woman in politics essay

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Photo: female parliamentary candidates in Nepal learn how to recruit volunteers, target voters and create campaign plans during an NDI workshop in Kathmandu.

There is growing recognition of the untapped capacity and talents of women and women’s leadership. Over the last two decades, the rate of women’s representation in national parliaments globally has incrementally increased from 11.8 percent in 1998 to 17.8 percent in 2008 to 23.5 percent in 2018. Some regions have seen particularly dramatic increases, such as Sub-Saharan Africa, where in the last 20 years the number of women in parliaments has risen from 11 to 23.6 percent, and the Arab States region, which has seen an increase from 3.1 to 17.5 percent. Total global representation is still well below the 30 percent benchmark often identified as the necessary level of representation to achieve a “ critical mass ” – a considerable minority of all legislators with significant impact, rather than a token few individuals – not to mention falling short of women’s representation as half of the world’s population.

The full and equitable participation of women in public life is essential to building and sustaining strong, vibrant democracies.

Accordingly, the meaningful participation of women in national, local, and community leadership roles has become an important focus on global development policy. Still, some may ask why it matters if women become political leaders, elected policymakers, or civil society activists. Why does the world need more women involved in all aspects of the political process? Women’s political participation results in tangible gains for democracy, including greater responsiveness to citizen needs, increased cooperation across party and ethnic lines, and a more sustainable future.

Women’s participation in politics helps advance gender equality and affects both the range of policy issues that get considered and the types of solutions that are proposed.   Research indicates that whether a legislator is male or female has a distinct impact on their policy priorities. There is also strong evidence that as more women are elected to office, there is a corollary increase in policy making that emphasizes quality of life and reflects the priorities of families, women, and ethnic and racial minorities.

In the words of the National Democratic Institute’s (NDI) Chairman Madeleine Albright, women in power “can be counted on to raise issues that others overlook, to support ideas that others oppose, and to seek an end to abuses that others accept.”

Further, in NDI’s 35 years of work in over 100 countries around the world, we have  found that, more than men, women tend to:

• work across party lines
• be highly responsive to constituent concerns
• help secure lasting peace
• encourage citizen confidence in democracy through their own participation, and
• prioritize health, education, and other key development indicators.

Women’s engagement is crucial—and it is important to recognize that women are not a homogeneous group. Depending on whether women are young or older, educated or uneducated, live in rural or urban areas, they have very different life experiences that lead to different priorities and needs. Moreover, not every woman elected to parliament or another legislative body will place women’s issues or rights at the forefront of her own agenda. Clearly, women’s representation is not the only factor, but it is a critical factor for the development of inclusive, responsive, and transparent democracies.

So, why women in politics? The positive impact of women in politics is undeniable.  Kofi Annan noted, “study after study has taught us, there is no tool for development more effective than the empowerment of women. No other policy is as likely to raise economic productivity or to reduce child and maternal mortality. No other policy is as sure to improve nutrition and promote health, including the prevention of HIV/AIDS. No other policy is as powerful in increasing the chances of education for the next generation.” Further, as Madeleine Albright has stated, the world is wasting a precious resource in the dramatic underrepresentation of women in leadership positions, often resulting in the exclusion of women’s talents and skills in political life.

Male and female legislators must work together in order to solve the myriad of problems in their countries. In order to meet worldwide development goals and build strong, sustainable democracies, women must be encouraged, empowered and supported in becoming strong political and community leaders.

Women in Politics: Their Role and Impact on America

Women's participation in political spheres, which ranges from grassroots activism and civic engagement to vying for high-ranking positions, has witnessed remarkable progress over the years. However, persistent challenges remain in terms of multiplying women's political influence and supporting the empowerment of women to take on government leadership roles. This article aims to shed light on the historical context, achievements, obstacles, and ongoing efforts to ensure equitable representation and influence for independent candidates and women in politics. Through examining these aspects, we can gain a deeper understanding of the vital role women play in shaping policies, advocating for social change, and contributing to the advancement of societies worldwide.

Understanding the Historical Evolution of Women's Political Influence

The role of women in American politics has evolved significantly over the years. From the early suffragist movements of the late 19th and early 20th centuries to the present day, women's participation in politics has been marked by determination and resilience. The suffrage movement that was started by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony culminated in the 1920 adoption of the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution which granted women the right to vote. This watershed moment laid the foundation for greater involvement of women in the political arena.

However far as the United States has evolved in terms of women's empowerment and their impact on American politics, we still have a long way to go if we want to catch up to the rest of the developed world. In our 247 years as a country, America has never elected a woman to the presidency. In fact, it wasn't until Hillary Clinton's 2016 run that the United States had a viable female candidate at the top of a major party ticket. We've only just elected our first woman VP in 2020, exactly 100 years after women finally earned their hard-fought right to vote. There have been several notable women running for president as independent candidates over the years, including: • Victoria Woodhall (Equal Rights Party, 1872; Humanitarian Party, 1892) • Charlene Mitchell (Communist Party, 1968) • Evelyn Reed (Socialist Workers Party, 1972) • Sonia Johnson (Citizens Party, 1984) • Gavrielle Holmes (Workers World Party, 1984) • Cynthia McKinney (Green Party, 2008) • Jill Stein (Green Party, 2012, 2016) At the congressional level , the states of Mississippi and North Dakota have never elected a woman to either chamber of Congress. There are six states that have only sent one woman each to the US legislature. Our latest congressional class, the 118th Congress, has the highest-ever number of women in leadership with 22 female freshman members . The total number of women in both chambers is 153 . The total number of elected officials in Congress is 435 . Compare these percentages to countries like Belgium and Denmark , where women in leadership make up nearly half of their legislative bodies. As far as governorships in America, 2022 was another banner year for women in public office. There are now 12 women elected as the heads of their respective states out of 50. The trajectory of women's political influence goes up as you study leadership positions at the state and local levels. This is where women are demonstrably more influential and have a greater chance of winning elections. Such news is encouraging to those of us who are working hard to increase civic engagement and diversity in politics through grassroots advocacy and the promotion of third-party candidates at all levels of government .

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The Role of Women in Shaping Political Narratives: Breaking Stereotypes and Creating Change

In the face of societal stereotypes and cultural expectations, women in politics have continually defied odds and shattered glass ceilings. From local city councils to the highest echelons of government, women have proven their ability to lead effectively.

Figures like Shirley Chisholm , who became the first African American woman elected to Congress in 1968, and Geraldine Ferraro , who became the first female vice-presidential candidate for a major party in 1984, have left an indelible mark on American politics.

Women politicians often bring unique perspectives to the table, broadening the discourse on issues like healthcare, education, and social welfare. Their emphasis on collaboration, empathy, and consensus-building has enriched political narratives, promoting a more diverse, inclusive, and compassionate approach to governance.

However, any victories have been hard-won, and we still have a long way to go if we are to experience the benefits of true gender balance in politics.

Exploring Challenges and Opportunities: Gender Disparities in Political Leadership

Despite remarkable progress, gender disparities persist in political leadership. Women continue to be underrepresented in Congress, governorships, and other high-ranking positions. The reasons for this gap are multifaceted.

Persistent gender bias, limited access to campaign financing, and challenges in balancing political careers with family responsibilities all contribute to this imbalance.

The phenomenon known as the " ambition gap " sheds light on an underlying issue: women often require more encouragement to consider political roles compared to their male counterparts. Encouragement, mentorship, and programs aimed at cultivating political interest among young women are crucial in addressing this disparity.

Women's Influence on Policy Discussions: From Local to Global Impact

Women in politics have proven their ability to drive policy discussions and effect real change. Research shows that women legislators tend to introduce and advocate for policies that address issues such as healthcare, education, family support, and gender equality.

For example, the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act , which addresses pay discrimination, was championed by women legislators.

Furthermore, women's political progress isn't confined to national politics alone. Women's involvement in local governance, civic engagement, and community activism plays a pivotal role in shaping policies that directly affect people's lives. From grassroots movements advocating for environmental protection to community initiatives addressing housing and poverty, women are at the forefront of driving positive change.

Navigating Gender Bias and Empowerment Strategies: Strategies to Overcome Obstacles

The journey for women in politics is fraught with gender biases that can undermine their credibility and influence. Media scrutiny often focuses on their appearance and personal lives, diverting attention from their qualifications and policy positions. Overcoming these challenges requires resilience, strategic communication, and the ability to stay focused on the issues that matter.

Empowerment strategies play a crucial role in dismantling gender barriers. In addition to GoodParty.org's emphasis on recruiting viable third-party candidates across the board, organizations like EMILY's List, She Should Run, and IGNITE have emerged to support and train women for political leadership.

Encouraging women to run for office, providing networking opportunities, and offering resources for campaign management are integral steps toward supporting women's rights in politics and fostering gender parity in political representation.

13 Ways to Increase Representation and Participation of Women in the American Political System

Increasing the representation and participation of women in the American political system is crucial for achieving gender equality and ensuring a more inclusive democracy.

Here are several strategies that can be employed to help elect women in public office:

1. Encourage Political Ambition from an Early Age Schools and community organizations can play a role in promoting political engagement among young girls. Programs that teach leadership skills, public speaking, and the basics of government can instill confidence and interest in political careers and promote the empowerment of women in government from a young age.

2. Address Gender Bias and Stereotypes Efforts to challenge and change societal perceptions of women's leadership capabilities are essential. Media, political parties, and organizations should actively combat gender biases that portray women as less capable leaders or focus on irrelevant personal attributes.

3. Implement Gender Quotas Gender quotas, either voluntary or mandated, can help ensure a minimum level of female representation in political offices. Countries like Sweden, Rwanda, and Norway have successfully implemented quotas to support women's political movements and increase their participation in politics.

4. Support Women's Political Training and Mentorship There's a growing list of organizations like GoodParty.org that offer training, mentorship, and resources that are designed to ignite women's political aspirations and help them navigate the political landscape. Such programs provide valuable knowledge, networking opportunities, and support needed to run successful campaigns.

5. Promote Family-Friendly Policies Family responsibilities often ignite women's political activism and impact a woman's decision to enter politics. Implementing family-friendly policies such as affordable childcare, paid parental leave, and flexible work arrangements can make it easier for women to balance political careers with personal responsibilities.

6. Increase Funding Opportunities Women often face challenges in accessing campaign funding, which is crucial for running competitive campaigns. Efforts to provide financial support and resources specifically targeted at women candidates can help level the playing field.

7. Create Safe and Inclusive Political Spaces Addressing issues of harassment and discrimination within political spaces is essential. Creating environments where women feel safe, valued, and respected is pivotal for the empowerment of women and their meaningful participation in politics.

8. Highlight Women's Achievements and Contributions Recognizing and celebrating accomplishments and highlighting women's impact on policy can serve as inspiration for others. By showcasing women's role in government through successful female leaders, we will reinforce the idea that women can excel in political roles.

9. Engage Men as Allies Men also play a critical role in promoting the empowerment of women entering public service and gender equality in politics. Male allies can actively support women's campaigns, advocate for inclusive policies, and challenge sexist behavior.

10. Promote Networking and Coalition-Building Building networks and coalitions that bring together women from diverse backgrounds can amplify their voices and increase their collective influence in the political arena.

11. Incorporate Intersectionality Recognize that the experiences of women differ based on factors such as race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and socioeconomic background. Policies and initiatives should be designed to address the unique challenges of diversity in politics, especially those faced by women from marginalized groups.

12. Lobby for Electoral Reforms Advocate for changes in electoral systems that promote gender parity, support independent candidates, and elevate women in leadership positions. Proportional representation, ranked-choice voting, and other reforms can create more opportunities for women to be elected.

13. Cultivate Female Political Role Models The visibility of successful women in politics encourages others to follow suit. Promoting women's stories and experiences as political leaders can inspire future generations.

Increasing women's representation in American politics requires a multifaceted approach that involves societal changes, policy reforms, and a cultural shift. By implementing these strategies and fostering a more inclusive political environment, we can work towards a future where women's voices are equally heard and valued in shaping the policies and direction of our nation.

Final Thoughts

The role of women in American politics is a story of progress, determination, and the constant pursuit of equality. From historic suffrage movements to contemporary battles for representation, women have continually demonstrated their ability to lead, advocate, and shape policies that resonate with the needs of diverse communities.

However, in some ways, the battle for equal representation in government has just begun. The voice of women in the political system is nowhere near representative of women in the population as a whole.

As an advocate for grassroots civic engagement, you can become part of the solution.

While challenges like gender bias and underrepresentation persist, concerted efforts from individuals, organizations like GoodParty.org, and society at large are steadily paving the way for a more equitable political landscape that includes women and independent candidates from all walks of life.

Recognizing and celebrating the achievements of women in politics is not only a testament to their resilience but also a call to action for greater gender parity and inclusivity at all levels of governance.

As we move forward, it is imperative to ensure that the voices and perspectives of women remain central to the democratic processes that shape our nation. We urge you to join our growing movement as we push for independent political leadership and diversity in politics that includes promoting gender equality at all levels of government.

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Women in Politics

Last updated on September 22, 2023 by ClearIAS Team

Achieving gender parity in politics is still a long way off, as data show that women are underrepresented at all levels of decision-making globally.

According to UN Women, as of September 2022, there were 30 women serving as elected heads of state and/or of government in 28 countries (out of a total of 193 UN member states).

Table of Contents

Women’s Representation in Parliament

Despite a large increase in the number of women participating in elections, data on women’s representation in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha indicate that the proportion of women representatives has remained low in comparison to their male counterparts.

The percentage of Women elected to Lok Sabha stood at 14.94% and in Rajya Sabha at 14.05%.

Also read:  Women’s Reservation Bill

Women Representatives in Politics

Due to patriarchal social norms and beliefs, women have historically been marginalized and exploited in India. Social reform movements that started in the 19th century were successful in promoting the welfare and empowerment of women.

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After India gained independence, its Constitution established equal rights for men and women in all political, social, and economic spheres.

Constitutional Status

• The fundamental rights of men and women are guaranteed by Part III of the Constitution.
• The Directive Principles of State Policy ensure economic empowerment by mandating maternity leave, humane working conditions, and equal pay for equal work performed by men and women.
• Political equality and the right to vote are guaranteed by Articles 325 and 326 of the Constitution.
• In 1992, the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Constitution mandated that one-third of the seats in municipal and Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) be set aside for women. The goal of the amendment was to increase women’s participation in grass-root decision-making.
• India has also made a lot of measures to empower women in other areas, such as marriage and employment. For instance, the Supreme Court has granted daughters the same status as a coparcener in Hindu families, providing them with access to the inheritance.

Women’s Participation in Local Politics

PRIs in rural areas and municipalities or municipal corporations in cities and towns make up India’s third tier of local government.

In 1992, the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments were introduced to “provide new opportunities for local level planning, effective execution, and monitoring of various social and economic development programs in the country.”

One of the most significant and transformative features of these amendments was the requirement that one-third of the seats up for election in local bodies be reserved for women.

Studies have shown that the policy led to a phenomenal rise in the political participation of women at the local level. Since then, 20 of India’s 28 states have raised the reservation to 50 percent.

Challenges in Women’s Representation

Social stereotypes, a male-dominated political party structure, family obligations, a lack of resources, and different institutional barriers all prevent women from running in and winning state or parliamentary elections. Details of such challenges faced by women are:

Inaccessibility of Institutions

The patriarchal mindsets that plague India’s male-dominated party structures make it difficult for female politicians to win party nominations to stand in parliamentary elections. Election results reveal that while most political parties promise in their charters to ensure enough representation for women, in practice far too few women candidates receive party tickets.

Challenging Environment

Women politicians have been constantly subjected to humiliation, inappropriate comments, abuse, and threats of abuse, making participation and contesting elections extremely challenging.

Political Prejudice

Women candidates receive fewer tickets from political parties because it is still largely believed in the political community that they have a lower chance of winning elections than men do. Even female members of political dynasties are more likely to be assigned “safe” seats those that had been held by a male relative where their success is almost guaranteed.

Non-Congenial Structural Conditions

Election campaigns in India are extremely demanding and time-consuming.  Due to their responsibilities for family and kid care, women politicians frequently struggle to engage completely. In fact, research shows that having a supportive family is essential for women leaders to be able to pursue a full-fledged political career.

Financial Dependency

Financing campaigns are another barrier due to the fact that many women rely on their families for financial support. The cost of contesting parliamentary elections can be very high, and substantial financial resources are needed to mount a serious effort.

Criminalization of Politics

There is also the danger of criminalized politics, in which strength becomes more important than intellect. As a result, women are more inclined to compete for reserved seats, which are known to be less competitive and hence less influenced by money and muscular power.

Capacity Building Programme ‘She is a Changemaker’

The National Commission for Women (NCW) launched a pan-India capacity-building program, “ She is a Changemaker ,” for women representatives at all levels, from gram panchayats to parliament members and political workers, including office bearers of National/State political parties, to enhance the leadership skills of grassroots women political leaders.

The capacity-building program will be carried out in collaboration with regional training institutions with the aim of enhancing the decision-making and communication abilities of female political leaders, including oration, writing, etc.

Political empowerment is fundamentally facilitated by legislative representation, which makes it possible to take part in the making of laws. Legislative bodies are essential for generating discussion and debate about various aspects of governance as well as for holding the government to account. The level of gender equality in parliamentary politics is mostly determined by the proportion of women in the national parliament.  India is the largest and one of the most resilient parliamentary democracies in the world with a female population of 662.9 million.  As the movement for women’s political emancipation gathers momentum, women’s organizations and civil society must continue to help them assert their presence within the larger political and social landscape.

Article Written By: Priti Raj

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Background Essay: Women in the Political World Today

Directions:

Keep these discussion questions in mind as you read the background essay, making marginal notes as desired. Respond to the reflection and analysis questions at the end of the essay.

Discussion Questions

• Skim the quotes shown in Appendix B: Timeline and Quotes and select for discussion a few that most powerfully express the pathway toward legal equality for women.
• Regarding the principle of equality, have we achieved the promise of the Declaration of Independence? Are we there yet?

Before and after they won the right to vote, women have played an active role in American politics and public life. In the 1920s, the newly enfranchised women did not agree how to take the next steps towards legal equality. From the beginning of American history to the present, women of all backgrounds and political persuasions have exercised their First Amendment rights, voicing concerns that reflect their understandings of what constitutes the best way of life for a free people.

What historians call First Wave Feminism encompassed the period from the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention to 1920 when the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment guaranteed the right of American women to vote. The focus during this period was on removing legal barriers to women’s participation in political life. Even before the Nineteenth Amendment had been ratified, NAWSA President Carrie Chapman Catt founded the League of Women Voters, whose initial purpose was to provide non-partisan education for women’s new civic responsibility of voting. Just as they had advocated several different approaches to win the vote, the newly enfranchised women did not all agree on the next steps they should take in pursuit of full legal equality. State laws limiting women’s property rights, opportunity to serve on juries, education and job prospects, and other roles in society continued to be barriers to women’s civil, economic, and social goals.

