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Evidence-Based Policing Is Here to Stay: Innovative Research, Meaningful Practice, and Global Reach

Eric l. piza.

School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Northeastern University, Churchill Hall, 360 Huntington Avenue, Boston, MA 02115 USA

Brandon C. Welsh

Research question.

In the context of important advances as well as global reach, what more is needed for evidence-based policing to bridge the divide between academic research and police practice?

We draw on 18 case studies reported in The Globalization of Evidence-Based Policing: Innovations in Bridging the Research-Practice Divide (Piza and Welsh, 2022). These accounts of innovations provide a range of qualitative evidence on the integration of scientific research in contemporary policing.

The case studies describe some plausible causal links in four key processes: (a) transferring scientific knowledge to the practice community, (b) empowering officers to conduct police-led science, (c) aligning the work of researchers and practitioners, and (d) incorporating evidence-based policing in daily police functions.

Conclusions

While there is much work to do to achieve population-level impacts, many innovative efforts at bridging the research-practice divide in policing are becoming embedded enough to make that happen.

Introduction

The title of this article is neither hyperbole nor wishful thinking on our part. After almost three decades of thinking, writing, research, and practice, the idea of EBP is very much a reality. For sure, there is much work to do: overcoming institutional resistance, bridging the research-practice divide, and furnishing police leaders and practitioners with the tools necessary to adopt an evidence-based approach in their day-to-day operations. In all these tasks, the key challenge, as Millenson ( 2021 ) astutely observes, remains whether EBP can make a real, lasting difference for citizens as well as the police institution.

We think EBP is on the road to making such a difference. It is certainly not happening at the pace that many would like, and there have been setbacks and failures along the way (see Lum & Koper, 2017 ; Millenson, 2021 ). Like other disciplines or professions purporting to embrace the evidence-based paradigm, failure is to be expected. Just as accepting the principle that failure is at the core of advancing science (Firestein, 2016 ), it is what is done with these failures that is crucial to advancement of knowledge. As a pioneering historian of evidence-based medicine, Millenson ( 2021 ) is still not convinced that either medical doctors or police officers have sufficiently embraced this view of failure as indispensable to success: to “learn from our errors and misadventures” (p. 148). At least in some circumstances, however, we think otherwise. The present article profiles some innovations in helping to make this happen.

Demonstrating that EBP is making a difference for citizens and law enforcement is going to take some time, inasmuch as the goal is to transform policing into a “totally evidenced” profession (Sherman, 2015 ) to achieve “population-level” impacts (Dodge, 2020 ) across a majority of police agencies or officers. Part of getting there involves overcoming the divide that exists between academic research and police practice (or between scholars and police practitioners). That divide is the main focus of the article. Aiding this effort is an emerging globalization or global reach of EBP. Again, there is work to do on this front, especially in countries in transition and developing countries. The good news is that no longer is the real-world practice of EBP limited to a handful of developed countries.

The purpose of this article is to summarize the evidence for that claim from the main findings of a new book on the subject: The Globalization of Evidence-Based Policing: Innovations in Bridging the Research-Practice Divide (Piza and Welsh, 2022 ). The article is organized around four themes that are central to advancing EBP: (a) transferring scientific knowledge to the practice community, (b) empowering officers to conduct police-led science, (c) aligning the work of researchers and practitioners, and (d) incorporating EBP in daily police functions. The article ends with some concluding remarks and directions for the future.

Transferring Scientific Knowledge to the Practice Community

Evidence-based policing is an active process requiring reciprocity between research and practice for maximum benefits to be achieved (Huey & Mitchell, 2019 ). The generation of scientific knowledge by academic researchers must be consulted by police practitioners in order for EBP to realize its full potential. Unfortunately, EBP remains a foreign concept to millions of police officers and leaders around the world (Sherman, 2015 ). While higher-ranking officers exhibit more knowledge of EBP than lower-ranking officers, they tend to define it in a way that is different from the intended meaning (Telep & Bottema, 2020 ).

