervention activities as well as survivor support. As part of this, state leaders allocated $5 million toward a new Innovation in Community Safety grant program . Kate Weeks, executive director of the Minnesota Department of Public Safety, said the program is “a new way for Minnesota to push out money that was community-focused,” where “decisions about where funds would go come directly from the community.” The grant program provides local organizations in targeted neighborhoods with up to $1 million for community safety programming, prioritizing areas with the highest rates of violent crime. According to Weeks, the recipients have been “virtually all nonprofits.” The state made another $2.5 million available through Violence Intervention Grants , with a maximum per-grant amount of $250,000. These grants were designed to have a more equitable distribution of applicants, with a fiscal agent administering smaller funding amounts more quickly to grassroots organizations.

Recommendations from the field: Maximizing ARP funds to promote holistic community safety

The state, county, and local leaders we interviewed offered five primary recommendations on how to more equitably and effectively allocate ARP spending toward non-carceral community safety interventions. These recommendations, which align with emerging research on best practices for the equitable use of ARP funds, include:

Build the capacity of smaller, grassroots nonprofits to deploy funds. States and municipalities rely on nonprofit partners to execute ARP obligations; small and grassroots nonprofits (which often serve and hold greater trust with disinvested communities) are at a structural disadvantage in becoming aware of and applying for federal funds, as well as in navigating the reporting requirements tied to federal dollars. 45 As Robert David explained, prior to Danville’s efforts to invest in violence prevention, there was a disconnect between grassroots organizations and “where the funding was,” which made the city “resource-rich but collaboratively poor.” Our interviewees explained how solving this mismatch requires direct outreach to nonprofits in disinvested communities to make them aware of ARP funds, simplifying the application process or dedicating state or municipal resources to support grassroots partners through the process, and loosening reporting requirements. For example, in St. Louis, the city hired a consultant to help grassroots nonprofits apply for funds. And in Minnesota, the state allocated different funding streams through a “social compact” model to allow some smaller nonprofits to pool their applications to make a stronger case for funding.
Employ participatory and community-informed processes to guide investment decisions . To be true to the White House’s directive to use ARP funds equitably , disproportionately impacted communities should be engaged in determining how these federal dollars are spent. A variety of traditional mechanisms can be used to do so, including surveys, online forms, public meetings, and listening sessions. But these tools alone can often exclude citizens who are not already highly engaged or who have limited broadband access. Leaders must be intentional about diversifying the forms of community engagement and ensuring engagement is meaningful. Some strategies include targeted outreach in disadvantaged census tracts, using paid community reviewers (including youth) to review proposals and help make grantmaking decisions, conducting outreach to incarcerated and returning citizens, and launching longer-term processes such as participatory budgeting . For example, the St. Louis Area Violence Prevention Commission hired youth to review proposals for their Safer Summer St. Louis program, and Danville leveraged previous community engagement processes to guide the allocation of ARP funds. Stakeholders across all cities emphasized the importance of engaging youth.

“When we give power to young people to use their voice, to be able to co-create, that is more powerful than [when] we are just ordaining from on high and not letting them be effective partners,” Devanshi Patel, CEO of the Center for Youth and Family Advocacy in Virginia.

Prioritize equity in the allocation, implementation, and evaluation of ARP funds. The Treasury Department explicitly urged states and localities to prioritize equity in their distribution of ARP funds. In terms of funding allocations, equity can mean ensuring funding flows to census tracts with disproportionate rates of violence or to organizations whose leadership and staff are demographically representative of the communities they serve (for example, by requiring grant seekers to disclose this information in applications, as Minnesota did). In terms of implementation, interviewees explained that equity means trusting community-based organizations—particularly those with deep ties to underserved places—to use their funding in nimble ways that respond to communities’ evolving needs. Equity also means recognizing that people involved in implementation might not have standard resumes or may have criminal records, but their lived experiences and community ties are valuable assets for expanding the success and impact of these interventions. As Multnomah County’s Adam Renon told us, “We need to learn from the individuals who have been incarcerated or who have committed gun violence, and ask them, ‘What would have prevented you from entering that life?’” Finally, in terms of evaluation, equity means thinking expansively about compliance requirements and reporting metrics—including incorporating qualitative data and perspectives from directly impacted communities—as burdensome requirements can strain capacity and limit the ability of smaller organizations to access funding.