Equal Rights Amendment Proposed 1923

The National Woman’s Party advocated an equal rights amendment to the Constitution, requiring that men and women would be treated exactly the same under all U.S. laws. In 1923, Alice Paul proposed an amendment stating, “Men and women shall have equal rights throughout the United States and every place subject to its jurisdiction.” The amendment had many prominent supporters among professional women.

But many others did not support this idea. In particular, many “labor feminists” disagreed, arguing for “specific bills for specific ills.” In other words, these women argued that not all laws that treated men and women differently were bad. Discriminatory laws that hurt women should be repealed, of course, but they believed others, such as laws aimed at protecting women from especially long work hours, or laws requiring maternity leave should remain. About fifty years later, another equal rights amendment proposal would again fail to gain sufficient traction and fall in defeat.

As large numbers of women entered the work force during World War II, some in Congress spoke up to ensure equal pay for equal work. Republican Representative Winifred C. Stanley proposed a bill banning wage discrimination based on sex in 1942, but the bill failed. The 1944 Republican Party platform included support for an equal rights amendment.

By the end of World War II, a generation had passed since the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. Many women of child-bearing age who worked outside the home during the war returned home, but others remained in the workforce. According to Department of Labor statistics, the labor force participation rate of women ages 16 – 24 declined slightly and leveled off through the 1950s, but labor force participation rates of women older than that have continued to rise throughout the succeeding decades.

Photograph of President Kennedy and former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, 1962. National Archives and Records Administration.

The President’s Commission on the Status of Women 1963

Just as the suffrage movement had gained strength alongside other social and legal reforms, the women’s movement of the 1960s developed alongside a Civil Rights Movement. In 1961, President John F. Kennedy issued Executive Order 10925 directing federal contractors to “take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed and that employees are treated during employment without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin.” This gave rise to what came to be called “affirmative action,” or taking steps to ensure greater numbers of minorities (and, later, women) were provided opportunities and access to various settings like college and the workplace.

President Kennedy was concerned about protecting equal rights for women. However, the proposed equal rights amendment stirred up fears of threats to women’s traditional roles among some conservatives across the country, and he needed to walk carefully in order to avoid angering those tradition-minded Democrats. Kennedy’s solution was the President’s Commission on the Status of Women, whose goal was to make recommendations for, “services which will enable women to continue their role as wives and mothers while making a maximum contribution to the world around them.”

Run by Esther Peterson, Assistant Secretary of Labor, and chaired by former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, the committee of 20 lawmakers and philanthropists examined employment practices, labor laws, tax regulations, and other factors that they believed contributed to inequality. The commission issued its report in 1963, calling for a number of reforms including:

• Equality of jury service
• Reform of property and family laws that disadvantaged women
• State laws guaranteeing equal pay for equal work
• Tax deductions for child care for working parents
• Expansion of widow’s benefits under Social Security
• Expanded adult education
• Taxpayer-funded maternity leave
• Taxpayer-funded universal day-care

One immediate response to the commission report was that Congress passed the Equal Pay Act (1963), prohibiting wage discrimination based on gender within the same jobs. The commission also likely heightened the sense among Americans that the national government should play an active role in promoting women’s equality.

Eleanor Roosevelt and others at the opening of Midway Hall, one of two residence halls built for female African American government employees, 1943. National Archives and Records Administration.

The Feminine Mystique and Second Wave Feminism

The express goal of the president’s commission had been to safeguard the important role of wives and mothers in the home, while expanding their opportunity to pursue additional roles and responsibilities in society. As did most of the earlier advocates for women’s equality, the commission valued the work of homemakers and wished to protect mothers’ vital role in the family. A new, “second wave” of feminism was about to gain strength and it challenged the assumption that this was necessarily the most vital role of women.

The same year that the commission released its report, Betty Friedan published The Feminine Mystique, a critique of the middle-class nuclear family structure. Friedan pointed to what she called “the problem that has no name,” or the pervasive, below-the-surface dissatisfaction of middle-class housewives that she herself had experienced. Friedan argued these homemakers whose husbands provided a comfortable living for their families had been lulled into a false consciousness, believing themselves happy when they were actually bored and unfulfilled. This delusion was the “mystique.” If Friedan believed there was a cultural “myth” of a happy housewife, she created a new, competing narrative alongside it of frustrated wives held captive in what she called “a comfortable concentration camp.” While not every woman agreed that housewives were being fooled into believing themselves happy, this landmark book drew many white, middle-class women to what was called Second Wave Feminism

Second Wave Feminists rejected the idea that gender roles or morality flowed out of natural law. They believed gender roles were purely social constructs, and that morality, especially as it related to sexual conduct, was subjective. In their view, it was generally the consent or lack of consent between adults that made an act right or wrong.

Second Wave Feminists went beyond the legal equality as defined by earlier reformers to advocate also for measures intended to bring about equality of outcome. Groups such as the National Organization for Women, which Friedan helped found, lobbied for taxpayerfunded day care, no-fault divorce, legalized abortion (including taxpayer-funded abortions through Medicaid), and other reforms.

Photograph of Betty Friedan, 1960. Library of Congress.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965

The momentum for civil rights and women’s rights would converge again a year later. President Kennedy had asked Congress to pass legislation “giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public—hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments.” Congress began claiming authority under the Interstate Commerce Clause to regulate private businesses, reasoning that discriminatory practices by “public accommodations” such as restaurants and hotels affected citizens’ abilities to travel between states.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibited racial segregation in private businesses that served the public, and banned discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex and national origin. It also banned discrimination in places receiving federal funds such as public universities.

Congress passed the Voting Rights Act the next year banning racial discrimination in voting. This federal law helped protect the rights of African American men and women in places where legal barriers such as literacy tests had been erected to prevent them from voting.

The Story Continues

Social scientists debate the effects of the cultural changes brought about by Second Wave Feminism. Many point to the numerous objective measures showing women today enjoy greater autonomy than at any time in U.S. history, and perhaps that of the world: high standards of living, educational attainment, and broad career choices. Yet, the National Bureau of Economic Research found in 2009 that subjective assessments of happiness were not keeping up:

“ By many objective measures, the lives of women in the United States have improved over the past 35 years, yet we show that measures of subjective well-being indicate that women’s happiness has declined both absolutely and relative to men. [Women] in the 1970s typically reported higher subjective well-being than did men.”

Second Wave Feminism was followed in the 1990s by Third Wave Feminism, which focused on layers of oppression caused by interactions between gender, race and class. And as has happened with all social movements fought in the name of women, many women rejected the movement and held more conservative views.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, 2009. Department of State.

What effect has women’s suffrage had on politics?

It should be noted that, just as there are class, ethnic, and racial divisions among males, as well as other specific issue positions that influence an individual’s political choices, the same divisions exist among women. Women do not generally vote as a block. However, given that important caution, there are some identifiable differences between the voting trends of women compared to those of men. The Center for the American Woman and Politics (CAWP) at Rutgers

University tracks those trends. Beginning in the 1920s, women were a little more likely than men to favor the Republican Party, but that trend began to reverse by 1980, and women since then have continued to be more likely to favor the Democratic Party. In presidential elections since that time, women have preferred the Democratic candidate over other parties by four to ten percentage points. Since 1980, women’s turnout rate has been a little higher than that of men. Further, women are more likely than men to favor a more active role for the federal government in expanding health care and basic social services, to advocate restrictions on guns, to support same-sex marriage, and to favor legal abortion without restrictions.

In addition to making their mark as voters, women have gradually made their mark as successful candidates. In 1916, the first female member of Congress, Jeannette Rankin, won her bid to represent her district in Montana. In 1968, Shirley Chisholm of New York became the first African American congresswoman (though it should be noted that she did not want to be remembered by that description, but as a person who “had guts.”) According to CAWP data, in 1971 women made up three percent of people elected to U.S. Congress, seven percent of statewide elective offices, and 0 in state legislatures. In 2016, Democrat Hillary Clinton became the first female presidential candidate of a major party. In November 2018, women comprised 20% in U.S. Congress, 23.4 % in statewide elective offices, and 25.5 % in state legislatures. In the November 6 midterm elections, voter turnout across the nation was the highest in any midterm election in 100 years, with 50.1% of the voting-eligible population casting their ballots. As of January 2019, a record 121 women serve in the 116th United States Congress, 102 years after Jeannette Rankin was elected. Following the midterm election, women comprised 23.6 % in U.S. Congress, 27.6 % in statewide elective offices, 28.6 % in state legislatures.

Horace Greeley wrote in 1848, “When a sincere republican is asked to say in sober earnest what adequate reason he can give, for refusing the demand of women to an equal participation with men in political rights, he must answer, none at all. However unwise and mistaken the demand, it is but the assertion of a natural right, and such must be conceded.” Frederick Douglass in 1869 asked Susan B. Anthony whether she believed granting women the vote would truly do anything to change the inequality under the law between the sexes. She replied, “It will change the nature of one thing very much, and that is the dependent condition of woman. It will place her where she can earn her own bread, so that she may go out into the world an equal competitor in the struggle for life.” The political environment has changed considerably since the early days of women’s struggle for suffrage and equality. The participation of women in the public sphere has helped make the American republic more representative, and has removed many of the restrictions that formerly stood between individuals and the enjoyment of their natural rights.

Women of all backgrounds and political persuasions act on their understandings of what constitutes the best way of life for a free people, and suffrage is one of many important ways that they participate in public life. The principle of freedom of speech, press, and assembly, enshrined in the First Amendment, ensures the legal right to express one’s opinions freely, orally or in writing, alone or through peaceable assembly, no matter how offensive their point of view may seem to others. These First Amendment guarantees have been and will continue to be integral to the efforts of those seeking social and legal reforms in America.

REFLECTION AND ANALYSIS QUESTIONS

• What action did Alice Paul’s National Woman’s Party advocate after women won the right to vote?
• What was the goal of the President’s Commission on the Status of Women?
• In the years leading up to the Commission, most women were married in their early 20s. Families had more children during this time than any other in American history (known as the Baby Boom), but they spaced their children more closely together so mothers were finished having babies at a younger age than other generations. What effect might this have had on women’s concerns at the time?
• What is Betty Friedan’s connection to Second Wave Feminism?
• Betty Friedan wrote, “The feminist revolution had to be fought because women quite simply were stopped at a state of evolution far short of their human capacity.” How does this view compare to that of early advocates for equality and suffrage such as Abigail Adams, Angelina Grimké, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, or Carrie Chapman Catt?
• In what ways did the principle of freedom of speech, press, and assembly empower Second Wave Feminists, as well as their opponents?
• Consider the “official” and “unofficial” methods of change. Direct action aimed at winning the vote had an impact, but so did opportunity to participate more fully in the workforce. How might expanding opportunities for work outside the home have reinforced – or hindered- the movement to win the vote?
• Use the Principles and Virtues Glossary as needed and give examples of ways the varying approaches to post-1920s efforts to expand rights for women reflected any three of the constitutional principles below. Further, give examples of how such reform efforts require individuals to demonstrate any three of the civic virtues listed below.

Principles : equality, republican/representative government, popular sovereignty, federalism, inalienable rights

Virtues: perseverance, contribution, moderation, resourcefulness, courage, respect, justice

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Women Representation In Politics: Need, Significance, and Challenges

This editorial is based on the news “ Pakistan parties intensify efforts to form coalition government after split verdict in February 8 elections ” which was published in the Hindu. This article highlights that the only way for increasing women’s political participation is to provide them reservation in Parliament and State Assemblies .

Why Women Representation In Politics Is Needed?

• Role of Political Parties: It is surprising that the political parties were not enthusiastic about giving tickets to more women candidates. 
• Role of Women Voters: The voters, too, did not seem keen on electing women candidates, even after the Women’s Reservation Bill was passed. 

Women Representation In Politics: The Case of Rajasthan

• The Statistics: In the current Rajasthan Assembly , the total number of women MLAs is 20 (nine each from the Congress and the BJP and two independents). 
• This shows that voters seem to prefer male candidates to female candidates. 
• Reason of Reluctance: This low vote outcome to some extent explains why political parties may be reluctant to give tickets to women candidates and why mandatory quota within the party may not be the way forward for increasing women’s representation in politics.
• There were 13 Assembly constituencies where the Congress fielded male candidates against the BJP’s female candidates and at last BJP won 6 seats and Congress won 7.
• Similarly, the BJP fielded male candidates against the female candidates of the Congress in 21 Assembly constituencies. Of these, the male candidates of BJP won in 15 Assembly seats and the female candidates of the Congress won in only 6. 

No Contagion Effect

• In the first-past-the-post system , if one party provides a gender quota, it does not incentivise other parties to follow suit.
• The Congress awarded 40% of tickets to women candidates in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, but this did not lead to a higher representation of women. 

Political participation by women is a critical indicator of gender equality and societal progress. From India to the far reaches of the globe, women continue to challenge stereotypes, break barriers, and make their voices heard in the world of politics. Providing a quota for women in Parliament and State Assemblies seems to be the only way to increase their political representation.

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A global story

This piece is part of 19A: The Brookings Gender Equality Series . In this essay series, Brookings scholars, public officials, and other subject-area experts examine the current state of gender equality 100 years after the 19th Amendment was adopted to the U.S. Constitution and propose recommendations to cull the prevalence of gender-based discrimination in the United States and around the world.

The year 2020 will stand out in the history books. It will always be remembered as the year the COVID-19 pandemic gripped the globe and brought death, illness, isolation, and economic hardship. It will also be noted as the year when the death of George Floyd and the words “I can’t breathe” ignited in the United States and many other parts of the world a period of reckoning with racism, inequality, and the unresolved burdens of history.

The history books will also record that 2020 marked 100 years since the ratification of the 19th Amendment in America, intended to guarantee a vote for all women, not denied or abridged on the basis of sex.

This is an important milestone and the continuing movement for gender equality owes much to the history of suffrage and the brave women (and men) who fought for a fairer world. Yet just celebrating what was achieved is not enough when we have so much more to do. Instead, this anniversary should be a galvanizing moment when we better inform ourselves about the past and emerge more determined to achieve a future of gender equality.

Australia’s role in the suffrage movement

In looking back, one thing that should strike us is how international the movement for suffrage was though the era was so much less globalized than our own.

For example, how many Americans know that 25 years before the passing of the 19th Amendment in America, my home of South Australia was one of the first polities in the world to give men and women the same rights to participate in their democracies? South Australia led Australia and became a global leader in legislating universal suffrage and candidate eligibility over 125 years ago.

This extraordinary achievement was not an easy one. There were three unsuccessful attempts to gain equal voting rights for women in South Australia, in the face of relentless opposition. But South Australia’s suffragists—including the Women’s Suffrage League and the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, as well as remarkable women like Catherine Helen Spence, Mary Lee, and Elizabeth Webb Nicholls—did not get dispirited but instead continued to campaign, persuade, and cajole. They gathered a petition of 11,600 signatures, stuck it together page by page so that it measured around 400 feet in length, and presented it to Parliament.

The Constitutional Amendment (Adult Suffrage) Bill was finally introduced on July 4, 1894, leading to heated debate both within the houses of Parliament, and outside in society and the media. Demonstrating that some things in Parliament never change, campaigner Mary Lee observed as the bill proceeded to committee stage “that those who had the least to say took the longest time to say it.” 1

The Bill finally passed on December 18, 1894, by 31 votes to 14 in front of a large crowd of women.

In 1897, Catherine Helen Spence became the first woman to stand as a political candidate in South Australia.

South Australia’s victory led the way for the rest of the colonies, in the process of coming together to create a federated Australia, to fight for voting rights for women across the entire nation. Women’s suffrage was in effect made a precondition to federation in 1901, with South Australia insisting on retaining the progress that had already been made. 2 South Australian Muriel Matters, and Vida Goldstein—a woman from the Australian state of Victoria—are just two of the many who fought to ensure that when Australia became a nation, the right of women to vote and stand for Parliament was included.

Australia’s remarkable progressiveness was either envied, or feared, by the rest of the world. Sociologists and journalists traveled to Australia to see if the worst fears of the critics of suffrage would be realised.

In 1902, Vida Goldstein was invited to meet President Theodore Roosevelt—the first Australian to ever meet a U.S. president in the White House. With more political rights than any American woman, Goldstein was a fascinating visitor. In fact, President Roosevelt told Goldstein: “I’ve got my eye on you down in Australia.” 3

Goldstein embarked on many other journeys around the world in the name of suffrage, and ran five times for Parliament, emphasising “the necessity of women putting women into Parliament to secure the reforms they required.” 4

Muriel Matters went on to join the suffrage movement in the United Kingdom. In 1908 she became the first woman to speak in the British House of Commons in London—not by invitation, but by chaining herself to the grille that obscured women’s views of proceedings in the Houses of Parliament. After effectively cutting her off the grille, she was dragged out of the gallery by force, still shouting and advocating for votes for women. The U.K. finally adopted women’s suffrage in 1928.

These Australian women, and the many more who tirelessly fought for women’s rights, are still extraordinary by today’s standards, but were all the more remarkable for leading the rest of the world.

A shared history of exclusion

Of course, no history of women’s suffrage is complete without acknowledging those who were excluded. These early movements for gender equality were overwhelmingly the remit of privileged white women. Racially discriminatory exclusivity during the early days of suffrage is a legacy Australia shares with the United States.

South Australian Aboriginal women were given the right to vote under the colonial laws of 1894, but they were often not informed of this right or supported to enroll—and sometimes were actively discouraged from participating.

They were later further discriminated against by direct legal bar by the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act, whereby Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were excluded from voting in federal elections—a right not given until 1962.

Any celebration of women’s suffrage must acknowledge such past injustices front and center. Australia is not alone in the world in grappling with a history of discrimination and exclusion.

The best historical celebrations do not present a triumphalist version of the past or convey a sense that the fight for equality is finished. By reflecting on our full history, these celebrations allow us to come together, find new energy, and be inspired to take the cause forward in a more inclusive way.

The way forward

In the century or more since winning women’s franchise around the world, we have made great strides toward gender equality for women in parliamentary politics. Targets and quotas are working. In Australia, we already have evidence that affirmative action targets change the diversity of governments. Since the Australian Labor Party (ALP) passed its first affirmative action resolution in 1994, the party has seen the number of women in its national parliamentary team skyrocket from around 14% to 50% in recent years.

Instead of trying to “fix” women—whether by training or otherwise—the ALP worked on fixing the structures that prevent women getting preselected, elected, and having fair opportunities to be leaders.