Key to navigating such impediments is the design of research projects that stand to directly benefit police agencies. This process could be further assisted by involving police practitioners directly in the interpretation of findings and discussion of their implications for policy and practice. In our book, Neyroud ( 2022 ) connects such active research processes to Rogers’ ( 2003 ) diffusion of innovation theory, by which the acquisition of knowledge leads an institution to be persuaded to adopt a given innovation. Neyroud demonstrates this process through case studies on police-led diversion models, the global implementation of community policing, and the use of EBP to support police reform in India. Neyroud was personally involved in each case as both a police professional and academic, providing insight into the institutional processes driving the diffusion of policing innovations. Key across his case studies is the increased engagement of police personnel with research evidence, largely made possible by such developments as the investment in and dissemination of systematic reviews, increased willingness on the part of local governments to fund primary research, and technical assistance in program implementation offered by international bodies like the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime.

A key impediment to the wide-scale adoption of EBP pertains to lack of training opportunities in police departments. Despite education levels of police leaders substantially increasing since the 1970s, less progress has been made in the application of scientific knowledge to practice (Sherman, 2013 ). Furthermore, education and training have typically focused on police leaders rather than mid-managers who directly oversee daily operations (Ratcliffe, 2019 ). This creates a situation where police have access to evidence on “what works,” but are given little capacity to implement such strategies in a manner that maximizes the likelihood of success (Johnson et al., 2015 ).

Ratcliffe’s ( 2022 ) evidence discusses the development and delivery of an EBP training program for mid-level command staff. As argued by Ratcliffe, while police agencies often view tactical operations as hard skills requiring constant training, setting crime reduction strategy and policy is often considered a skill one can learn “on the job.” Ratcliffe’s police commander crime reduction course enhances the SARA (Scanning, Analysis, Response, and Assessment) model popularized by problem-oriented policing through specific practices and checklists to introduce more structured working practices into command work function. Building on SARA, the PANDA model has been developed: Problem scan, Analyze problem, Nominate strategy, Deploy strategy, and Assess outcomes. PANDA retains aspects of SARA while adding more specificity to the articulation and deployment of a response. Each stage of the PANDA model has an accompanying checklist to foster a structured approach to decision-making to enhance the existing skillset of police leaders.

La Vigne’s ( 2022 ) evidence provides a retrospective accounting of efforts to translate research findings for lay audiences to inform policing policy and practice. Her interviews with American policymakers and criminal justice influencers show that in the latter half of the twentieth century, criminology had a tenuous (at best) tie to policy relevance and media engagement. The interviews demonstrate how policing’s advancement towards more policy relevance and media impact developed within a complex ecosystem of actors in the criminal justice and policing space. That ecosystem, in the USA, consists of academic researchers and research centers within universities; scholars housed in non-academic research institutes; the academy, as represented primarily by the two most prominent criminology associations; the federal government; and philanthropy.

Dissemination represents a key aspect of police research translation (Lum & Koper, 2017 ). The College of Policing (UK), founded in 2012, is one example, which communicates research evidence through its What Works Centre for Crime Reduction (WWCCR). Sidebottom and Tilley ( 2022 ) discuss the work of the WWCCR and its Crime Reduction Toolkit ( https://www.college.police.uk/research/crime-reduction-toolkit ), which is used as its primary research translation tool—measuring the quality of systematic reviews of crime and justice interventions. For example, the authors discuss how well the programmatic needs of policymakers are addressed by systematic reviews on a range of crime prevention approaches (e.g., alley gating, CCTV, hot spots policing, focused deterrence), diversion (e.g., drug substitutes, mentoring), and reoffending programs (e.g., domestic abuse sanctions, electronic tagging). The authors report that most systematic reviews provide rich data on program effects, but provide less information on monetary costs and benefits, mechanisms and moderators, and implementation challenges.

Empowering Officers to Conduct Police-Led Science

Piza et al. ( 2021 ) argue that the institutionalization of evidence-based policing requires understanding how scientific knowledge is produced. Knowledge internalization, where academics draw from generalizable knowledge to inform the narrower, specific actions of practitioners (Nonaka, 1994 ), has been the predominant model in policing since the professional era starting in the mid-1900s (Sherman, 2011 : 531). There are a number of inherent limitations in such an approach, including the typically slow-moving process of research not fitting an expedited timeline needed to inform policy and practice, and academic researchers lacking the skill to help with specific problems facing practitioners. For such reasons, Sherman ( 2011 ) proposes a move towards a model of police-led science, which puts police officers at the forefront of generating evidence, with agencies empowering their officers to develop and test research questions.