“ We need to learn from the individuals who have been incarcerated or who have committed gun violence, and ask them, ‘What would have prevented you from entering that life?’” Adam Renon, Senior Policy Advisor, Multnomah County

Use data to not just understand program effectiveness, but to respond to evolving community needs. Upticks in violence can be unpredictable and send shockwaves across entire communities—disrupting school, family, and social life even for residents who may not have been directly victimized themselves. For this reason, interviewees stressed the importance of using public safety indicators not just to gauge whether prevention initiatives are working, but also as a way to shift implementation and resource allocation to respond to communities’ needs. “We really tried to take a look at the data in front of us,” Multnomah County’s Raffaele Timarchi said. “We knew that mental health concerns were up, we knew youth were disconnected from school and social supports…The safety net had been frayed.” Timarchi explained how the intersecting challenges of rising gun homicide rates, school closures, and frontline workers’ burnout guided their cross-disciplinary approach to violence prevention. Wilford Pinkney Jr. described using St. Louis’ crisis response data to craft programs that better fit community needs: “If you’re doing crisis response right, you’re engaging people and gathering a lot of data that’s hard for people to refute in terms of what the needs are in the community. We don’t have to guess what people need. We have 6,000 interactions from people in this community saying what they need.” Interviewees stressed this imperative to use data not as a way to judge high-violence communities, but rather as a tool to more deeply understand their shifting needs.

“If you’re doing crisis response right, you’re engaging people and gathering a lot of data that’s hard for people to refute in terms of what the needs are in the community. We don’t have to guess what people need. We have 6,000 interactions from people in this community saying what they need.” Wilford Pinkney Jr., St. Louis

Create dedicated and sustainable funding streams—including as line items in city budgets—and braid funding streams whenever possible to increase scale. ARP provides state and local leaders with a once-in-a-generation influx of funds, but it is time-limited. Multiple interviewees expressed their concern that too great a reliance on this one-time funding could lead to programmatic cliffs. They noted that creating line items in city, county, or state budgets, and/or creating permanent agencies devoted to community safety could provide stability in financing—especially since political cycles and new administrations can disrupt initiatives that lack permanency. 46 Our Brookings colleagues have also suggested braiding or blending funding streams to increase sustainability, which could involve braiding ARP dollars with  private funding , funding from  surrounding regional jurisdictions , or major new federal investments like those in the  Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act . Finally, municipalities should harness revenue from traditional economic development initiatives to sustain public priorities. For example, Danville City Manager Ken Larking outlined a vision for current development that includes the goal of never being “in a budget crisis where a neighborhood park has to be sacrificed because there isn’t enough money to do police services or whatever else.” And as an added benefit, by tying revenue to priorities that reflect established city values and priorities, governments are held accountable to steering development that benefits the entire community.

Conclusion

At the end of 2021, cities and counties had budgeted only 40% of their total ARP allocation (82% of the first of two funding tranches). While more money has been budgeted this year, there is still plenty of funding left to be allocated prior to the 2024 deadline and spent prior to the 2026 deadline. It is vital that state and local leaders seize this once-in-a-generation opportunity to invest in community-based violence prevention efforts now, as these programs can take time to establish roots at the local level and scale up.

By investing in critical community safety infrastructure before the next rise in gun violence, communities will be better supported and equipped to avoid such violence, while also averting the intergenerational consequences that accompany punitive responses to it. As Devanshi Patel of Virginia’s Center for Youth and Family Advocacy said, it is imperative to invest in “restorative justice and community-based programming now to help kids stay out of the legal system” because system-involvement and incarceration can create harms for people and communities that are felt for generations.

Ultimately, the benefits of addressing the root causes of gun violence go far beyond the shots you don’t hear. In addition to the lives saved, the benefits can be seen in the children playing in parks, the youth finding employment, the sick accessing treatment, the entrepreneurs launching businesses, or neighbors hosting block parties. By investing in economic opportunity, bolstering social cohesion, upgrading the built environment, and strengthening neighborhoods’ civic ties, state and local leaders can create the conditions necessary for long-lasting individual and collective flourishing.

Acknowledgments:

The authors express their sincere gratitude to the state and local leaders who participated in research interviews to inform this piece: Gregory Baldwin, Thomas Carr, Robert David, Patrick Hogan, Tricia Hummel, Ken Larking, Jessica Meyers, Ahna Minge, Dr. Kiah E. Nyame, Devanshi Patel, Wilford Pinkney Jr., Adam Renon, Raffaele Timarchi, and Kathryn Weeks. The authors also thank the following experts for their review of various drafts of the research brief: Alan Berube, Jennifer S. Vey, and Eli Byerly-Duke (of Brookings Metro), Sam Washington and Thea Sebastian (of Civil Rights Corps), and Leah Sakala (of Alliance for Safety and Justice).

About the Authors

Research associate – brookings metro, anthony barr, senior research assistant – brookings metro, oluwasekemi odumosu, research intern – brookings metro.

“Non-carceral” safety interventions are those that exist outside of the formal criminal justice system, and are implemented by actors who are not part of the criminal justice system.
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