There is also clear evidence of the benefits of having more women in leadership roles. A recent report from Westminster Foundation for Democracy and the Global Institute for Women’s Leadership (GIWL) at King’s College London, shows that where women are able to exercise political leadership, it benefits not just women and girls, but the whole of society.

But even though we know how to get more women into parliament and the positive difference they make, progress toward equality is far too slow. The World Economic Forum tells us that if we keep progressing as we are, the global political empowerment gender gap—measuring the presence of women across Parliament, ministries, and heads of states across the world— will only close in another 95 years . This is simply too long to wait and, unfortunately, not all barriers are diminishing. The level of abuse and threatening language leveled at high-profile women in the public domain and on social media is a more recent but now ubiquitous problem, which is both alarming and unacceptable.

Across the world, we must dismantle the continuing legal and social barriers that prevent women fully participating in economic, political, and community life.

Education continues to be one such barrier in many nations. Nearly two-thirds of the world’s illiterate adults are women. With COVID-19-related school closures happening in developing countries, there is a real risk that progress on girls’ education is lost. When Ebola hit, the evidence shows that the most marginalized girls never made it back to school and rates of child marriage, teen pregnancy. and child labor soared. The Global Partnership for Education, which I chair, is currently hard at work trying to ensure that this history does not repeat.

Ensuring educational equality is a necessary but not sufficient condition for gender equality. In order to change the landscape to remove the barriers that prevent women coming through for leadership—and having their leadership fairly evaluated rather than through the prism of gender—we need a radical shift in structures and away from stereotypes. Good intentions will not be enough to achieve the profound wave of change required. We need hard-headed empirical research about what works. In my life and writings post-politics and through my work at the GIWL, sharing and generating this evidence is front and center of the work I do now.

GIWL work, undertaken in partnership with IPSOS Mori, demonstrates that the public knows more needs to be done. For example, this global polling shows the community thinks it is harder for women to get ahead. Specifically, they say men are less likely than women to need intelligence and hard work to get ahead in their careers.

Other research demonstrates that the myth of the “ideal worker,” one who works excessive hours, is damaging for women’s careers. We also know from research that even in families where each adult works full time, domestic and caring labor is disproportionately done by women. 5

In order to change the landscape to remove the barriers that prevent women coming through for leadership—and having their leadership fairly evaluated rather than through the prism of gender—we need a radical shift in structures and away from stereotypes.

Other more subtle barriers, like unconscious bias and cultural stereotypes, continue to hold women back. We need to start implementing policies that prevent people from being marginalized and stop interpreting overconfidence or charisma as indicative of leadership potential. The evidence shows that it is possible for organizations to adjust their definitions and methods of identifying merit so they can spot, measure, understand, and support different leadership styles.

Taking the lessons learned from our shared history and the lives of the extraordinary women across the world, we know evidence needs to be combined with activism to truly move forward toward a fairer world. We are in a battle for both hearts and minds.

Why this year matters

We are also at an inflection point. Will 2020 will be remembered as the year that a global recession disproportionately destroyed women’s jobs, while women who form the majority of the workforce in health care and social services were at risk of contracting the coronavirus? Will it be remembered as a time of escalating domestic violence and corporations cutting back on their investments in diversity programs?

Or is there a more positive vision of the future that we can seize through concerted advocacy and action? A future where societies re-evaluate which work truly matters and determine to better reward carers. A time when men and women forced into lockdowns re-negotiated how they approach the division of domestic labor. Will the pandemic be viewed as the crisis that, through forcing new ways of virtual working, ultimately led to more balance between employment and family life, and career advancement based on merit and outcomes, not presentism and the old boys’ network?

This history is not yet written. We still have an opportunity to make it happen. Surely the women who led the way 100 years ago can inspire us to seize this moment and create that better, more gender equal future.

• December 7,1894: Welcome home meeting for Catherine Helen Spence at the Café de Paris. [ Register , Dec, 19, 1894 ]
• Clare Wright, You Daughters of Freedom: The Australians Who Won the Vote and Inspired the World , (Text Publishing, 2018).
• Janette M. Bomford, That Dangerous and Persuasive Woman, (Melbourne University Press, 1993)
• Cordelia Fine, Delusions of Gender: The Real Science Behind Sex Differences, (Icon Books, 2010)

This piece is part of 19A: The Brookings Gender Equality Series.  Learn more about the series and read published work »

About the Author

Julia gillard, distinguished fellow – global economy and development, center for universal education.

Gillard is a distinguished fellow with the Center for Universal Education at the Brookings Institution. She is the Inaugural Chair of the Global Institute for Women’s Leadership at King’s College London. Gillard also serves as Chair of the Global Partnership for Education, which is dedicated to expanding access to quality education worldwide and is patron of CAMFED, the Campaign for Female Education.

Read full bio

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Three Essays on the Power of Women

O n International Women’s Day 2023, the Journal of Democracy recognizes the key role that women play as citizens and leaders in democracies—and the struggle for even basic rights that women in many parts of the world still face today. Following are three recent Journal of Democracy essays that highlight the power of women’s participation in politics and government.

How Women Make the World Safe for Democracy

The suffragists imagined that a greater role for women in democratic politics would lead to a more peaceful world. Few realize how right they were.

By Joslyn N. Barnhart and Robert F. Trager

How Autocrats Weaponize Women’s Rights

Why are authoritarian regimes championing gender equality? Modern dictators want to appear progressive, liberal, and democratic, while distracting from their worst abuses.

By Pär Zetterberg and  Elin Bjarnegård

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Women's Suffrage Spring 2006

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70 | World War II: Portraits of Service | Spring 2024

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58 | Resilience, Recovery, and Resurgence in the Wake of Disasters | Fall 2020

57 | Black Voices in American Historiography | Summer 2020

56 | The Nineteenth Amendment and Beyond | Spring 2020

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54 | African American Women in Leadership | Summer 2019

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50 | Frederick Douglass at 200 | Winter 2018

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Women in American Politics in the Twentieth Century

By sara evans.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, women were outsiders to the formal structures of political life—voting, serving on juries, holding elective office—and they were subject to wide-ranging discrimination that marked them as secondary citizens. Over the course of the century, however, women in America moved dramatically (though still not equally) into all aspects of public life—politics, labor-force participation, professions, mass media, and popular culture.

Deeply divided by race, class, religion, ethnicity, and region, women do not always identify with one another, and as a result women’s collective identity—their sense of solidarity as women—has waxed and waned. Twice in the twentieth century, however, a significant wave of feminist activism generated a surge of change in women’s status. Each wave continued in less visible ways into subsequent decades. The story of these changes is a story of persistent activism, sometimes louder and more unified, sometimes quieter and dispersed. It is also a story of dramatic change, as women have staked their claim to full participation in American public and political life.

In 1900 women’s legal standing was fundamentally governed by their marital status. They had very few rights. A married woman had no separate legal identity from that of her husband. She had no right to control her biological reproduction (even conveying information about contraception, for example, was illegal), and no right to sue or be sued since she had no separate standing in court. She had no right to own property in her own name or to pursue a career of her choice. Women could not vote, serve on juries, or hold public office. According to the Supreme Court, they were not "persons" under the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which guarantees equal protection under the law.

These realities reflected an underlying ideology about women and men that allocated the public realms of work and politics to men and that defined women’s proper place in society as fundamentally domestic. With women confined to the realm of the home, their responsibility to society lay in raising virtuous sons (future citizens) and dutiful daughters (future mothers). Over the course of the nineteenth century, however, women had pushed at the boundaries of their domestic assignment, both by choice and necessity. They invented forms of politics outside the electoral arena by establishing voluntary associations and building other institutions in response to unmet social needs. In the 1830s, when women like Sarah and Angelina Grimké began to speak publicly against slavery, the mere appearance of a woman as a public speaker was considered scandalous. By 1900, however, women appeared in all manner of public settings, laying a foundation for change in the twentieth century.

This brief sketch of women’s conditions at the beginning of the century points to several seeds of change that would bear fruit in the first few decades. The expansion of women’s education, and women’s move into a wide variety of reform efforts and professions laid the ground for a massive suffrage movement that demanded the most basic right of citizenship for women.

The claim of citizenship was in many ways a deeply radical challenge to the ideology of separate spheres for men and women. It asserted the right of women to participate in civic life as individuals rather than to be represented through the participation of their husbands or fathers. The growing power of the women’s suffrage movement rested both on women’s collective consciousness, born in female associations, and on increased individualism among women in an urbanizing, industrializing economy.

Although the suffrage movement was clearly dominated by educated, white women, it became a mass movement in the 1910s when its goals were increasingly shared by working-class and African American women who had their own political agendas, which were linked to struggles of working people and which opposed racial discrimination. The shared exclusion of these different groups from the individual right of civic participation underscored their common womanhood.

Following their victory when the Nineteenth Amendment was passed, leaders of the national American Woman Suffrage Association joyfully dismantled their organization and reassembled as the newly formed League of Women Voters. Their new task, as they defined it, was to train women to exercise their individual citizenship rights. Such a reorientation was congruent with the popular culture of the 1920s, which emphasized individual pleasures along with individual rights. The development of a consumer economy that emphasized pleasure and used sexuality to sell products offered women paths out of submissive domesticity and into more assertive forms of individualism. These paths did not require solidarity; indeed they undermined it. In this environment, the female subculture that relied on a singular definition of "woman" eroded. Female reform efforts remained a powerful force in American politics—laying much of the groundwork for the emergence of a welfare state—but a broad-based movement for women’s rights no longer existed after 1920. (Similarly, the pace of reform in other areas like education and labor-force participation reached a plateau and remained relatively unchanged for several decades after 1920.) To many Americans in the 1920s and successive decades, modern women were individuals. And feminism became an epithet.

The loss of female solidarity meant that women’s organizations in subsequent decades drew on narrow constituencies with very different priorities. Professional women, lonely pioneers in many fields, felt the continuing sting of discrimination and sought to eradicate the last vestiges of legal discrimination with an Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). The National Women’s Party, one of the leading organizations in the struggle, first proposed the ERA in 1923. But another group of suffragists, social reformers who feared that recently won protections for working women might be lost, strongly opposed the ERA, though they continued to advocate a stronger role for government in responding to social welfare. Many of them—with leaders like Eleanor Roosevelt—assumed key positions in the 1930s and shaped the political agenda known as the New Deal. In particular, their influence on the Social Security Act helped to create the foundations of the welfare state. Even among female reformers, however, alliances across racial lines remained rare and fraught with difficulty. As the progressive female reform tradition shaped an emergent welfare state, African American voices remained muted, with the concerns of these reformers about the needs of working mothers left unaddressed.

By mid-century the conditions that would stimulate another surge of activism had emerged. During the Second World War women joined the labor force in unprecedented numbers. Perhaps most significant, by 1950 it was normative for married women and women over thirty-five to be in the workforce. Yet Cold War culture, in the aftermath of World War II, reasserted traditional gender roles. The effort to contain women within the confines of the "feminine mystique" (as Betty Friedan later labeled this ideology), however, obscured rising activism among different constituencies of women. Under the cover of popular images of domesticity, women were rapidly changing their patterns of labor-force and civic participation, initiating social movements for civil rights and world peace, and flooding into institutions of higher education.

In the 1960s and 1970s, women’s activism was part of a wider "rights revolution" that eliminated most legally sanctioned discrimination based on race and gender. The slogan "the personal is political" became the ideological pivot of the second wave of American feminism. This belief drove a variety of challenges to gendered relations of power, whether embodied in public policy or in the most intimate personal relationships.

The force of this direct assault on the public/private dichotomy has left deep marks on American politics, on American society, and on the feminist movement itself. Issues like domestic violence, child care, abortion, and sexual harassment have become central to the American political agenda, exposing deep divisions in American society that are not easily subject to the give-and-take compromises of political horse-trading. Controversy over these issues revealed not only male hostility to various feminist demands but also deep fissures among women themselves. By the late 1970s, with the mobilization of anti-abortion forces and the formation of Phyllis Schlafly’s Stop-ERA movement, antifeminism had become a strong political force. In the face of widespread cultural anxiety about equality for women and changing gender roles, the Equal Rights Amendment stalled after 1975 and went down to defeat in 1982 despite an extension of the deadline for ratification. Antifeminism drew on the insecurities of a declining economy in the wake of the Vietnam War and on the growing political power of the New Right, which made cultural issues (abortion, the ERA, family values, and homophobia) central to its agenda.

Not unlike the situation in the 1920s, antifeminism flourished in the 1980s even as women aggressively pursued individualistic goals that a new legal climate allowed. "Firsts" abounded: In 1981 President Reagan nominated the first woman to the Supreme Court, Sandra Day O’Connor; in 1984, for the first time a major political party nominated a woman (Representative Geraldine Ferraro) to run for vice president; the first woman astronaut flew into space, while newly educated women flooded into professions and businesses from which they had been barred. And political activists invented new mechanisms of power and influence. In 1984, by collecting and packaging small checks from tens of thousands of women to support female candidates, Ellen Malcolm founded EMILY’s List, which in the 1990s became the most powerful PAC (Political Action Committee) in the Democratic Party. By the end of the century, women not only enjoyed a wide range of civic rights, but had also made serious advances in electoral politics at local and state levels. Even the possibility of a woman president was being widely discussed, something that would have been unthinkable in 1900. While change has not been steady, the American political landscape has clearly been transformed by women over the past 100 years.

Sara Evans is Regents Professor Emeritus of History at the University of Minnesota. Her publications include  Tidal Wave: How Women Changed America at Century’s End  (2003) and  Personal Politics: The Roots of Women’s Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left (1979).

Suggested Sources  

Books and printed materials.

On women in the 20th century: Banner, Lois W. Women in Modern America: A Brief History. Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1995.

Chafe, William Henry. The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991.

Evans, Sara M. Tidal Wave: How Women Changed America at Century’s End. New York: Free Press, 2003.

Kessler-Harris, Alice. In Pursuit of Equity: Women, Men, and the Quest for Economic Citizenship in 20th-Century America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Sarkels, Sandra J., Susan Mallon Ross, and Margaret A. Lowe. From Megaphones to Microphones: Speeches of American Women, 1920–1960. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003.

Schneider, Dorothy, and Carl Schneider. American Women in the Progressive Era, 1900–1920. New York: Facts on File, 1993.

Schneir, Miriam, ed. Feminism in Our Time: The Essential Writings, World War II to the Present. New York: Vintage Books, 1994.

Sigerman, Harriet, ed. The Columbia Documentary History of American Women since 1941. New York: Columbia University Press, 2003.

Ware, Susan, comp. Modern American Women: A Documentary History. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2002. On the League of Women Voters and the movement it represents: Fowler, Robert Booth. Carrie Catt: Feminist Politician. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1986.

Sharer, Wendy B. Vote and Voice: Women’s Organizations and Political Literacy, 1915–1930. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2004.

Stuhler, Barbara. For the Public Record: A Documentary History of the League of Women Voters. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000. For the history of the Equal Rights Amendment in the 20th century: Becker, Susan D. The Origins of the Equal Rights Amendment: American Feminism between the Wars. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981.

Feinberg, Renee. The Equal Rights Amendment: An Annotated Bibliography of the Issues, 1976–1985. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1986.

Jeydel, Alana S. Political Women: The Women’s Movement, Political Institutions, the Battle For Women’s Suffrage and the ERA. New York: Routledge, 2004.

Steiner, Gilbert Y. Constitutional Inequality: The Political Fortunes of the Equal Rights Amendment. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1985. On Alice Paul and the National Woman’s Party: Butler, Amy E. Two Paths to Equality: Alice Paul and Ethel M. Smith in the ERA Debate, 1921–1929. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002.

Lunardini, Christine A. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman’s Party, 1910–1928. New York: New York University Press, 1986. Studies of the changing role of African American women in movements to win rights for American women at large: Andolsen, Barbara Hilkert. "Daughters of Jefferson, Daughters of Bootblacks": Racism and American Feminism. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1986.

Gordon, Ann D., and Bettye Collier-Thomas, eds. African American Women and the Vote, 1837–1965. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1997.

Ruiz, Vicki L. and Ellen Carol DuBois, eds. Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women’s History. New York: Routledge, 1994.

Terborg-Penn, Rosalyn. African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850–1920. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998. By Betty Friedan: Friedan, Betty. The Feminine Mystique. Introduction by Anna Quindlen. New York: Norton, 2001.

Friedan, Betty. The Second Stage. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998. General studies and documentary sources on woman activists in the decades after World War II: Berkeley, Kathleen C. The Women’s Liberation Movement in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1999.

Collier-Thomas, Bettye, and V.P. Franklin, eds. Sisters in the Struggle: African American Women in the Civil Rights-Black Power Movement. New York: New York University Press, 2001.

Crawford, Vicki L. Crawford, Jacqueline Anne Rouse, and Barbara Woods. Women in the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941–1965. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990.

DuPlessis, Rachel Blau, and Ann Snitow. The Feminist Memoir Project: Voices from Women’s Liberation. New York: Three Rivers Press, 1998.

Echols, Alice. Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America, 1967–1975. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989.

Harrison, Cynthia Ellen. On Account of Sex: The Politics of Women’s Issues, 1945–1968. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.

Rupp, Leila J., and Verta A. Taylor. Survival in the Doldrums: The American Women’s Rights Movement, 1945 to the 1960s. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Abortion and reproductive rights are discussed in: Nelson, Jennifer. Women of Color and the Reproductive Rights Movement. New York: New York University Press, 2003.

Solinger, Rickie, ed. Abortion Wars: A Half Century of Struggle, 1950–2000. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. For changing aspects of women’s activism since 1980: Brown, Ruth Murray. For a "Christian America": A History of the Religious Right. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2002.

Clift, Eleanor, and Tom Brazaitis. Madam President: Women Blazing the Leadership Trail. New York: Routledge, 2003.

Critchlow, Donald T. Phyllis Schlafly and Grassroots Conservatism: A Woman’s Crusade. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005.  

Internet Resources

The National Equal Rights Amendment: http://www.equalrightsamendment.org/

The Sewall-Belmont House and Museum in Washington DC is maintained by the National Woman’s Party: http://www.sewallbelmont.org/

Search American Memory’s Women’s History Collections for Alice Paul and the National Woman’s Party: http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/browse/ListSome.php? category=Women's%20History

National Park Service provides an online exhibition on "Rosie the Riveter: Women Working during World War II," with first person memoirs, photos, posters, historical essays, etc.: http://www.nps.gov/pwro/collection/website/home.htm

National Organization for Women: http://www.now.org

Eagle Forum (to which Phyllis Schlafly is a regular contributor): http://www.eagleforum.org/

The League of Women Voters: http://www.lwv.org

The Eleanor Roosevelt Papers project at George Washington University provides lists of books, websites, lesson plans: http://www.gwu.edu/~erpapers/

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Breaking Barriers: The Evolution of Women in Politics

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Historical context and struggles, women's representation and leadership, advocacy and policy change, impact and the path forward.