Four chapters in Piza and Welsh ( 2022 ) focus on efforts to foster police-led science. Smith ( 2022 ), for example, recounts his lived experience of higher education as a mechanism for securing greater influence and autonomy as a senior police officer of the Metropolitan Police Service of London. Smith concludes that many problems of the police profession are not due to a lack of credible scientific evidence, but rather to an organizational behavior that is unable to readily apply such evidence in practice. Smith demonstrates how police reform requires leaders highly skilled in change management who can develop critical insights on how their organization functions—and simultaneously secure new knowledge from academic partners who seek to shape policing practice. Smith argues that such a context transforms EBP from something that is “done to the police service” by those on the outside looking in, to something driven by the police service itself.

The empowerment necessary to support police-led science can also be fostered by professional societies, two of which are profiled in the book. Prince et al. ( 2022 ) recount the formation of the American Society of Evidence-Based Policing (ASEBP) and its organizational activities. Huey and Ferguson ( 2022 ) do likewise for the Canadian Society of Evidence-Based Policing (Can-SEBP). Both organizations were developed out of unique needs in the two countries, and they now form part of a much larger global network of EBP societies.

Prince et al. ( 2022 ) demonstrate the evolution of ASEBP as a series of “starts and stops” that allowed the organization to organically find its purpose. Over its first 6 years, ASEBP has grown from a group of 10 to over 350 members, offering an annual research conference that attracts attendees from around the world and from which applied research projects often emerge. Huey and Ferguson ( 2022 ) discuss how Can-SEBP resulted from a distinct need of the Canadian government to better foster evidence-based approaches to public safety, with the objective of rebuilding Canada’s capacity for applied policing research.

Perhaps the most promising direction for developing police-led science is by enabling police officers to directly generate their own scientific research evidence through designing and implementing field experiments. Doing so requires a departure from standard procedure, as policing primarily relies on police academies to provide initial and ongoing training for officers in legal frameworks guiding the policing profession and the proper use of law enforcement tactics (Ratcliffe, 2022 ). Mazerolle et al. ( 2022 ), however, describe supplemental EBP workshops developed and offered by the University of Queensland for the purpose of empowering police to drive for themselves the reform agenda around EBP.

These EBP workshops are intentionally designed to promote meaningful academic-practitioner partnerships for research production. The police participants come to a workshop with a specific problem facing their agency and draw upon their operational knowledge and experience to design an innovative response. The academic facilitator supplies research methodology to develop the idea and generate evidence of effectiveness. Police then use this information to lead field experiments. The field experiments emerging from the EBP workshops have explored a range of contemporary policing issues, including the capacity of third-party policing to disrupt the sale of illicit drugs from hotel rooms, the effect of procedural justice principles on routine encounters with citizens, and the long-term effect of diversion on repeat offending (see also Cowan et al., 2019 ).

Aligning the Work of Researchers and Practitioners

Researcher-practitioner partnerships can provide an environment that fosters evidence-based policing, especially when both parties contribute to problem identification, strategy development, and strategy implementation (Mock, 2010 ). A partnership environment helps both sides to navigate the competing interests and incentive structures of academia and policing. Todak et al. ( 2022 ), for example, draw upon their experiences with the inaugural cohort of the National Institute of Justice’s Law Enforcement Advancing Data and Science (LEADS) Academics program. This program has contributed to the development of many productive research collaborations between practitioners and academics, including the design, deployment, and evaluation of the effect of foot patrols in Dayton, Ohio (Haberman & Stiver, 2019 ).

Action-research partnerships can be improved through the involvement of embedded criminologists who take an active role in the day-to-day routine of police agencies. The presence of an in-house academic can provide police agencies with uninhibited access to rigorously trained, scientifically objective scholars in support of agency operations. The integration of embedded criminologists in policing follows the successful application of the model in corrections (Petersilia, 2008 ), and has thus far involved academics working in close concert with command-staff police personnel. Gerell ( 2022 ) provides an account of his work with the intelligence unit of Sweden’s National Police, which expanded the embedded criminologist model into the field of crime analysis.

The potential of embedded criminologists and police “pracademics” to accelerate these partnerships is taken up by Douglas and Braga ( 2022 ) who describe their role in promoting the adoption of EBP within police agencies. In the past, academic partnerships with police departments have largely been project-based enterprises that rarely continued beyond the project’s end (Rojek et al., 2012 ). Embedded criminologists help create a more lasting effect by their continuing presence, while pracademics — police officers who have received academic training in research and evaluation — can act as knowledge “brokers” in their organizations, who can align perspectives across multiple constituencies (Posner, 2009 : 16). These capacities may make pracademics the most likely mechanism for successfully integrating the “craft” of police work and the “hard science” of empirical research (Willis & Mastrofski, 2018 ).

Gimenez-Santana et al. ( 2022 ) present their work with a Newark public safety initiative developed at the Rutgers-Newark School of Criminal Justice. The project uses a model of data-informed community engagement (DICE) to assist a working group of community partner organizations in identifying crime problems and developing evidence-based solutions. DICE involves the public presentation and discussions of data analysis findings at community meetings attended by all stakeholder agencies. Risk-Terrain Modeling (RTM) for spatial analysis of crime is at the heart of DICE by identifying the risks that come from the physical environment’s crime attractors and generators (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1995 ), and models how they co-locate to create unique behavior settings for crime.

Piza et al. ( 2022 ) present a proposal for police technology research to be guided by Community Technology Oversight Boards (CTOBs), to better inform the design, implementation, and evaluation of police technology interventions, emphasizing active collaboration and continuous feedback. The authors propose CTOBs following a critical assessment of Piza’s experience in analyzing closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras in Newark, New Jersey (see, e.g., Piza et al., 2014 , 2015 ). The purpose of CTOBs is to formalize community-focused partnerships to inform police surveillance technologies. They should comprise practitioners, researchers, and community stakeholders to encourage the adoption of sound science and efficient, effective, and equitable technology interventions. For best results, these stakeholders would work collaboratively to identify and analyze problems, consider and select specific technology for deployment, conduct in-depth assessments to understand the potential community impact, and conduct rigorous process and outcome evaluations to determine whether technology interventions should be adjusted. While this model can be readily applied to contemporary police technologies, such as CCTV, it holds particular promise for emerging surveillance technologies such as facial recognition and aerial drones. Given the rapidly expanding popularity of these tools, as well as their potentially enhanced intrusiveness and the general controversy surrounding their use, a CTOB provides a platform for consultation and negotiation.

Incorporating Evidence-Based Policing in Daily Police Functions

A wide range of innovative approaches have been carried out in recent years as part of a growing effort to embed evidence-based policing principles in daily police functions. Our book (Piza and Welsh, 2022 ) profiles five such approaches. In the early 2010s, Lum et al. ( 2011 ) launched an innovative and user-friendly tool known as the Evidence-Based Policing Matrix. Viewed at the time as the “next phase of evidence-based policing,” the Matrix was designed to aid police agencies in using scientific evidence in a strategic manner. It did so by “developing generalizations or principles on the nature of effective police strategies and translating the field of police evaluation research into digestible forms that can be used to alter police tactics, strategies, accountability systems, and training” (Lum et al., 2011 : 3). The first test of the Matrix reaffirmed some of the scientific evidence on police effectiveness in reducing crime. It continues to serve as a key resource for updating the evidence base in a timely manner and tailoring the evidence to the needs of police agencies.

In the next phase of the Matrix, known as the Matrix Demonstration Projects (MDP), Lum and Koper ( 2022 ) illustrate how the MDP facilitates three activities that are essential to achieving EBP: translation, receptivity, and institutionalization. These core activities come with the added benefit of contributing to the development of high-quality research evidence. The authors discuss in detail the creation of tools to support the application of EBP in the field (e.g., the Evidence-Based Policing Playbook) and the communication of EBP principles to police management and leadership.

Another innovative approach is the CompStat360 platform, which harnesses the benefits of both the traditional CompStat model and community policing perspectives. Neusteter and Magnus ( 2022 ) describe how CompStat360 was piloted and developed through a practitioner-researcher partnership in Tucson, Arizona. The platform consists of planned connections or feedback loops among three overlapping dimensions: (a) prevention, intervention, and clearance of crimes; (b) maximization of organizational effectiveness; and (c) integration of community support and involvement. Key lessons from CompsStat360 include these:

• not all projects required crime analysis resources or the use of a “rigid” problem-solving structure;
• the importance of targeting micro-problem areas or places (e.g., a motel generating a high volume of 911 calls); and
• police commanders going beyond “siloed” problem solving to establishing ad hoc multidisciplinary teams.