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Gender stereotyping in political decision making.

• Nichole M. Bauer Nichole M. Bauer Department of Political Communication, Louisiana State University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.772
• Published online: 26 March 2019

Women are under-represented at every level of elected office in the United States. As of 2018, women held just under 20% of seats in Congress, 25% of state legislative seats across the country, only six women serve as governor, and, of course, a woman has yet to win the presidency. The political under-representation of women is not unique to the American context. Indeed, women’s under-representation is a feature of other Western Democracies. Even under the leadership of female prime ministers, women hold only 32% of seats in the United Kingdom parliament and 31% of seats in the German parliament. Conventional wisdom suggests that feminine stereotypes may disadvantage female candidates. Feminine stereotypes characterize women as sensitive, emotional, and weak, and these are qualities voters do not traditionally associate with political leadership. Rather, voters associate political leadership with masculine traits such as being tough, aggressive, or assertive. The extent to which voters use these stereotypes in political decision making in the American context is not entirely clear.

There are three ways that feminine and masculine stereotypes can affect political decision making: candidate strategies, campaign news coverage, and vote choice decision. The alignment between masculine stereotypes and political leadership frequently pressures female candidates to emphasize masculine qualities over feminine qualities in campaign messages. Motivating these masculine messages is the perception that voters see female candidates as lacking the masculine qualities voters desire in political leaders. Male candidates, because of the alignment between masculinity and leadership roles, do not face this pressure. Female candidates will, however, highlight feminine stereotypes when these strategies will afford them a distinct electoral advantage. The use of masculinity in candidate strategy leads the news media, in turn, to use masculine stereotypes rather than feminine stereotypes in their coverage of both female and male candidates.

The ways that candidates and the news media engage with gender stereotypes affects how voters use these concepts to form impressions of female and male candidates. Voters will use feminine stereotypes as heuristics to form impressions of the ideological and issue priorities of female candidates. Feminine stereotypes can hurt the electoral prospects of female candidates, but the negative effect of feminine stereotypes only occurs under a limited set of conditions. Voters will use feminine stereotypes to rate female candidates negatively when female candidates explicitly emphasize feminine qualities, such as being warm or compassionate, in campaign messages. But, voters respond positively to female candidates who emphasize positive masculine qualities. In sum, whether gender stereotypes affect voter decision-making depends on the extent to which voters see messages, either from campaigns or the news media, that reflect femininity or masculinity.

• gender stereotypes
• representation
• candidate evaluations
• media coverage
• candidate strategy
• partisan stereotype
• political decision making

Hillary Clinton’s historic nomination to the U.S. presidency, her presidential campaign, and subsequent electoral loss lead to an obvious yet important question: Did gender stereotypes contribute to her electoral defeat? Stereotypes about the appropriate norms and behaviors for women and men often came up as voters rated Clinton and her opponent. Voters rated Clinton negatively on qualities such as trustworthiness, a quality that fits into broader stereotypes about women (Prentice & Carranza, 2002 ), but voters also saw Clinton as having ample political experience to prepare her for the presidency, a quality that voters tend to see lacking in female candidates (Schneider & Bos, 2014 ). The negative rating on trust and positive rating on experience suggest that voters had a difficult time seeing Clinton as a candidate with both feminine and masculine qualities. Clinton’s opponent was not immune to criticisms: Voters saw Trump as untrustworthy, politically inexperienced, and quick to engage in displays of “hypermasculinity.” Yet, these negative perceptions did not undercut Trump’s electoral support among many voters. The full extent to which gender stereotypes affected Clinton’s loss and propelled Trump to victory is the subject of considerable debate among campaign strategies and political pundits. This debate mirrors the ambiguity in scholarly research about whether gender stereotypes affect how voters form impressions of female candidates running for national, state, and local government.

Empirical comparisons find that women in the United States win elections at the same rates as men (Seltzer, Newman, & Leighton, 1997 ), but vote total comparisons do not lend insight into whether gender stereotypes affect voter decision making. Extant scholarship offers conflicting conclusions on this point. A number of studies reason that gender stereotypes do not affect voter decision making because partisanship matters more to voters (Brooks, 2013 ; Dolan, 2014 ; Hayes, 2011 ). But other research illustrates that gender stereotypes can affect voter decision making under a limited set of conditions (Ditonto, Hamilton, & Redlawsk, 2014 ; Mo, 2015 ; Schneider & Bos, 2014 ), and often these stereotypes reduce support for female candidates (Bauer, 2015b ; Ditonto, 2017 ). The conditional use of gender stereotypes suggests that the messages voters receive can affect stereotype reliance (McGraw, 2003 ).

This manuscript outlines how and when gender stereotypes affect political decision making. The article begins by defining gender stereotypes and explaining how these concepts reflect conceptions of political leadership. There are three questions to address regarding the role of gender stereotypes in political decision making. First, how do candidates leverage gender stereotypes in campaign strategies? Second, how do the news media use gender stereotypes in coverage of political candidates? Third, how and when do voters use gender stereotypes? The final section outlines a series of future research questions that can deepen our understanding about how gender stereotypes affect the electoral process.

Clarifying the role of gender stereotypes in voter decision making matters because stereotypes can lead to bias against female contenders and thereby perpetuate the vast under representation of women in political office. As of 2018 , women hold less than 20% of seats in the U.S. House and the Senate; just under 25% of seats, on average, across American state legislatures; and only six women serve as governor (CAWP, 2016 ). The United States is not alone in its under representation of women. Other Western democracies also under represent women. For example, women hold only 32% of the seats in the British Parliament and 31% of seats in Germany’s parliament even though women serve as prime ministers in both these countries. The dearth of women in elected office has expansive implications for the substantive representation of women. Female lawmakers have been shown to advance the social, political, and economic policy interests of women (Holman, 2014 ; Swers, 2013 ). Thus, the paucity of women in political office directly affects the women’s well-being.

Defining Gender Stereotypes

Gender stereotypes encompass a set of behaviors and traits attributed separately to women and men. Feminine stereotypes characterize women as caring, sensitive, and weak and more likely to engage in supportive and compassionate behaviors (Prentice & Carranza, 2002 ). The assignment of these particular traits to women comes from the performance of women in supportive social roles that require compassion or kindness, such as being a homemaker or caregiver (Eagly, 1987 ). Masculine stereotypes characterize men as tough, aggressive, ambitious, and more likely to engage in behaviors that reflect power and authority (Heilman, 2001 ). Similar to women, the designation of these traits as masculine comes from the performance of men in agentic social roles that require decisiveness or strength, such as being a business or political leader (Koenig et al., 2011 ; Vinkenburg et al., 2011 ).

Feminine and masculine stereotypes are politically consequential because masculine stereotypes comport with the expectations voters have for political leaders, while feminine stereotypes clash with conceptions of political leadership (Rosenwasser & Seale, 1988 ; Alexander & Anderson, 1993 ; Conroy, 2015b ). Some feminine traits, such as being honest or fair, fit into the expectations voters hold for political leaders (Bishin, Stevens, & Wilson, 2006 ; Funk, 1999 ; Miller, Wattenberg, & Malanchuk, 1986 ), but voters see feminine traits as less important secondary leadership characteristics, while masculine traits are primary characteristics for political leaders (Funk, 1999 ; Huddy & Terkildsen, 1993b ). The high level of congruence between being male, having masculine traits, and being a leader (Eagly & Karau, 2002 ) means that voters will be more likely to assume men have the qualities needed to excel in political leadership, while voters may see female candidates as lacking the qualities needed for political leaders (Bauer, 2013 ; Bos, Schneider, & Utz, 2017 ). Of course, just because stereotypes about who is fit to serve in leadership exist does not mean that voters always use these stereotypes in decision making. The next two sections outline how candidates and the news media use gender stereotypes, and the subsequent section shows how the emergence of stereotypes in campaign communication affects voter decision making.

Gender stereotypes, in a political context, include nontrait stereotypes. Voters see female candidates as having a high level of expertise on issues that fit into the communal social roles traditionally held by women (Alexander & Anderson, 1993 ; Rosenwasser et al., 1987 ). Issues such as education and social welfare policy reflect government taking on a “compassionate” and “caregiving” role, which reflects the communal roles of women (Huddy & Terkildsen, 1993b ). Voters also see female candidates as more ideologically liberal than male candidates (McDermott, 1997 , 1998 ). This ideological association with liberality also reflects the communal roles of women given that a liberal ideology espouses a “caregiving” role of government in individual lives (Koch, 2000 ). The issue strengths of male candidates also come from the agentic social roles conventionally held by men. Voters ascribe male candidates and politicians as having a high level of expertise on national security and defense (Holman, Merolla, & Zechmeister, 2016 )—issues that reflect the “protector” roles of men. These nontrait political stereotypes are not necessarily part of how citizens stereotype women more generally, but they are stereotypes that are highly salient in a political context.

Candidate Reliance on Gender Stereotypes

Candidates use campaign ads, stump speeches, and rallies to frame themselves in a positive light and to persuade voters to support their candidacies (Fenno, 1978 ; McGraw, 2003 ; Popkin, 1994 ). As such, candidates will decide whether to highlight feminine or masculine stereotypes based on the extent to which they believe such stereotypes will provide an electoral advantage. Analyses of how candidates formulate campaign strategies suggest that female and male candidates hold different perspectives on the benefits of emphasizing gender stereotypes. Female candidates believe feminine stereotypes will undermine their candidacies but that they may face a punishment for being too masculine (Dittmar, 2015 ; Lawless & Fox, 2010 ). The result is that many analyses find that the gender stereotype content of female candidate strategies reflects the strategies of male candidates (Carlson, 2001 ; Dolan, 2014 ), but this does not mean that candidate sex does not motivate the way female candidates formulate messages.

Some content analyses of campaign websites and television ads find that female candidates emphasize feminine traits and feminine issues more frequently than they emphasize masculine traits and issues (Fridkin & Kenney, 2015 ; Herrnson, Celeste Lay, & Stokes, 2003 ; Herrick, 2016 ; Kahn, 1993 ; Schneider, 2014b ). These comparisons rely on a within-candidate sex analysis, comparing whether female candidates emphasize feminine or masculine qualities more frequently, rather than examining whether female candidates behave differently than male candidates. In fact, it appears both female and male candidates emphasize masculine traits and issues over feminine traits and issues (Bystrom, 2010 ; Dolan & Lynch, 2017 ; Dolan, 2005 , 2014 ; Sapiro et al., 2011 ). These seemingly divergent conclusions may come from differences in comparisons within candidate sex versus across candidate sex. Female candidates may be more likely to rely on feminine stereotypes relative to male candidates, but female candidates may use masculine stereotypes more frequently than feminine stereotypes in their own campaign strategies.

Another way to think about the formation of candidate strategy is to consider the influence of a candidate’s partisanship. American voters stereotype the political parties along gendered lines. Stereotypes of the Democratic Party match feminine stereotypes while stereotypes about the Republican Party match masculine stereotypes (Hayes, 2005 ; Winter, 2010 ). Some evidence suggests that partisanship is a primary driver of the way that candidates use feminine and masculine stereotypes in campaign messages (Dolan, 2014 ). If partisan concerns drive candidate evaluations, then female candidates should engage in strategies comparable to those of their copartisan male counterparts. In other words, Democratic women and men will highlight feminine traits and issues while Republican women and men will highlight masculine traits and issues. However, other research finds that both Democrats and Republicans frequently highlight both feminine and masculine traits (Fridkin & Kenney, 2015 ; Schneider, 2014b ).

Research generally assumes that male candidates behave as strategic actors who respond to the campaign environment when developing campaign strategies, but this assumption does not always extend to work on female candidate strategy. Scholarship on female candidate strategy often focuses on the candidate’s sex as the sole factor shaping decisions to avoid or embrace gender stereotypes. A growing body of scholarship, however, reveals that female candidates rely on feminine and masculine stereotypes based on the competitiveness of a race or the behavior of an opponent. For example, Windett ( 2014 ) found that female candidates only emphasize feminine issues when facing pressure from male opponents. Candidates, female and male, may also rely on feminine stereotypes to secure support from female voters (Holman, Schneider, & Pondel, 2015 ; Kam, Archer, & Geer, 2017 ; Schaffner, 2005 ; Searles et al., 2020 ). Finally, the level or type of office at stake (e.g., a local versus national office or a legislative versus executive office) can also factor into the decisions female candidates make to highlight feminine or masculine stereotypes. Fox and Oxley ( 2003 ) found that feminine stereotypes can benefit female candidates running for state-level executive offices because stereotypical women’s issues are more prominent at this level. The conflicting findings in the literature about whether female candidates incorporate feminine or masculine stereotypes indicate that female candidates may rely on both approaches, depending on the electoral context.

The most prevalent method of gauging stereotype reliance treats the use of feminine and masculine stereotypes as an either/or proposition. This approach implicitly assumes that female and male candidates rely exclusively on one stereotype strategy. It is entirely possible that female and male candidates rely on both feminine and masculine stereotypes over the duration of a campaign. Bauer ( 2015a ) reasons that female candidates adopt a “balancing approach” to stereotype reliance where they accentuate both masculine and feminine stereotypes in campaign messages. This approach allows female candidates to balance competing expectations that they be both feminine and masculine. Thus, female candidates may not necessarily turn to feminine stereotypes simply because they are women, and male candidates do not use masculine stereotypes simply because they are men.

The literature offers divided conclusions about when female candidates incorporate feminine or masculine stereotypes in campaign communication. This empirical conflict suggests female and male candidates may follow a conditional model of gender stereotype reliance. Under some conditions, candidates use feminine stereotypes, and under other conditions, candidates use masculine stereotypes. The effect of candidate communication on voter decision making is contingent on the news media amplifying the candidate’s message. The next section analyzes how the news media evoke gender stereotypes in campaign news coverage, including the extent to which female and male candidates can shape the content of campaign news.

News Media Reliance on Gender Stereotypes

A substantial amount of the information voters receive about political candidates comes through the news media, whether televised news, online, or print publication (Shaw, 2008 ; West, 2014 ). Using feminine or masculine stereotypes in candidate coverage can shape how voters use these concepts to evaluate candidates. There are two ways the news media can affect voter decision making. First, the news media can engage in different patterns of coverage for female relative to male candidates. Second, there can be a lack of agenda convergence where there is a disjuncture between news coverage and a campaign’s central message.

Evidence from recent elections indicates the news media rarely use feminine stereotypes to describe female candidates; rather, the news media use masculine stereotypes more frequently to describe both female and male candidates (Hayes & Lawless, 2015 ). Moreover, there are no significant differences in the quantity of coverage received by candidates (Hayes & Lawless, 2016 ). These newer findings of no influence of gender stereotypes in the American context deviate from earlier studies that found that female candidates received more horserace coverage and more coverage on feminine traits and feminine issues (Kahn, 1992 , 1993 ). News coverage in the decade after the proverbial “Year of the Woman” in 1992 covered female candidates differently from male candidates, in part, because of news values and norms. News values and norms dictate that the media cover events and political actors that are atypical, and in the 1990s, female candidates were certainly atypical candidates. A steady stream of female candidates over the past 25 years of American elections, including a female presidential nominee, means that these candidacies are no longer novel. Other democracies that are less candidate focused and have higher rates of women’s representation relative to the American context find, however, that gender stereotypes are prevalent in news coverage of female candidates (Kittilson & Fridkin, 2008 ). Contrary to Hayes and Lawless, increasing women’s political representation may lead to more and not fewer gender stereotypes in news coverage (Matland, 1994 ).

The lack of differences in the coverage received by female and male candidates does not mean that gender stereotypes are absent from elections. The extensive focus on masculine stereotypes reinforces the perception that politics is a masculine institution (Conroy, 2015b ). Masculine news coverage sends two signals to political candidates and to voters. First, the masculine content of news coverage signals to candidates that feminine stereotypes have little value in politics. This perception can lead female candidates to highlight masculine over feminine qualities to garner more news coverage. Second, using masculine stereotypes to characterize female and male candidates reinforces the role incongruity between being female and being a political leader. Even though the news media talk about the same type of issues and traits in candidate coverage does not necessarily mean that voters will respond to the information in a gender-neutral way.

Aside from explicit trait and issue references, there are other ways the news media can reinforce gender stereotypes. The news media discuss candidate personality traits, regardless of whether those traits are feminine or masculine, more frequently when a female candidate is on the ballot, while races with two male candidates are more likely to receive coverage about substantive policies (Dunaway et al., 2013 ). Female candidates are also more likely to receive coverage of their hair, clothes, or shoes relative to male candidates (Burns, Eberhardt, & Merolla, 2013 ; Heldman, Carroll, & Olson, 2005 ). Recent analyses suggest this more superficial type of campaign coverage may be dissipating when it comes to coverage of down-ballot candidates (Hayes & Lawless, 2016 ). Analyses of high-profile female candidates, such as Sarah Palin in 2008 and Hillary Clinton in 2008 and 2016 , find evidence of superficial news coverage (Burns, Eberhardt, & Merolla, 2013 ; Conroy, 2015a ; Falk, 2010 ). Hayes and Lawless ( 2016 ) reasoned that the subtle sexism exhibited in news coverage of high-profile female contenders is the exception rather than the rule. Nevertheless, the visibility of high-profile female candidates can still shape how voters use gender stereotypes to evaluate less visible political women.

Much of the research on the tone, quality, and quantity of candidate news coverage focuses on differences across candidate sex and does not consider how the intersection of race and gender shapes news coverage of female candidates. White female candidates are less likely to receive novelty news coverage in the present compared to the 1990s (Hayes & Lawless, 2016 ; Kahn, 1996 ), but minority women still receive novelty news coverage—if covered at all (Gershon, 2012 ; Ward, 2016 ). Again, news norms that value the unusual or atypical in a story can create these differences across candidate race and ethnicity. News coverage that draws attention to candidate race and/or gender can exacerbate the perception that minority women are political outsiders who do not fit conventional perceptions of political leadership.

A second way the news media can cover female and male candidates differently is through a lack of agenda convergence. Agenda convergence refers to the extent to which the news coverage of a candidate reflects the message of the candidate’s campaign (Hayes, 2008 , 2010 ; Ridout & Mellen, 2007 ; Sides, 2007 ). If news media do not accurately report the female candidate’s central campaign message, this could indicate bias in reporting—especially if convergence is more likely to occur for male candidates. Measuring agenda convergence between candidates and campaigns indicates that female candidates frequently emphasize feminine stereotypes (Fridkin & Kenney, 2015 ), but the news media use masculine stereotypes to cover female candidates (Hayes & Lawless, 2016 ). Possible causes of a disjuncture between female candidate strategy and news media coverage include news norms and routines that pressure journalists to focus on conflict between candidates, and this may not always reflect the message of a candidate.

In sum, analyzing lower level elections suggests few differences across candidate sex in the way stereotypes emerge in news coverage. High-profile elections for high-stakes offices such as the presidency may find evidence of feminine stereotypes in coverage. The dominantly masculine content of news coverage suggests that feminine qualities have a small role in the overwhelmingly masculine domain of politics. The next section considers how candidate strategy and the news media affect voter reliance on gender stereotypes in decision making.

Voter Reliance on Gender Stereotypes

Information disseminated to voters through campaigns and candidates can certainly affect the way voters use gender stereotypes to evaluate candidates. At a more basic level, a candidate’s sex can also affect how voters evaluate female and male candidates. Voters use candidate sex to form inferences about issue competencies and candidate ideology. Voters associate communal issues with female politicians such as education, health care, and social welfare policy (Alexander & Anderson, 1993 ; Schneider, 2014a ). Conversely, voters associate agentic issues such as national security, military policy, and foreign affairs with male politicians (Holman, Merolla, & Zechmeister, 2016 ). These issue inferences reflect the stereotypical social roles held by women and men. Voters form these types of inferences about both Democratic and Republican women (Sanbonmatsu & Dolan, 2009 , Bauer, 2018 )—even though voters see the Republican Party as owning masculine issues. Similarly, male candidates have an advantage on issues that demand power and authority, which fits into the conventional role of men as fighters, protectors, or leaders (Huddy & Terkildsen, 1993b ). Masculine issue ownership does not extend to Republican female candidates but extends to Republican male candidates (Bauer, 2018 ; Sanbonmatsu & Dolan, 2009 ).

An implication of these sex-based patterns of issue attributions is that voters rate female candidates poorly on stereotypically masculine issues and male candidates poorly on stereotypically feminine issues. The masculine issue deficit can harm female candidates because voters consider place defense and national security at the top of the political agenda (Holman, Merolla, & Zechmeister, 2011 , 2016 ; Lawless, 2004 ). Male candidates experience a competency deficit on issues that reflect stereotypically feminine strengths, but this deficit occurs most strongly for Republican male candidates and does not necessarily harm these candidates at the polls (Bauer, 2018 ).

Voters also use gender stereotypes to infer female candidates are more ideologically liberal compared to their male counterparts (Koch, 2000 , 2002 ; McDermott, 1997 , 1998 ). The perception of female candidates as more liberal holds for both Democratic and Republican female candidates. Stereotypes about women as focused on caring for others underlie this association because a liberal ideology supports an active, or caring, role for government. The association between being female and being liberal does not necessarily pose an obstacle for Democratic female candidates given that voters expect Democratic candidates to adhere to a liberal ideology. Perceiving Republican female candidates as more liberal than Republican male candidates, however, can make it more difficult for Republican women to win primary elections (Lawless & Pearson, 2008 ; Thomsen, 2014 ).

Gender stereotypes underlie the issue and ideological impressions voters form about female candidates, but it is not clear if these inferences directly affect vote choice decisions. The subsequent sections separately outline how and when feminine and masculine stereotypes affect the political choices voters make about candidates. A key factor affecting whether gender stereotypes affect voter decision making is the extent to which voters have information about candidates that conforms to feminine or masculine stereotypes.

Feminine Stereotypes in Voter Decision Making

Knowing that a candidate is female does not necessarily lead voters to see female candidates as weak, sensitive, or emotional (Brooks, 2013 ; Schneider & Bos, 2014 ), and feminine stereotypes may not automatically and directly affect voter decision making (Bauer, 2015b ; Dolan, 2014 ). One reason voters do not automatically turn to feminine stereotypes is that partisanship carries more weight in voter decision making. Voters will support a political candidate based on shared partisanship regardless of whether or not they perceive that candidate to have qualities consistent with feminine or masculine stereotypes (Bauer, 2015b ; Dolan, 2014 ).

Not all American voters readily identify with a political party (Klar & Krupnikov, 2016 ). Indeed, nearly 40% of voters in the United States identify as a political independent, though many of these Independents lean toward one political party over the other. True Independent voters, who do not lean toward one political party, are less motivated by shared partisanship in vote choice decisions and less likely to use partisan stereotypes to form impressions of female candidates. The result is that Independent voters see female candidates through the lens of feminine stereotypes and are less likely to vote for female candidates (Bauer, 2015c ). The increased salience of feminine stereotypes reduces electoral support for female candidates among Independents because of the incongruence between feminine stereotypes and masculine perceptions of political leadership. Thus, it is likely that for a large segment of the electorate candidate sex will override partisan motivations in decision making.

Exposure to campaign communication that reinforces feminine stereotypes can lead voters to associate female candidates with these stereotypically feminine traits when they otherwise may not (Bauer, 2015b ; Bos, 2011 ; Ditonto, Hamilton, & Redlawsk, 2014 ; Ditonto, 2017 ). Ditonto, Hamilton, and Redlawsk ( 2014 ) illustrate that voters seek out competency information about female candidates, and this behavior suggests that voters see female candidates as lacking the knowledge or experience necessary for holding political office. They also show that this tendency has changed very little from the 1990s. Highlighting feminine stereotypes poses risks for female candidates because this information can confirm the preexisting notion that female candidates lack leadership qualities.

Feminine stereotypes do not lead voters to form negative evaluations of male political candidates because of the high level of congruity between being male and being a leader (Bauer, 2017 ; Brooks, 2013 ). Emphasizing feminine stereotypes has an expansive effect on the impressions voters form of male candidates, leading voters to see male candidates as having both feminine and masculine traits and issues (Bauer, 2017 ; Schneider, 2014a ). Additionally, it is likely that voters will interpret the feminine traits used by a male candidate as aligning with partisan stereotypes rather than stereotypes about gender (Hayes, 2005 ). Voters will see a Republican male candidate who talks about compassion as trespassing on a trait owned by the Democratic Party and will see this candidate as having both compassion and strength.

There is evidence that feminine stereotypes do not always work to the detriment of female candidates. Highlighting feminine stereotypes can lead voters to see female candidates as bringing a fresh perspective to politics with a unique set of skills differentiating them from their male counterparts (Brown, Diekman, & Schneider, 2011 ). This positive effect can be especially beneficial for female candidates after a political scandal or crisis because voters will see women as more honest and ethical than male politicians (Barnes, Beaulieu, & Saxton, 2017 ). Moreover, female candidates benefit from emphasizing feminine stereotypes when women’s issues are at the top of the political agenda, as was the case in 1992 when a record number of women ran for and won political office (Dolan, 2004b ; Williams, 1998 ). Stereotypic women’s issues may have a higher place on the electoral agenda in state and local elections where issues such as education and health care often top the issue agenda (Fox & Oxley, 2003 ; Holman, 2013 ; Sanbonmatsu, 2006 ). Feminine stereotypes also motivate the gender affinity effect where female voters are more likely to support female politicians based on the belief these politicians will represent the interests of women (Sanbonmatsu, 2002 ; Dolan, 2004a ). In short, if the external campaign environment does not create a climate that leads voters to value feminine qualities in female candidates, then female candidates may not benefit from highlighting these qualities.

Masculine Stereotypes in Voter Decision Making

A consistent finding in the literature is that while voters do not automatically use feminine stereotypes to evaluate a female candidate, voters do not see female candidates as having masculine traits or having policy expertise on masculine issues (Leeper, 1991 ; Huddy & Terkildsen, 1993b ; Sapiro, 1981 ; Schneider, 2014a ). The incongruence between being female and being a political leader creates a dynamic where female candidates have to be more qualified than male candidates to be successful (Anzia & Berry, 2011 ; Huddy & Terkildsen, 1993b ). Indeed, successful women in American elections and in other Western democracies tend to have stronger qualifications than successful male candidates (Black & Erickson, 2003 ; O’Brien, 2015 ; Pearson & McGhee, 2013 ). Female candidates can use masculine stereotypes to persuade voters they have the qualities needed to fill leadership roles (Schneider & Bos, 2014 ). Emphasizing masculine stereotypes can affect voter decision making about female and male candidates in two ways. First, masculine stereotypes can enhance the leadership qualifications of female and male candidates; second, masculine stereotypes can lead to a backlash against either female or male candidates.

Among co-partisan voters, emphasizing positive masculine qualities that are also consistent with leadership expectations can improve the perception that female candidates fit into leadership roles (Bauer, 2017 ). Voter evaluations also improve when female candidates stress masculine issues (Schneider, 2014a ). Certain contexts, such as a national security crisis, may call for female candidates to emphasize masculinity. Holman, Merolla, and Zechmeister ( 2017 ) found that voters respond positively when female candidates emphasize their political acumen in dealing with national security issues. Voters will respond positively to female candidates who highlight masculine traits and issues if these masculine qualities comport with the expectations voters have for political leaders.

Masculine stereotypes can disadvantage female candidates under two key conditions. First, out-party voters will use feminine stereotypes to punish female candidates who behave in ways consistent with masculine stereotypes (Bauer, 2017 ; Bauer, Yong Harbridge, & Krupnikov, 2017 ). For example, Krupnikov and Bauer ( 2014 ) found that out-party voters punish female candidates for starting negative campaign attacks against a male opponent in a campaign. Airing a negative campaign ad, while considered a regular part of campaigning, breaks with feminine stereotypes of women as passive and weak. Important to note is that out-party male candidates do not face nearly as steep a punishment compared to out-party female candidates. In-party voters, because partisan concerns motivate them, will be much more forgiving of masculine female candidates.

Second, female candidates will face a backlash if their masculine behaviors do not fit into the expectations voters have for political leaders. Female candidates who engage in masculine displays of behavior, such as getting angry with a reporter, can face a punishment for straying too far from feminine stereotypes, but this is a punishment male candidates face as well (Brooks, 2013 ). Displaying anger fits stereotypes of men as aggressive, but anger also breaks with the expectation that political leaders be diplomatic and composed. The fact that both female and male candidates face a punishment for showing anger suggests that the negative reactions from this break with the normative expectations for political leaders and not necessarily because the female candidate violated feminine stereotypic expectations.

Feminine and masculine stereotypes can affect how voters form impressions of candidate traits, issue competencies, and candidate ideology. The extent to which feminine and masculine stereotypes affect the electoral choices voters make at the polls is much more ambiguous. The literature suggests that voter reliance on gender stereotypes depends on how the news media and political candidates emphasize these qualities. If female candidates highlight feminine traits, voters will then use feminine stereotypes to form negative assessments about the leadership abilities of female candidates. If female candidates avoid feminine traits, then voters will as well. Voters will use masculine stereotypes positively if female candidates emphasize positive masculine qualities that map onto the traits voters desire in political leaders. Masculine stereotypes can instigate a backlash toward female candidates among out-partisan voters.

Evidence suggests that voters do not use feminine or masculine stereotypes to negatively evaluate male candidates; thus, male candidates face few risks when incorporating gender stereotypes into campaign strategies.

Future Avenues in Gender Stereotype Research

This article has considered the conflicting research on how candidates and the news media operationalize gender stereotypes and how voters respond to the use of gender stereotypes in campaign communication. Voters do not automatically rely on gender stereotypes to evaluate female candidates, but these constructs can affect decision making under a limited set of conditions. Current scholarship has only begun to identify all the conditions that can lead to reliance on gender stereotypes; as such, future research should continue to expand our knowledge on this point. This final section considers three ways scholars can deepen our understanding of gender stereotypes in political decision making. First, scholars should examine how gender stereotypes interact with other stereotypes about candidates. Second, scholars can investigate how stereotypical information beyond traits and issues affects voter evaluations. Third, scholars should explore how gender stereotypes affect candidate evaluations after the election ends.

A growing body of literature finds that the overlap between partisan and gender stereotypes disadvantages Republican women (Bauer, 2018 ; Dolan, 2014 ; Thomsen & Swers, 2017 ; Thomsen, 2015 ). The numerical presence of Republican women in the U.S. Congress, holding approximately 5% of seats in the House and the Senate , lends credence to this conclusion. It is not entirely clear whether voters exhibit bias toward Republican female contenders. Some studies find that Democrat and Independent voters will cross partisan lines to support a Republican woman (King & Matland, 2003 ). Republican women may struggle to secure support from within their partisan ranks due to a perceived lack of ideological fit (Lawless & Pearson, 2008 ; Thomsen, 2015 ). Further complicating the role of gender stereotypes in evaluations of Republican women are perceptions of candidate ideology. Stereotypes about women as soft and compassionate conflict with stereotypes about Republicans as tough and aggressive, but stereotypes about women comport with a conservative ideology that values family and supports the traditional social roles of women as homemakers and caregivers. How voters make sense of this intersection between gender, party, and ideology is not well understood.

Stereotypes about gender can interact with stereotypes about partisanship but also with stereotypes about a candidate’s race, religion, occupational background, sexual orientation, or social class. For instance, stereotypes about Latino individuals and gender stereotypes combine to provide Latina political candidates with an electoral advantage (Bejarano, 2013 ). Moreover, racial stereotypes and gender stereotypes can intersect to give black female candidates a strong advantage among black female voters (Philpot & Walton, 2007 ). Differences in the way the news media cover minority versus nonminority female candidates can affect how voters form impressions of candidates (Gershon, 2012 ). Female candidates have complex political identities, and considering how these identities affect the strategies employed by candidates and how voters respond to such strategies is a critical next step for future research.

Current scholarship identifies how stereotypic traits, issues, and behaviors affect the way voters form impressions of female candidates. Future research should identify how other types of information can affect stereotype reliance. For instance, information about a candidate’s status as a mother or a father can affect gender stereotype reliance (Deason, Greenlee, & Langer, 2015 ). Much of the information voters receive about candidates comes through visual communication channels such as television news, websites, and other forms of social media. However, few studies investigate how images affect stereotype reliance. Bauer and Carpinella ( 2018 ) found that voters see female candidates who include images of the military on their websites as less viable electoral contenders. Other research suggests that nonverbal displays that do not reflect strength can negatively affect female candidate evaluations (Carpinella & Jonhnson, 2013 ; Everitt, Best, & Gaudent, 2016 ; Hehman et al., 2014 ). Identifying how voters respond to other forms of stereotypic information, beyond traits and issues, will clarify the conditions that affect how voters use gender stereotypes.

Voters hold expectations that political candidates and leaders should possess qualities consistent with masculine stereotypes; however, not all masculine qualities fit with the expectations voters hold for political leaders. Identifying how gender stereotypes affect the perception of female candidates as leaders requires developing a better understanding of what the stereotypes are that voters hold about political leadership. Research shows that female candidates face a limited backlash, mainly among out-partisan voters, when they behave in ways consistent with masculine stereotypes (Bauer, 2017 ; Bauer, Yong Harbridge, & Krupnikov, 2017 ; Brooks, 2013 ; Holman, Merolla, & Zechmeister, 2017 ; Krupnikov & Bauer, 2014 ). However, strategies that break with both masculine stereotypes and leadership stereotypes could lead in-partisan voters to reject female candidates. Developing a better conceptualization of what constitutes a leadership quality versus just a masculine quality will allow scholars to better understand how voters respond to the campaign strategies of female candidates.

Scant research pays attention to the way gender stereotypes operate in state and local elections. Much of the recent research on gender stereotypes tends to focus on congressional elections or executive-level offices. Women’s under representation is strikingly low at the state and local level. Female lawmakers hold an average of 25% of city council seats and only 20% of mayors of cities over 30,000 have a woman in office. A prevalent assumption in the literature is that feminine stereotypes will not hinder female candidates at the state and local level; in fact, stereotypes at these levels of office may be an advantage. Two factors motivate this assumption. First, as the level of office increases, the need to demonstrate masculinity also increases (Conroy, 2015b ; Rosenwasser & Dean, 1989 ). Second, state and local issues frequently reflect the stereotypical issue strengths of women (Holman, 2013 ; Windett, 2014 ). Huddy and Terkildsen ( 1993a ), however, find that voters prefer female candidates with masculine traits and not feminine traits even at a local level of office.

Examining how the stereotypic expectations voters have for candidates at different levels of office and the types of strategies female candidates can successfully employ is a fruitful area for future research.

Political institutions can shape the perceived utility of emphasizing gender stereotypes and can increase the opportunities for voters to use gender stereotypes in decision making.

Turning to research on how gender stereotypes operate in other democratic systems is a promising avenue for future research. Indeed, many studies investigate the role of gender stereotypes in other democratic systems and find that electoral and representative institutions can affect how voters use gender stereotypes, but voters do not erase gender stereotypes from their minds (see, e.g., Carlson, 2001 ; Matland, 1994 ; O’Brien & Rickne, 2016 ; O’Brien, 2015 ). Creating institutions that value feminine stereotypes as assets rather than deficits in female candidates can increase the political representation of women worldwide.

The gender stereotyping literature focuses on voter responses to female candidates during a political campaign. This focus makes sense given that elections call upon citizens to make choices about political candidates at the ballot. Voter evaluations of candidates often involve assessing how well a lawmaker performed in political office. It is not clear if voters use gender stereotypes in the same way to evaluate lawmakers compared to candidates. Two studies, by Bauer, Yong Harbridge, and Krupnikov ( 2017 ) and Vraga ( 2017 ), address this question by investigating voter responses to female candidates who fail to compromise on legislation or defy their political parties in the legislature. Both studies find that out-party female lawmakers face the steepest punishment. This work provides a starting point for investigating how voters use gender stereotypes to evaluate the behaviors of female relative to male lawmakers.

Political campaigns are environments shaped by gendered expectations that favor masculine qualities over feminine qualities (Dittmar, 2015 ; Conroy, 2015b ). Clinton’s use of feminine stereotypes through issues that disproportionately affect women such as pay equity as well as her “gender card” strategy may have led some voters to conclude that she lacked that “presidential look.” Conversely, Trump’s aggressive and combative campaign style reinforced masculine perceptions of the presidency. Female candidates can certainly try and overcome these masculine perceptual barriers by drawing on masculine traits and masculine issues in campaign messages, and these strategies can bolster electoral support among voters. Strategies that focus on feminine traits are less likely to resonate with voters when the candidate is a woman, but male candidates have greater flexibility to highlight either feminine or masculine stereotypes. These gendered dynamics mean that female candidates need to be much more cautious and strategic than male candidates when developing campaign strategies that avoid or highlight gender stereotypes.

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King's College London

04 May 2020

Why we need more women in politics

ZEENA DIDI: Better representation is essential for a properly functioning democracy

This piece was written by Zeena Didi, an MA Public Policy student at King's College London, as part of an internship with the Global Institute for Women's Leadership. 