As an example of the global reach of EBP, O’Brien and Evans ( 2022 ) describe the development, early initiatives, and current scope of the New Zealand Police Service’s Evidence-Based Policing Centre (EBPC). Established in early 2019, the Centre is dedicated to institutionalizing EBP in day-to-day operations of the police service. The EBPC strategy is structured around four key functions: (a) data science; (b) performance, research, and insights; (c) delivery and improvements; and (d) implementation and evaluation. Teams assigned to each of these functions combine police practitioners, researchers, and other stakeholders to carry out these functions. At the time of writing, there were more than 50 active projects in these four functions, with another 100 projects in the scoping and development phase. In recognition of the many challenges of embedding EBP in operational policing and sustaining it over time, the Centre’s efforts are guided by a number of “success criteria.” These include meeting specific targets, including making New Zealand the safest country in the world, fostering a culture of learning and innovation, and forming strong partnerships with others who aspire to similar goals.

Turning back to the USA, Green and Bates ( 2022 ) profile a state-wide initiative (in the state of New York) that relies on EBP practices to reduce urban gun violence at the local level. Facilitated by technical support, training, and assistance in data collection from the New York Division of Criminal Justice Services (DCJS), the initiative leverages a network of crime analysis centers (as a way to bolster the analytical capacity of local police agencies), an innovative street outreach program, a tested gun violence prevention program, and efforts to improve clearance rates for non-fatal gun crimes. By embracing a more active role than most traditional state grant-awarding systems, DCJS has also been in a position to help agencies respond to changing conditions on the ground, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic, and address implementation challenges.

The final innovative approach profiled in the book for embedding EBP principles in daily police functions concerns the Cambridge Police Executive Programme (CPEP). Building on a program for certifying police leaders launched at Cambridge University’s Institute of Criminology in 1996 and directed by Lawrence Sherman with an EBP curriculum since 2008, the Programme offers a part-time master’s degree to mid-career police officers. Its aim is training “pracademics” in policing both to do research and lead its application. Its diverse student body enables its effort to institutionalize EBP across the world.

Two main perspectives guide this Programme’s approach to EBP: (a) EBP should serve as a “general framework for making decisions” and (b) EBP is a “strategy for organizing police activities around a holistic mission of reducing total harm from crimes” (Sherman, 2022 : 301). Undergirding these views has been the mission of getting research into practice, culminating in scores of applied research projects by the student pracademics, in collaboration with their faculty thesis advisors, and leading to scientific discoveries and changes in police practices. The Cambridge Programme shows how academic training can directly, and in short order, impact police agency operations. It also serves as a proof of concept for replication in other top-tier universities, as a way to get more pracademics in policing and help institutionalize EBP.

Conclusions and Future Directions

Our conclusion from these 18 case studies is that the evidence-based policing movement has expanded rapidly across the world. It has gained a foothold in a large number of police agencies. It has become part of the institutional landscape of policing, through international, regional, and country-level professional societies dedicated to its advancement.

At the same time, and undergirding some of the movement’s success, there has been a growing body of scientific research. From experimental and quasi-experimental evaluations (many published in this journal) to Campbell Collaboration reviews of the highest quality studies, research has demonstrated the effectiveness of a diverse range of proactive policing strategies (Lum & Koper, 2017 ; Telep & Weisburd, 2016 ; Weisburd and Majmundar, 2018 ; Welsh, 2019 ). In parallel to this work has been a growing body of survey research that has documented the receptivity of police to evidence-based policing (see, e.g., Lum & Koper, 2017 ; Telep, 2017 ; Telep & Lum, 2014 ).

These case studies of EBP innovations from across the world have had a particular focus on bridging the research-practice divide. They demonstrate just how far the movement has advanced in the last three decades. They also provide us with greater insights and, in many cases, research evidence on how to bring about more effective and fair policing through an evidence-based approach. This is no less than a major achievement.

Building on this work and advancing the body of knowledge that we now have calls attention to several key priorities for the years ahead. One priority for global expansion of EBP is moving beyond rich, industrialized countries. Practitioner and researcher outreach with resources at-hand, on-site, and university/college training, and building capacity with regional partners will go a long way to making this happen. The Cambridge Police Executive Programme may provide a framework for how these objectives can be accomplished on a large scale, even fostering the ability to achieve population-level impacts.