The full and active participation of women in legislatures, equal to men, is not just a goal in itself, but central to building and sustaining democracies. The equal presence of women, their leadership and their perspective in parliaments is essential to ensure greater responsiveness to citizens’ needs.

Progress has certainly been achieved. There are more women legislators than ever before. Over the last 20 years, the proportion across the globe increased from 13 per cent in 2000 to 25 per cent in 2020. Some regions have experienced greater gains, such as Africa, where the number of women legislators increased from 11 to 24 per cent. The Arab states, too, have witnessed a significant increase, from 3 to 17 per cent. The share of women parliamentary speakers has also doubled over the past 25 years. Women are now serving as parliamentary speakers across all regions of the world with the exception of the Pacific.

Despite these gains, women still rarely hold leadership roles. It is also true that progress towards achieving gender balance in national parliaments across the globe is slow and uneven. By the dawn of 2020, women were leading just 20 of 193 nations and occupying a quarter of parliamentary seats globally. Women share an equal majority or more in only four parliaments around the world – Rwanda, Cuba, Bolivia and the United Arab Emirates. Global female representation is still below 30 per cent – the benchmark identified as the crucial level of representation to achieve a “critical mass” of female legislators to enable a significant impact, rather than a symbolic few.

That women occupy only a quarter of parliamentary seats across the world is a stark reminder of the pervasive and persisting nature of gender inequality. It is also indicative of the power dynamics within societies. Still, some may ask why it matters if there are more female legislators and political leaders? Why do we need more women involved in all aspects of the political process?

Put simply, it matters because women’s representation is necessary to ensure that democracy functions as effectively as possible.

Women are not a minority; they are half of the world’s population. For political institutions to be democratically legitimate and responsive to all citizens, they must be inclusive of the plurality of groups that exist within the population. This requires greater representation of women in national parliaments and broader diversity.

People’s interests and priorities are often shaped by their respective social, economic and ethnic differences. Female legislators belonging to various backgrounds can therefore bring a wide array of issues to the table for consideration and propose solutions accordingly. Furthermore, any democratic system benefits from having people from diverse backgrounds and life experiences represented in its political institutions. It enables us to draw on the full array of capacity and skills in the population in shaping policies for the advancement of all.

Since 1995, the world has made great strides towards achieving gender equality. For example, over the last 10 years, 131 countries have passed 274 legal reforms in support of gender equality. These include laws towards eliminating violence against women, childcare and universal healthcare. Research indicates that these achievements have coincided with an increasing number of female legislators around the world. One of the reasons for this is because women legislate differently compared to men. Even when women appear to be in limited numbers within the legislature, and economic and political dynamics make the task more difficult for women, findings suggest that women still legislate differently by placing a greater priority on women’s rights.

So, to conclude, why do women in politics matter? First and foremost, it is a matter of equity and human rights – both of which are cornerstones of a democratic society. Second, broad representation of women in parliaments has an enormous impact on what issues are raised and how policies are shaped. Third, it creates room to reform and revise discriminatory laws against girls and women. 

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An Essay on Women’s Political Representation

• Published: October 2020
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The Introductory Essay asks readers to consider four vignettes—on prostitution, Muslim women’s dress, abortion, and Marine Le Pen. The vignettes illustrate what the authors term the poverty of women’s political representation , representational problematics experienced by women in established democracies. These are also core issues identified in contemporary gender and politics research: of women’s ideological and intersectional differences, skewed political and parliamentary agendas, and disconnect from political parties and electoral politics. The vignettes adopt a dialogical style to clarify and magnify core concerns of the book, highlighting the contemporary relevance and importance of the book to academic scholarship and democratic practice. The discussion of the vignettes weaves through reflection on “representation as it should be,” what women’s good representation might be. There would be significant change to political institutions, political representatives, political parties, and parliaments; elected representatives would be institutionally and systemically required to represent women.

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Essay on the role of women in politics.

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Essay on The Role of Women in Politics!

A new dimension of women in politics emerged in recent years all over the world. More and more women have now been entering into politics. Conventional politics reflected male concerns and hence women were notably absent in politics.

Welfare policies had been constructed and reinforced women’s traditional position as wives and mothers. Women have struggled over issues affecting them, especially their rights to property and vote in the 19th century and to abortion, equal pay and nursery provision in the 20th century.

In India, reform movements before and after independence has helped women to gain some power in politics also. After independence they have achieved an unprecedented political break­through with the reservation of seats for them in panchayats and other public bodies.

It is heartening to note that Indian women were among the earliest to get their political rights (right to vote) without any political movement like in die United States and many Western countries. They were among the foremost to take active part in politics even in pre-independence times.

Indian women have a distinction to become UNO Secretary (Vijay laxmi Pandit), Prime Minister (Indira Gandhi), Chief Minister (Sucheta Kriplani, Jayalalitha, Uma Bharati, Mayawati and Vasundhara Raje) and even President (Pratibha Patil).

By becoming Pradhan or a ward member in a Gram Panchayat or any other civic body, or a member of State Assembly or Parliament, it augments respect within the family as well as in the community at large besides increasing their self-esteem, confidence and decision-making ability.

If we take the women’s participation in politics as one of the measure­ments of their emancipation, we find at present their number is very low in comparison to men in State Assemblies and Parliament. It is about 11 per cent only (26 women in upper house—Rajya Sabha consisting of 245 members and 59 women in lower house—Lok Sabha consisting of 543 members. There are only 8 women ministers out of total 75 in the government of Dr Manmohan Singh).

In Sweden 45 per cent seats are occupied by women in parliament. So far as the administration is concerned, there are only 592 women IAS officers out of 4,671 officers. The demand for special concessions and privileges along with the reservation of posts in assemblies and parliament (the bill is pending for the last more than ten years) and other civic institutions are a few steps towards women empowerment in India.

Women have started writing and reading what other women have written. During the last two decades the writings of many women writers (such as Arundhati Roy) have been acclaimed by the institutions of international repute. There are many women in the field of journalism which was previously dominated by men. Now, she blogs and networks using it for the freedom denied so far to voice her angst, express outrage and disapproval, fulfil the need for acceptance and approval.

In spite of many gains, much remains to be done to improve the status of women in India. The female work participation rate in India is only 26 per cent whereas it is 46 per cent in China. Some 34 (2011) out of every 100 women are illiterate as compared to only 13 in China.

Female foeticide accounts for an estimated half-a-million missing female births in India every year, lowering the female sex ratio to a dismal 914:1000 (2011). It is worst since independence. According to the report of UNICEF, India ranks at 115 out of 162 countries in matters of gender development.

Though the above changes signify positive gains from the point of view of equality for women, but the reality is beset with many problems and tensions. The observation about the gains in equality applies only on a meagre number of Indian educated women living in urban areas.

Many studies conducted in India and elsewhere (in so-called developed countries) revealed that equal sharing of housework is still a nightmare for women. Working wives find that housework and care of children is still largely their task, quite unequally wives shared with husband as on an average working wives/mothers are compelled to work at least 14 hours a day and even more. The weekend is less a time for rest and more to catch up on unfinished and pending tasks of the household.

The status of women in a society cannot be secured by her economic power alone as is generally supposed. It depends on culture also. As a micro study reports that ‘women’s participation in the job market is more intensive when they come from poor and very poor households.

Women’s income in particular becomes a means to survival of the poor people.’ Does this crucial income of poor women enhance their status? The study further reports. They are empowered as far as earnings are concerned but not with respect to spending the earnings.

The very attitude of considering women’s income supplementary and something not preferred … raises problems for women’s empowerment. Furthermore, ‘the limited empowerment that we have seen has been nurtured within the socio-economic-political empowerment process of people, including women, through the Panchayat system’ (Bagchi, 2000).

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Role Of Women In Politics (Essay Sample)

Role of women in politics.

Many people would attest that women are important in the social and political sphere currently, during the World War II and before the 19th century. In World War II, the capable men joined the army, and most of the women took up their roles in factories, farms besides caring at home. Many note that this was the beginning of women in the working force and their demands for equal rights. Thus, their position in the labor force was felt. However, this was not the initiation of women in the political arena. Women started featuring in the political sphere during revolution where American leaders used women in the economic boycotts in their struggle against the British rule.  The goal of the boycott was to cease the purchase of goods imported from Britain hence women were to increase production of the homespun and finding alternatives instead using the products that would only be obtained through importation. This domestic was realized to be playing a significant role in the political field at the time. It was this advent that culminated women’s discussion of politics which led to their political participation. Thus, women’s role in politics has been geared towards change for all in the society.

The dimension of women’s participation in politics is on the rise at the global level. More and more women are currently winning political seats as well as deciding on the election outcome due to their empowerment and reduction of conventional politics in the male dominated society.  Due to such environments, women have been on the forefront struggling to solve issues affecting them especially their rights to vote, right to own property, equal pay rights and the nursery provision in the 20th century.

The first real participation of women in politics was through money donation. The trend was initiated by Esther Reed and other women groups in the USA. These women collected money for donation to the American war efforts. General Washington accepted These funds. Later on, New Jersey adopted an election law that referred to voters as “he or she” hence gave women the right to vote. This act was adopted many years before the 19th-century amendment of the USA constitution.

Countries such as India have been experiencing a change in the political landscape for a long time where women gained their political rights, especially the rights to vote without a political movement. On the same note, women such as Vijay Laxmi Pandi from India was UNO Secretary while Indra Gandhi became the Prime Minister and Sucheta Kiplani, Jayalalitha, Uma Bharati, Mayawati and Vasundhara becoming Chief Ministers at different times.  These women have gained respect in the society and have improved on their self-esteem besides elevating the status of their communities due to their abilities to make decisions.

Other nations such as USA, Brazil, and Liberia just to mention a few, women have been instrumental in the parliament where policies are adopted affecting the society. For example, Ellen Johnson Sir-Leaf who is the first Africa’s female president in Liberia has played a significant role in reviving the country’s economy. Hillary Clinton of the USA became a senator and had made a positive impact in the American politics while Sarah Palin, the Governor of Alaska was picked by former U.S Presidential candidate John McCain. All these examples illustrate the strong will to include women in the political fields. However, their numbers in comparison to men are still wanting.  For example, Sweden has about 45 percent of the seats occupied by women in parliament. On the same note, the IAS has 592 women officers out of 4,671 officers. This number is minimal compared to men who have more than 4,000 officers.

In conclusion, the current society is appreciating the role of women and their participation in politics deciding on the election outcome besides contributing to the development of the nations. On the same note, women are striving to attain equality in their rights to all aspect such as voting, education and right to own property. Therefore, different governments should allow women to participate in politics just like men and should be provided with positions since they are also agents of change in the society.

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Women Reservation Act, 2023 - Women in Politics

• 06 Dec 2023
• 38 min read
• GS Paper - 2
• Constitutional Amendments
• Fundamental Rights
• Directive Principles of State Policy
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• Judgements & Cases
• Government Policies & Interventions
• Indian Constitution

For Prelims: Constitution (128th Amendment) Bill, 2023 , Constitution (106th Amendment) Act, 2023 , Lok Sabha , Rajya Sabha , State Legislative Assemblies , Delimitation Process , Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, 1979 , Constitution (104 th Amendment) Act, 2019 , Supreme Court , Triple Test , World Economic Forum (WEF) , Global Gender Gap Report 2023.

For Mains: Impact of Women’s Reservation Act, 2023 on promoting inclusivity in the democracy , making it more participative and eliminating gender gap in the long run.

What is the Women's Reservation Act, 2023?

• The Constitution (106 th Amendment) Act, 2023, reserves one-third of all seats for women in Lok Sabha , State legislative assemblies , and the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi, including those reserved for SCs and STs.
• The reservation will be effective after the publication of the census conducted following the Act’s commencement and endures for a 15-year period , with potential extension determined by parliamentary action.
• Currently, around 15% of the total members of the 17th Lok Sabha (2019-2024) are women while in state legislative assemblies, women on average constitute 9% of the total members.
• Despite progress, the representation of women in decision-making bodies remains relatively low, increasing from 5% in the first Lok Sabha to 15% in the 17 th Lok Sabha.
• The first three Bills (1996, 1998, 1999) expired when their respective Lok Sabhas dissolved.
• The 2008 Bill was introduced in and approved by the Rajya Sabha but also lapsed when the 15th Lok Sabha dissolved.
• However, in the present case, it will require adherence to the “Triple Test” laid down by the Supreme Court .
• considering reservations for women from other backward classes OBCs) at an appropriate time
• implementing reservations for a 15-year period with subsequent reviews
• devising a plan for reserving seats for women in the Rajya Sabha and state legislative councils.

Issue of Triple Test:

• Government sources said that reservations for women would require clearing the "triple test" .
• In 2010, the Supreme Court held that backwardness with relation to local bodies has to be “political” – such as underrepresentation in politics. It may differ from “social and educational backwardness”, which is used to grant reservations for seats in educational institutions or government jobs.
• First, the state was mandated to set up a dedicated commission to examine backwardness in local bodies within the state.
• Second, states were required to determine the size of the quota based on the commission survey data.
• Third, these reservations, combined with Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes quotas, could not be more than 50% of the total seats in the local body.
• However, such a “triple test” is not applied to political reservations for SC/STs, since the reservation in elections applies under Article 334.
• The “triple test” for representation of SC/STs “only applies in the case of quota for promotions in government employment.”

What are Different Committees and Their Reports on the Issue?

• It was created in response to a request from the UN for a report on the status of women ahead of International Women’s Year, 1975.
• Set up by the erstwhile Ministry of Education and Social Welfare.
• It examined the constitutional, administrative, and legal provisions that have a bearing on the social status of women, their education, and employment — and the impact of these provisions.
• Following this, several states began announcing reservations for women in local bodies.
• In 1987, the government constituted a 14-member committee under then Union Minister Margaret Alva.
• Among the committee’s 353 recommendations was the reservation of seats for women in elected bodies.
• In 1992, the 73 rd and 74 th Constitutional Amendment Acts were introduced under the Prime Ministership of P V Narasimha Rao.
• Many States such as Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Kerala have made legal provisions to ensure 50% reservation for women in local bodies.

First Women’s Reservation Bill

• However, many MPs, especially those belonging to the OBCs, opposed the Bill .
• Consequently, the bill was sent to a Select Committee of Parliament headed by Geeta Mukherjee.
• The Committee had 21 members from LS and 10 from RS.
• The panel noted that seats for women had been reserved within the SC/ST quotas, but there was no such benefit for OBC women because there is no provision for OBC reservation.
• It recommended that the government “may consider…extending…reservation to OBCs also at the appropriate time so that the women belonging to OBCs will also get the benefit of reservation”.
• In 2013, the Ministry of Women and Child Development constituted a committee on the status of women , which recommended ensuring at leas t 50% reservation of seats for women in the Local bodies , State Legislative Assemblies, Parliament, Ministerial levels and all decision‐making bodies of the government.

Present Status of Women Representation

• As per the World Economic Forum (WEF) ’s Global Gender Gap Report 2023 , India has made strides in political empowerment, achieving 25.3% parity in this domain.
• Women represent 15.1% of parliamentarians, which is the highest representation since the inaugural report in 2006.

What is Status of Women’s Reservation in Panchayats and ULBs?

• In 1985, the state government of Karnataka implemented 25% reservation for women in Mandal Praja Parishads with a sub-quota for scheduled caste and scheduled tribe women, becoming the first state to do so.
• In 1987, the erstwhile united Andhra Pradesh implemented 9% reservation for women in gram panchayats.
• The 1992 Constitutional amendment made this quota national, and inserted a 33% sub-quota for scheduled caste and scheduled tribe women.
• In 1992, following the recommendations of the National Perspective Plan for Women 1988-2000 , the 73 rd and 74 th Amendment Acts (1992) mandated the reservation of 1/3 rd of seats for women in Panchayati Raj institutions (PRIs) and in urban local bodies.
• Article 243D of the Constitution ensures participation of women in PRIs by mandating atleast 1/3rd reservation for women out of total number of seats to be filled by direct election and number of offices of chairpersons of Panchayats.

Status In Different States

• These 18 states, including Gujarat and Kerala have also made legal provisions for 50% reservation for women in PRIs.
• Lowest - Uttar Pradesh (33.34%)
• Overall percentage in India - 45.61%
• Bihar was the first one to increase the reservation percentage to 50% (in Panchayats and ULBs) in 2006 followed by Sikkim the next year.
• The issue centers around the Nagaland Municipal Act of 2001, which mandated a 33% reservation for women in ULB polls (as per 74th amendment).
• Their apex tribal body argues that women have traditionally not been part of decision-making bodies.
• Nagaland is the only state where ULB seats are not reserved for women.

What is Status of Women’s Reservation in Services in Different States?

• The Constitution of India does not expressly permit reservation for women in public employment. On the contrary, Article 16(2) prohibits discrimination in public employment on the ground of sex.
• Therefore, women can, at best, be provided only horizontal and not vertical reservation on the basis of the Supreme Court’s pronouncement in the famous Indra Sawhney’s case (1992).
• For example, if women have 50% horizontal quota , then half of the selected candidates will have to necessarily be women in each vertical quota category i.e., half of all selected Scheduled Caste candidates will have to be women, half of the unreserved or general category will have to be women, and so on.
• In 2006, Uttarakhand state government issued an order ensuring 30% horizontal reservation for women candidates in the state. This reservation was for public employment exclusively to state-domiciled women.
• In August 2022, the High Court of Uttarakhand stayed this order. However, in Nov 2022, the Supreme Court allowed the government to continue with its 16-year-old decision and stayed a HC order that had opened up the quota for women from anywhere in India.
• In January 2023, the government again came out with an ordinance to continue with the provisions of the reservation.
• In 2022, the Karnataka government reserved 33% for outsourced women employees in all the departments.
• As per the circular, the state government recruits data entry operators, housekeeping staff and other group D employees, drivers through outsourcing.
• The 33% reservation is applicable for all autonomous bodies, universities, urban local bodies, and other government offices.
• In 2022, on the occasion of Women's Day, Tripura govt has announced its decision to give a reservation of 33% to all women for any state govt job, or for higher educational institutions.
• In 2020, the Punjab state govt approved 33% reservation for women in direct recruitment for the Punjab Civil Services, boards and corporations.
• The 'Punjab Civil Services (Reservation of Posts for Women) Rules, 2020' provided such reservation for women for direct recruitment to posts in government, as well as in recruitment to Boards and Corporations in Group A, B, C, and D posts.
• In 2016, the state cabinet granted 35% reservation to women in all government jobs.
• Earlier, the state govt also made a provision for a reservation of 35% for women in the recruitment of police constabulary in the state.

Representation of Women in Other Sectors

• India has had one woman prime minister and two female presidents since independence in 1947.
• Fifteen women have served as chief ministers so far .
• India's Supreme Court has not had a single female chief justice so far.
• As of August 2023, there were three women judges in the apex court of a sanctioned strength of 34, 106 women judges out of 788 in the 25 high courts and 7,199 in the lower courts.
• Justice BV Nagarathna is in line to become the first woman Chief Justice of India in 2027.
• As of March 2023, there were 6,993 women officers in the Indian army, 748 in the navy. The strength of women officers in the Indian Air Force stood at 1,636, excluding medical staff.
• Women constitute 11.7% of the 2.1 million-strong police force.
• India has the highest proportion of female pilots to males in the world , making up 15% out of a total of about 10,000 pilots in the South Asian country, against 5% globally.
• With 62.9% female participation, agriculture has the highest percentage of women workers , followed by manufacturing, at 11.2% in 2022.
• Millions of Indian women are employed in unorganised sectors such as domestic and daily wage labourers.
• Women accounted for 18.2% of board seats at NIFTY 500 companies in 2023, with the life sciences sector reporting the highest female representation on boards at 24%.
• The tech industry has a high representation of women in the workforce at 34% but lags behind other industries when it comes to women in executive positions. There are 8.9% of firms with women in top managerial posts.

What are the Issues Related to Delimitation?

• The 2021 Census that was postponed because of the Covid pandemic and several other reasons has been further pushed to 2024-25 until further orders.
• The Union Home Minister explained that the decision to implement reservation after delimitation is to ensure that a quasi-judicial body like the Delimitation Commission can decide which seats to reserve, after public consultation.
• The Law Minister claimed that it was against the provisions of the Constitution to provide reservation immediately, noting that someone may challenge it in a court of law. And the government will not allow the Act to get stuck in some technicality.
• According to rough estimates, the country's population has increased by about 30 percent since the last census in 2011. Therefore, the seats in the Lok Sabha will also increase in the same proportion.
• It is expected that there will be an increase of about 210 seats over the 543 seats in the current Lok Sabha. That means the total seats would likely be around 753.

Previous Delimitation Exercises

• Election Commission also said that delimitation exercises undertaken in the years 1952, 1963, 1973, and 2002 have not considered the exact number of women in a constituency.
• Even after the 2001 census, the delimitation exercise for Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, and Manipur was left out by the 2002 Commission.
• The delimitation exercise for the newly formulated Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir went on for over two years between March 2020 to May 2022.
• In Assam , it was started by the Election Commission in 2022, and the final draft was published in August 2023. The process, however, has been challenged before the Supreme Court.
• As for Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland, the Supreme Court was informed recently by the central government that it is "considering" setting up a delimitation commission for the two states, while delimitation in Manipur would be delayed.

What is the OBC Issue?

Unlike SCs and STs , the Constitution does not provide for political reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in the Lok Sabha or state assemblies.

• However, the government has not implemented such a quota, citing legal and constitutional hurdles.
• But the Supreme Court has put a cap of 50% on the overall reservations (Vikas Kishanrao Gawali vs State of Maharashtra) which limits OBC reservation to 27%.
• This 50% upper limit is in the lines with the Indira Sawhney vs Union of India judgment.
• The Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2018 (insertion of new articles 330A and 332A) proposes to ensure a proportionate representation to OBC in representative bodies -- House of the People and the Legislative Assemblies of the State.

Should There be an OBC Women Reservation Under the 33% Reservation?

What are Different Constitutional Provisions Related to Women’s Reservation?

• The Act provides that reserved seats for women may be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in states or Union Territories.
• In the seats reserved for SCs/STs, the Act seeks to provide one-third of the seats to be reserved for women on rotational basis.
• Reservation for Women in State Legislative Assemblies: The Act introduces Article 332A , which mandates the reservation of seats for women in every state Legislative Assembly. Additionally, one-third of the seats reserved for SCs and STs must be allocated for women, and one-third of the total seats filled through direct elections to the Legislative Assemblies shall also be reserved for women.
• Article 239AA(2)(b) was amended by the Act accordingly to add that the laws framed by parliament shall apply to the National Capital territory of Delhi.
• The reservation will be provided for a period of 15 years. However, it shall continue till such date as determined by a law made by Parliament.
• Rotation of Seats : Seats reserved for women will be rotated after each delimitation, as determined by a law made by Parliament.

What is Background of the Reservation for Women in Politics in India?

• The issue of reservation for women in politics can be traced back to the Indian national movement. In 1931, in their letter to the British Prime Minister, submitting the official memorandum jointly issued on the status of women in the new Constitution by three women’s bodies, leaders Begum Shah Nawaz and Sarojini Naidu.
• These recommendations paved the way for the historic enactment of the 73 rd and 74 th amendments to the Constitution which mandate all State governments to reserve one-third of the seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and one-third of the offices of the chairperson at all levels of the Panchayati Raj Institutions, and in urban local bodies, respectively. Within these seats, one-third are reserved for Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe women.
• The discussion upon the reservation of women reservation bill is prevalent since the 1996 . As the then Government lacked a majority, the Bill could not have been approved.
• 1996: First Women Reservation Bill was introduced in the Parliament.
• 1998 – 2003: Government tabled the Bill on 4 occasions but failed.
• 2009: Government tables the bill amid protests.
• 2010: The Union Cabinet passes the Bill and RS passes it.
• 2014: The Bill was expected to be tabled in LS.
• The National Policy for the Empowerment of Women (2001) had stated that reservation will be considered in higher legislative bodies.
• In May 2013, the Ministry of Women and Child Development constituted a committee on the status of women, which recommended ensuring at least 50% reservation of seats for women in the Local bodies, State Legislative Assemblies, Parliament, Ministerial levels and all decision‐making bodies of the government.
• In 2015, the Report on the Status of Women in India noted that the representation of women in state assemblies and Parliament continues to be dismal. It recommended reserving at least 50% seats for women in local bodies, state legislative assemblies, Parliament, ministerial levels, and all decision-making bodies of the government.

What Are the Arguments in Support of the Act?

• According to recent UN Women data, Rwanda (61%), Cuba (53%), Nicaragua (52%) are the top three countries in women representation. Bangladesh (21%) and Pakistan (20%) as well are ahead of India in case of female representation.
• Women representation in politics is a vital step towards gender equality. However, according to Global Gender Gap Report 2022, India ranks 48th out of 146 in Political Empowerment.
• Notwithstanding its rank, its score is quite low at 0.267. Some of the best-ranking countries in this category score much better. For instance, Iceland is ranked 1 with a score of 0.874 and Bangladesh is ranked 9 with a score of 0.546.
• The number of women MPs has increased from 5% in the first Lok Sabha to 15% in the 17 th Lok Sabha; but the number continues to be quite low.
• A 2003 study about the effect of reservation for women in panchayats showed that women elected under the reservation policy invest more in the public goods closely linked to women’s concerns.
• The Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice (2009) had noted that reservation of seats for women in local bodies has enabled them to make meaningful contributions.
• If a group is not represented proportionally in the political system, its ability to influence policy-making is limited. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women provides that discrimination against women must be eliminated in political and public life.
• The various surveys do indicate that women representatives from Panchayati Raj have worked commendably in the development and overall well-being of society in villages and many of them would definitely want to work on the larger scale, however, they face various challenges in the political structure prevalent in society.
• A more diverse legislature that includes a significant number of women can bring a broader range of perspectives to the decision-making process. This diversity can lead to better policy formulation and governance.
• Women's reservation in politics empowers women at various levels. It not only encourages more women to participate in politics but also inspires women to take on leadership roles in other sectors.
• Women in politics often prioritize and advocate for issues that directly affect women, such as gender-based violence, women's health, education, and economic empowerment. Their presence can lead to the prioritization of these issues in policy discussions.
• Women leaders in politics can serve as role models for young girls, encouraging them to aspire to leadership positions in various fields. Representation in politics can break stereotypes and inspire future generations.
• Indira Gandhi served as the first and only women Prime Minister of India from 1966 to 1977.
• Sushma Swaraj was the second woman external affairs minister of India after Indira Gandhi.

What are the Arguments Against the Act?

• Women are not a homogeneous community like, say like, a caste group . Therefore, the same arguments made for caste-based reservations cannot be made for women.
• Reserving seats for women is opposed by some who claim that doing so violates the Constitution's guarantee of equality . If there is a reserve, they claim, women won't be competing on merit, which could decrease their status in society.

What More Can be Done to Ensure Effective Representation of Women?

• Establish an independent monitoring system or committees that explicitly prohibits family members from influencing the decision making process of women representatives.
• It can be implemented by reducing the influence of patriarchal mindset.
• Creating awareness among women about their rights and the importance of their participation in politics is essential. Educational programs and awareness campaigns can help to increase women's political participation.
• Gender-based violence and harassment are major obstacles to women's participation in politics. Addressing these issues through policy and legal measures can create a safer and more supportive environment for women in politics.
• Reforms such as introducing proportional representation and preferential voting systems can help to increase women's representation in politics by ensuring that more women get elected.
• These are only a few approaches to increase the number of women in Indian politics. To effect long-lasting change, a multifaceted strategy addressing multiple challenges is required.

UPSC Civil Services Examination Previous Year Questions (PYQs)

Q. With reference to the Delimitation Commission consider the following statements: (2012)

• The orders of the Delimitation Commission cannot be challenged in a Court of Law.
• When the orders of the Delimitation Commission are laid before the Lok Sabha or State Legislative Assembly, they cannot effect any modification in the orders.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

(a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2

Women in politics are still being attacked for their gender. An expert explains why

August 23, 2024, 5:50 PM

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It was a milestone night Thursday for Kamala Harris’ presidential campaign, as the sitting vice president accepted the Democratic Party’s nomination for president during the final night of the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.

It’s been a whirlwind four weeks for Harris, who was thrust into the spotlight once President Joe Biden decided to drop his reelection campaign. And she’s endured personal attacks from her opponent, former President Donald Trump, that surround her gender and race.

Kelly Dittmar, director of research for the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University, joined WTOP’s Shawn Anderson and Anne Kramer to talk more about those attacks.

The transcript below has been lightly edited for clarity.

Shawn Anderson: Give us an idea, how surprising is the level of personal attacks on Kamala Harris coming from Donald Trump and even his allies and supporters?

Kelly Dittmar: Unfortunately, it’s not surprising, and I would say that on two levels. First, we know that U.S. politics itself, and especially at the presidential level, is one that still is imbued with a lot of biases, both gendered and racialized biases about who should run, who should lead, and also expectations based on what we’ve seen historically, which of course, does not include a woman, and specifically not a woman of color.

So those biases exist and often allude to or allow that type of scrutiny and bias in terms of evaluations. But the second part of it is that Donald Trump himself has really relied on a strategy of playing into gendered and racialized stereotypes to try to use it to his own advantage. And so he’s tried to use gender and race and sexism and racism in the electorate in a way to increase his support among his base of voters. And so for him, specifically, to weigh these arguments and attacks is unfortunately not new at all, and something that I think you see the Harris campaign and Harris’ supporters already anticipated and are able to respond to, I think, more quickly and flexibly.

Anne Kramer: Kelly, that’s what I wanted to ask you about, is response, because many times throughout our lives, we will hear just ignore these type of attacks, name calling, etc., “don’t stoop to the level of the person making the attacks.” But is that always the best way for women in elected office to handle these type of things?

Kelly Dittmar: I think you’re right. That has historically been a strategy and even something recommended to women, because you don’t want folks to accuse you of playing the “race card” or the “gender card,” but what we’re seeing with Kamala and other candidates who’ve done this effectively is often they can get third-party validators and surrogates, organizations that back you, or even in this case, something like Kamala HQ to come out in response to these attacks, without it having to come from the mouth of, if you will, the candidate. And so I think we’re seeing her campaign, and those who back her really push back quite quickly on these attacks and even kind of make fun of them in a way that diminishes the seriousness with which they’re taken.

Shawn Anderson: On a general level, why are women attacked on a personal level more than men?

Kelly Dittmar: Well, I think it’s based on what we’ve allowed as a society in terms of expectations. And so when we’ve perpetuated stereotypes that women are less competent or that women’s value is related to their attractiveness, those kinds of norms and expectations then lead to a type of attack on a personal level, because that’s where the weakness lies. That’s where there’s an incongruity between this elected office and the traits and experiences expected of that office, and the traits and expertise associated with your gender. And I think that’s a piece of why we see more of those attacks against women than we have men who’ve been assumed to have these areas of expertise and strength.

Anne Kramer: Kelly, what impact, if any, do these type of attacks have on women who want to get into public service, as a deterrent to them?

Kelly Dittmar: Certainly, we’re always concerned, and we don’t have really great evidence that it does strongly deter women to run, especially because we have seen women like Kamala Harris really push back and overcome these types of challenges. But there is no doubt that watching this type of toxicity would make a woman second guess whether or not it’s worth it. And so we know women are often doing a cost-benefit analysis: “How much can I get done in a position of elected leadership versus how much incoming I have to take in order to get that done?”

And so we want to shift that equation so that they see fewer costs and more benefits. And in this scenario, somebody like Donald Trump and other folks who are coming out and making these personalized attacks and really unfair attacks is certainly not helping us in recruiting women. But we’re also seeing high energy among women who say, “I won’t stand for this, and actually, we need more of us in office to change these norms and make sure this is unacceptable.”

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‘It’s our time': As Harris accepts the nomination, many women say a female president is long overdue

Mississippi delegate Kelly Jacobs wears a hat during the Democratic National Convention, Monday, Aug. 19, 2024, in Chicago. (AP Photo/Brynn Anderson)

People watch Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris speak at Democratic National Convention on the big screen during a watch party at Soldier Field Thursday, Aug. 22, 2024, in Chicago. (AP Photo/Frank Franklin II)

Monique LaFonta, of Milwaukee, dances while watching the roll call of the DNC on a jumbotron at a campaign rally with Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris at the Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, Tuesday, Aug. 20, 2024. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

Ashbey Beasley holds up her son Beau, 8, both of Highland Park, Ill., as he makes a heart with his hands, as Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris speaks at the Fiserv Forum during a campaign rally in Milwaukee, Tuesday, Aug. 20, 2024. They were caught in a mass shooting at a parade in Highland Park in 2022 and are now involved in gun violence prevention efforts. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

FILE - Supporters hold signs that say “Women for Nikki” as then-Republican presidential candidate former UN Ambassador Nikki Haley, center, speaks during a campaign event at Jethro’s BBQ in Ames, Iowa, Jan. 14, 2024. (AP Photo/Carolyn Kaster, File)

Members of the Rho Delta Omega Chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha (AKA) Sorority, Inc., hold a watch party for fellow AKA member Vice President Kamala Harris’ speech at the Democratic National Convention, Thursday, Aug. 22, 2024, in Pleasanton, Calif. (AP Photo/Juliana Yamada)

Members of the Rho Delta Omega Chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha (AKA) Sorority cheer as they hold a watch party for fellow AKA member Vice President Kamala Harris’ speech at the Democratic National Convention, Thursday, Aug. 22, 2024, in Pleasanton, Calif. (AP Photo/Juliana Yamada)

Sorors of the Rho Delta Omega Chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha (AKA) Sorority, Inc., Sharisse Kimbro, Tracy Fields, and Renee Thierry-Jones applaud during a watch party for fellow AKA member Vice President Kamala Harris’ speech at the Democratic National Convention, Thursday, Aug. 22, 2024, in Pleasanton, Calif. (AP Photo/Juliana Yamada)

Angie Gialloreto, 95, of Pittsburgh, Pa., right, who is attending her 13th convention since President Jimmy Carter, and other delegates applaud during the first day of Democratic National Convention, Monday, Aug. 19, 2024, in Chicago. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

FILE - A supporter waits for the start of Republican presidential candidate former President Donald Trump’s campaign rally in Doral, Fla., July 9, 2024. (AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell, File)

Seen in the glow of stage lighting, Angie Gialloreto, 95, of Pittsburgh, left, who is attending her 13th convention since President Jimmy Carter, and Lisa Baldis, also of Pittsburgh, listen to speakers during the first day of the Democratic National Convention, Monday, Aug. 19, 2024, in Chicago. The women wore T-shirts that said “Joe’s Girls,” on front, and “Love Kamala,” on the back. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

FILE - Republican presidential candidate former President Donald Trump greets supporters after speaking at a campaign rally, Feb. 23, 2024, in Rock Hill, S.C. (AP Photo/Chris Carlson, File)

Carla Wicks the Rho Delta Omega Chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha (AKA) Sorority, Inc., wears an embroidered “Kamala for the people” sweater during a watch party for fellow AKA member Vice President Kamala Harris’ speech at the Democratic National Convention on Thursday, Aug. 22, 2024, in Pleasanton, Calif. (AP Photo/Juliana Yamada)

Tech for Kamala co-founder Edda Collins Coleman, left, and Carla Wicks, right, celebrate with other members of the Rho Delta Omega Chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha (AKA) Sorority, Inc., during a watch party for fellow AKA member Vice President Kamala Harris’ speech at the Democratic National Convention, Thursday, Aug. 22, 2024, in Pleasanton, Calif. (AP Photo/Juliana Yamada)

Marcie Paul, chair of the group Fems for Dems, stops at a residence, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024, in West Bloomfield, Mich. (AP Photo/Carlos Osorio)

Jackie Welch, left, and Felicia Mayo, right, of the Rho Delta Omega Chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha (AKA) Sorority, Inc., clap during a watch party for fellow AKA member Vice President Kamala Harris’ speech at the Democratic National Convention, Thursday, Aug. 22, 2024, in Pleasanton, Calif. (AP Photo/Juliana Yamada)

Members of the Rho Delta Omega Chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha (AKA) Sorority, Inc., cheer as they hold a watch party for fellow AKA member Vice President Kamala Harris’ speech at the Democratic National Convention, Thursday, Aug. 22, 2024, in Pleasanton, Calif. (AP Photo/Juliana Yamada)

Carla Wicks of the Rho Delta Omega Chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha (AKA) Sorority, Inc., clasps her hands with pride during a watch party for fellow AKA member Vice President Kamala Harris’ speech at the Democratic National Convention, Thursday, Aug. 22, 2024, in Pleasanton, Calif. (AP Photo/Juliana Yamada)

Marcie Paul, chair of the group Fems for Dems, checks her phone for locations as she goes door-to-door, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024, in West Bloomfield, Mich. (AP Photo/Carlos Osorio)

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WASHINGTON (AP) — “Electric.” “Joyful.”

The kinetic energy powering Kamala Harris ’ whirlwind presidential campaign carries the hopeful aspirations of history and the almost quaint idea of electing the first woman to the White House . But inside it, too, is the urgent and determined refusal of many Democratic female voters to accept the alternative — again.

“Serious.” “Unapologetic.”

Listen to the women cheering “We’re not going back!” at the Harris campaign rallies. See them singing along during the dance party roll call at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Understand the mothers and daughters and sorority sisters and, yes, the men, brothers and boys who have watched and waited and winced as the country tried eight years ago to break the glass ceiling — and failed.

This time, this year, facing Donald Trump again, a certain and influential swath of the electorate is not messing around. “It’s our time,” said Denise Delegol, 60, a retired postal worker from West Bloomfield Township, Michigan.

Harris campaign reignites Democratic party’s enthusiasm

The promise of a Harris presidency is shaking a sizable segment of the nation out of a political funk, reviving the idea of a milestone election and an alternative to repeating the Trump era. It’s putting the country on the cusp of what Michelle Obama, in her convention speech to Democrats, called a “brighter day.”

Once President Joe Biden bowed out of the race and embraced his vice president at the top of the ticket, some found hope where before they had felt mostly dread.

“Overnight it went from doom-scrolling to hope-scrolling,” said Lisa Hansen of Wisconsin, who led an early Trump resistance group in 2017 as her first foray into political activism.

Lori Goldman of Michigan, who founded Fems for Dems to elect Hillary Clinton two presidents ago, said, “I’m too old to not ever have seen a president that’s female in the United States.” She’s 65.

And Shannon Nash, a California attorney, co-founder of the Tech4Kamala group and, like Harris, a fellow member of the historic Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority Inc., said from the convention hall Thursday night, “The joy is coming back to politics.”

Women have been here before, in 2016, when they donned matching pantsuits, poured champagne and settled in on election night, some with friends and daughters by their side, expecting Clinton to win the White House only to be shaken by Trump’s victory.

As one woman said at the time, she threw up the next morning.

Republican women eye history, too

To be sure, some voters had a different first female president in mind. Nikki Haley lifted Republican hopes during the GOP primary, but her moment faded after rival Trump branded his former ambassador to the United Nations “birdbrain.”

Lisa Watts, a retired business owner from Hickory, North Carolina, who was attending her fifth Trump rally this week, had little interest in Harris. “I don’t think that her record proves that she is ready to run this country,” Watts said.

The thousands of women who pack Trump rallies, and tens of millions more who are expected to cast ballots for him in November, are participating on the other side of the potential history-making.

The former president, convicted in a hush-money case and still facing a pending federal indictment for conspiring to overturn the 2020 election ahead of the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol attack , would become the first felon to win the White House.

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Republican National Committee co-chair Lara Trump rejected as “insulting” the idea that Americans should vote for a woman for president because it would make history.

“If you ever give me a job because ... of the fact that I’m a woman and not based on any merit or qualification, guess what? I’m turning that job down all day long,” the former president’s daughter-in-law said on her podcast in July.

Abortion, immigration and the war in Gaza

For those voting for Harris, this election feels more joyful, but also more necessary and urgent.

“We need to do this, be serious about it this time,” said Monique LaFonta, a mother of two twin girls, after attending a Harris rally in Milwaukee.

Trump’s creation of a conservative Supreme Court majority that overturned a woman’s right to abortion access produced outrage among many women who powered that year’s midterm election — and are a potentially influential force in this one.

“We are living in just such a wildly different situation,” said Jessica Mackler, the president of Emily’s List, which works to elect pro-choice women. She said Harris is “unapologetic” when it comes to reproductive rights.

Harris herself carries this potentially history-making moment not as a campaign feature but a matter-of-fact representation of who she is and has always been, much the way Barack Obama often left his race merely implied to voters. Rather than reminding voters that the nation’s 47th president could become the first in its more than two-century history to not be a man, Harris is running instead on what she would do in the job and how she would do it.

In her speech Thursday night accepting the nomination at the Democratic National Convention, Harris acknowledged that she’s “no stranger to unlikely journeys,” but she did not specifically mention the historic nature of her candidacy.

Many receive her style as a brand of American optimism rooted in the generations who came before her, a Black and South Asian woman, the daughter of immigrants — a Jamaican father and Indian mother — who dared to dream in this country. She is blaring Beyonce’s “Freedom” as her campaign theme song along the way.

And yet among demonstrators calling for a cease-fire in the Israel-Hamas war outside the Democrats’ convention in Chicago, pharmacist Fedaa Ballouta said that while having the first female president would mean a lot, she expects more. “I wish that that woman was pro-life when it matters regarding Palestinians.”

Clinton’s defeat paved the way for this moment

So much has changed in the American political landscape since Trump entered that scene almost a decade ago with his braggadocio and electoral momentum.

“Such a nasty woman,” he called his 2016 Democratic rival Clinton, a former U.S. senator and secretary of state. “Horseface,” he labeled a Republican primary rival, a woman. “Fat pig,” he bullied a famous female comedian. He once bragged that as a celebrity he could “grab” women by their private parts — and get away with it.

More than 1 million people in the United States and around the world filled city streets in protest the day after Trump’s 2017 inauguration. Many wore pink “pussy” hats. “The Resistance,” they called it.

Trump himself has stayed the course, deriding Harris as “Laffin’ Kamala,” mocking her laugh or mispronouncing her name, which means “lotus flower” in Sanskrit.

In many ways, Clinton’s defeat eight years ago set the stage for this moment. It was a crushing setback that dashed women’s hopes for bringing the U.S. into alignment with leading democracies around the world that have had a female in charge.

Angie Gialloreto of Pittsburgh was disappointed then. But the 95-year-old, attending her 13th presidential convention, is still at it, ready and waiting for the country to try again. “It’s time,” she said.

Many of the women interviewed by The Associated Press this week are eager for what’s next. Listen to what they have to say.

MONIQUE LAFONTA, 41, Milwaukee, health care consultant and mother of twin daughters:

“Why can’t a woman be president? Why has it taken us so long to get to this point?” LaFonta wondered the day after a Harris rally in Milwaukee. “Are we going to make the same mistake again?” LaFonta remembers celebrating election night 2016 at a birthday party with friends when Clinton lost to Trump. “It was unintentionally the worst birthday party I ever went to — everyone was crying at the end of the night,” she said. As a mother now, she said what’s happened with the overturning of Roe v. Wade and the threats posed by the Project 2025 agenda are “scary.” “I have two 6-year-old daughters who have less rights than I did,” she said.

Originally from Louisiana, she recalls her parents living through the Jim Crow era in the South. “I never even thought we would see a Black president in my lifetime,” she said. “To have another glass ceiling like that in my lifetime, it’s really so special.” At the Harris rally in Milwaukee this week, it was “so electric, so contagious,” she said. “Just joy.”

ASHBEY BEASLEY, 48, Highland Park, Illinois, stay-home mother

“We’re overdue,” Beasley said. She remembers watching one state after another fall to Trump on election night eight years ago. “I just started crying,” she said. “We turned the TV off.” The difference between then and now? “We’ve had a Trump presidency. We’ve seen the kind of chaos.” The Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol was a “turning point” she said. “The MAGA culture came out of the closet,” and a lot of people “were like, I’m not OK with this.”

Having survived a 2022 mass shooting in her city with her son, she has become a gun safety advocate and worries Trump is too close to gun rights groups. “What I want people to know whatever you see out in the world — whatever horrific terrible tragedy — that can be you,” she said from the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. “Just because you don’t need an abortion right now, doesn’t mean you won’t.”

LORI GOLDMAN, Michigan, founded Fems for Dems in 2016 to elect Hillary Clinton

At 65, she said, “I’m too old to not ever have seen a president that’s female in the United States.” On Election Day 2016, Goldman had about 30 people to her house and they canvassed until the afternoon, all the while thinking it unnecessary. She said she’s less naïve now.

For Goldman and chair of Fems for Dems Marcie Paul, the difference between organizing in 2016 and now is knowing the impacts of a Trump administration. Both are mothers, and they cited their daughters’ futures as a reason to vote Harris, both for her policy on reproductive rights and for her potential to be the first female president. Paul said it’s the most important election of a lifetime. “But really — this time it is.”

ANNE HATHAWAY, Indiana, the state’s Republican National Committeewoman

She dismissed the potential history-making milestone as been there, done that. “We had Hillary Clinton as a candidate in 2016 so this is not a new phenomenon,” said Hathaway, who was in charge of the arrangements committee at the Republican convention. She said she is focused on the candidates’ visions, not their genders. “This is a race between two presidential candidates who have very different opinions and views and where they think this country should go.”

HOLLY SARGENT, York, Maine

She had spent the months leading up to the 2016 presidential election campaigning for Hillary Clinton in her quiet Maine beach town, watching the rise of Trump “with horror.” But she said the despair she felt at that year’s election defeat was healed with Clinton’s speech to the Democratic convention this week. Sargent teared up as she sat with Maine delegates thinking of all that has transpired, and could yet. “We’re going to do it this time. And when we do it, we do it for Hillary and for Shirley Chisholm and for Geraldine Ferraro and for all of the extraordinary women who have gone before.”

JENNIFER RICHARDSON, 44, Albany, New York, attorney

She said as a Black woman, and an attorney, having Harris atop the party’s ticket resonates so much. “I see myself in her,” she said from the Democratic convention. “I see all my friends in her.” Added Richardson, “For her to win, it’s like we all won.”

DENISE DELEGOL, 60, West Bloomfield Township, Michigan, retired postal worker

Delegol was decked out in pearls, a purple Harris “When We Fight We Win” T-shirt and purple high-tops decorated with the word “WIN” on the toes, and curious to check out the protests at a park near the convention hall. “It’s a beautiful thing that she can lead a country that was predominantly led by old white men who think they know what’s best for all, all people, including women and our bodies,” she said. Harris, she said, “is going to change all that.”

She wants her fellow Americans to understand how important the election is, and that “this is just a time for all Americans to come together because we have more in common than not in common.” Her conversations with family and friends are all about what’s happening. “Now it’s our time,” she said. “And I don’t think nothing can stop us now, as far as women breaking the glass ceiling.”

FEDAA BALLOUTA, Chicago pharmacist, attending a demonstration against the Israel-Hamas war outside the Democratic convention

She said it means a lot to have a female nominee for president, and as a pharmacist who finds it heartbreaking to see people struggle to afford medication she is eager for what Harris could do to help lower the costs of prescription drugs. “I really want to support our candidate of the same gender category,” she said. But what she really wants to see from Harris is a cease-fire in the war. “Pro-Life doesn’t just refer to abortion and pregnancy,” she said. “What about the killing of innocent civilians? That’s also pro-life.”

She believes this election will be meaningful for the country. “I was just in New York City, and I’m looking at the Statue of Liberty, and I’m thinking, ‘Are we a nation that provides liberty or takes it away from others?’”

LIZ SHULER, president, AFL-CIO union

Schuler recalls breaking out the champagne and popcorn with friends on election night 2016, before “people left, of course, heartbroken.” This time around, she said, “we are protecting our hearts.”

“I think every woman you talked to probably feels the same way. But I think we, as union women, pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off and just keep up the fight.”

ANGIE GIALLORETO, 95, Pittsburgh, attending her 13th presidential nominating convention

Gialloreto said she was disappointed by Clinton’s loss eight years ago, but she’s excited with Harris in place to try again. “It’s time,” she said from the convention hall. Gialloreto has attended every Democratic convention since Jimmy Carter was nominated for president in 1976. She said it’s an exciting time, “not for me, I’ve lived my life — for the short time I have, I’m going to celebrate — but it’s the young ones.

“Reality is here.”

Associated Press writers Isabella Volmert in Michigan, Mike Householder and Farnoush Amiri in Chicago, Michelle Price in North Carolina, Ali Swenson and Aaron Morrison in New York, video journalists Martha Irvine, Serkan Gurbuz and Teresa Crawford in Chicago and photojournalist Jacquelyn Martin in Milwaukee and Chicago contributed to this report.

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Tressie McMillan Cottom on Why Trump Is Struggling to Box Harris In

A columnist argues that harris’s campaign is smart to downplay the vice president’s identity..

This transcript was created using speech recognition software. While it has been reviewed by human transcribers, it may contain errors. Please review the episode audio before quoting from this transcript and email [email protected] with any questions.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

This is “The Opinions,” a show that brings you a mix of voices from “New York Times Opinion.” You’ve heard the news. Here’s what to make of it.

My name is Tressie McMillan Cottom. I am a sociologist, a professor and a columnist at “The New York Times.” I have been studying race, gender, class and what it means for how we live our everyday lives for maybe 15 years or so now.

I was expecting a very different DNC, just a month or so ago. But now all of the drama about changing candidates seems to have settled down. And now I’m going into this convention thinking about how the presumptive nominee, Kamala Harris, will present her personal biography. The campaign so far has not wanted to play up the historic nature of her campaign.

But I think that we, voting public, would be remiss if we did not acknowledge that not only is this a woman running for president at the top of a major party ticket, this is a Black woman, a woman of color, a Gen X woman of color, by the way. And so I’m very interested to hear how the Kamala Harris campaign understands the significance of her identity and biography relative to what voters expect from a presidential candidate.

It is really interesting that the Harris campaign, so far, has really dialed back the significance of identity in this campaign message. And I think there’s a couple of reasons for that.

One, let me start by saying I think it is smart. After eight years of feeling the Democratic process is crumbling around them, that politics have become a circus, I think that this campaign understands that as significant as this candidacy is, most voters right now are really craving a return to normalcy. And so they’ve got a challenge here, this campaign, right? How do they sell a maverick, historical candidate, while promising a return to normalcy?

And so far, they are splitting the difference by saying, you know this campaign is significant. You know this candidate is unique. We don’t need to say it. We will instead focus on policy and platform and message, and we will let everybody else talk about the self-evident historic nature of the campaign.

The American public has a historically informed idea of what a president of the United States looks like, what they sound like, how they perform. And frankly, that means that, for most Americans, the president, by default, is a white male. What someone like Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton and now Kamala Harris are doing is they are having to build in a new set of expectations with the American public about what leadership looks like.

And the challenge there, of course, is that not necessarily that everyone has a knee jerk negative reaction to that, but that for most people, we fill in the gaps of what we don’t know with stereotypes. Those stereotypes usually are negative, even when they sound kind of positive, in that they flatten how unique or particular a person is.

And in the case of running for the presidency, stereotypes can be handy in that they can deliver a quick message to voters who are not paying a lot of attention to an election. I think that is something that the Trump campaign has been very good about historically, about using those stereotypes to quickly encapsulate and characterize what their opponents are.

But you see Trump really struggling here to box Kamala Harris in on the stereotypes that he thinks should work. So these are things like, she’s not very smart —

You know why she hasn’t done an interview? Because she’s not smart. She’s not intelligent.

— which is, of course, linking ideas about racial inferiority and intelligence. Then, with JD Vance, they have gone after her status as a woman without biological children.

We’re effectively run in this country via the Democrats, via our corporate oligarchs, by a bunch of childless cat ladies who look at Kamala Harris, Pete Buttigieg, AOC. The entire future of the Democrats is controlled by people without children.

The intersections of her identity is actually making it tougher for Trump to figure out a line of attack because he has these broad stereotypes. But right now they’re very clunky and far too broad to capture what Kamala Harris actually is. He can’t figure out how to get a more nuanced tool and does not account for the ways that we think about race and gender together.

What does it mean for a Black woman to be making executive decisions on behalf of a multiracial, plural society? It is challenging. It is also fascinating to watch this campaign assemble that in real time. And I keep coming back to the fact that this is a very short campaign cycle for them. They have not had a lot of time to build this new vocabulary for the American voter. That they are able to do so, fairly nimbly so far, is really quite remarkable.

Thank you, all. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

I have actually been very surprised by people’s enthusiasm rallying around not just Harris, but a ticket that with Harris and Walz is really unique in the way that power there is being performed and played out through these characters that we’ve really never seen before, right?

A white male candidate being the cheerleader and coach for a Black female presidential candidate. I think there’s just a lot there to challenge the American public’s imagination. And in this moment, especially coming out of this long hangover of what Trump and Trump politics has done to us — yeah, if you’d asked me three months ago, I would have said, no, there’s no way we’re ready to rally around this candidate. Today, if you ask me, I say it was actually a moot point. They’ve already rallied around this candidate. [LAUGHS]

So I have apparently come up with a tradition I did not know that I was developing at the time. But for each of these historical candidacies, I have been in my home state of North Carolina. I watched Obama’s speech at North Carolina Central University, which is my undergraduate alma mater, an Historically Black College in Durham, North Carolina.

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.

Thanks to you, we’ve reached a milestone.

I watched Hillary Clinton’s speech. I happened to be in Charlotte, North Carolina, at the time.

The first time in our nation’s history that a woman will be a major party’s nominee.

I will now be back home in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, to watch Kamala Harris accept the nomination for president of the United States. And that feels exactly right to me. And my drink of choice, it will always be a nice bourbon cocktail, and that means it’ll probably be an old fashioned, while I watch history happen.

This show is produced by Derek Arthur, Sophia Alvarez Boyd, Vishakha Darbha, Phoebe Lett, Kristina Samulewski, and Jillian Weinberger. It’s edited by Kaari Pitkin, Alison Bruzek, and Annie-Rose Strasser.

Engineering, mixing and original music by Isaac Jones, Sonia Herrero, Pat McCusker, Carole Sabouraud, and Efim Shapiro. Additional music by Aman Sahota. The fact-check team is Kate Sinclair, Mary Marge Locker, and Michelle Harris. Audience strategy by Shannon Busta and Kristina Samulewski. The executive producer of “Times Opinion Audio” is Annie-Rose Strasser.

Listen to and follow ‘The Opinions’ Apple Podcasts | Spotify | Amazon Music | YouTube | iHeartRadio

By Tressie McMillan Cottom

Produced by Vishakha Darbha

Should voters care about Kamala Harris’s identity? In this audio essay, the sociologist and Times Opinion columnist Tressie McMillan Cottom argues that while we shouldn’t ignore the unprecedented nature of Ms. Harris’s campaign, Democrats need to balance that newness against the electorate’s desire to return to a time of political normalcy.

(A full transcript of this audio essay will be available within 24 hours of publication in the audio player above.)

Thoughts? Email us at [email protected] .

This episode of “The Opinions” was produced by Vishakha Darbha. It was edited by Kaari Pitkin and Annie-Rose Strasser. Mixing by Pat McCusker. Original music by Pat McCusker, Isaac Jones and Carole Sabouraud. Fact-checking by Mary Marge Locker and Kate Sinclair. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski and Shannon Busta. The executive producer of Opinion Audio is Annie-Rose Strasser.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

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