Another priority is police-led and researcher-supported innovations, with a clear focus on sustainable change. This calls for moving beyond one-off, short-term projects, and in some cases attending to the underlying causes of crime rather than its symptoms alone. EBP could be a leader on this front.

A key priority remains the need for an unrelenting focus on evaluation of all dimensions of policing. As shown in Piza and Welsh ( 2022 ), almost every element of policing is testable. Creativity and ingenuity, along with an unwavering commitment to do no harm, are the engines driving EBP innovations. These qualities also need to be harnessed for experimentation. With a rich and deep supply of police practitioners and researchers who exhibit these qualities, we think EBP is up to the challenge.

Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to the journal editor, Lawrence Sherman, for insightful revisions to an earlier version of this article.

Biographies

is Professor of Criminology & Criminal Justice and Director of Crime Analysis Initiatives at Northeastern University. Prior to entering academia, he was the GIS Specialist of the Newark, NJ Police Department, responsible for the agency’s crime analysis and program evaluation activities. Dr. Piza’s research focuses on the spatial analysis of crime, crime control technology, and the integration of academic research and police practice.

Ph.D., is a Professor in the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Northeastern University, Director of the Cambridge-Somerville Youth Study, and, starting July 1, 2022, the Visiting Professor of Global Health and Social Medicine at Harvard Medical School. His research focuses on the prevention of delinquency, crime, and violence and evidence-based social policy. He is the author or editor of 12 books, including, with Steven Zane and Daniel Mears, The Oxford Handbook of Evidence-Based Crime and Justice Policy (Oxford University Press, forthcoming).

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Taking an Evidence-Based Approach to Evidence-Based Policing Research

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Laura Boulton, Rebecca Phythian, Stuart Kirby, Ian Dawson, Taking an Evidence-Based Approach to Evidence-Based Policing Research, Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice , Volume 15, Issue 2, June 2021, Pages 1290–1305, https://doi.org/10.1093/police/paaa057

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A growing body of international evidence reflects the increasing recognition of evidence-based policing (EBP) and the co-production of research, yet the extent of which such research is being implemented remains unclear. This study seeks to explore the efficacy of EBP in relation to practical implementation issues and assess the impact research is having on practice, both within and external to a specific Constabulary. Twenty-nine research studies, conducted in association with the Constabulary, were examined using a mixed-method approach. Of the total projects, 52% of projects were found to have generated a change to practice or policy. The key features of research that were associated with impact included: (i) mixed-method data collection, (ii) transferability, and (iii) increased dissemination that engaged practitioner and academic audiences. Practically, these findings suggest that EBP research projects can be designed and disseminated in a way that increases the likelihood of implementing the findings to change practice.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Evidence-Based Policing

Introduction, general overviews.

• Resources and Translation Tools
• Effective Strategies
• Methodologies and Evidence Quality
• Police-Researcher Partnerships
• Embedding Research into Practice
• Debates about Evidence and Experience
• Police Receptivity to Research
• Future of Evidence-Based Policing

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Evidence-Based Policing by Cody W. Telep LAST REVIEWED: 25 September 2018 LAST MODIFIED: 25 September 2018 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195396607-0255

There has been a strong push for evidence-based policing around the world in recent years from researchers, practitioners, and policymakers. Although there is no single definition of the concept, evidence-based policing generally refers to police strategies and tactics being guided by scientific evidence of effectiveness. This evidence can take many forms, although the evidence-based movement frequently turns to results from methodologically rigorous work and in particular randomized experiments and quasi-experiments that can provide the most believable answer to questions of whether a strategy or tactic works. But the evidence in evidence-based policing is not limited exclusively to findings from randomized experiments, and can include a variety of approaches with a common emphasis on policing practice being guided by science and empiricism, rather than anecdotes, untested traditions, or hunches. In addition to police practice being guided by research, evidence-based policing emphasizes police departments consistently evaluating their own practices. This requires a strong emphasis on analysis and data to guide decision-making. In recent years, a number of new resources and translation tools have made it easier for practitioners to access and digest research evidence. There is now a large and growing evidence based on what works in policing, particularly for reducing crime. A number of different approaches have been taken to connect this research to policing practice, including developing and sustaining partnerships between police and researchers. These partnerships can be challenging to maintain, especially without external funding, but are more successful to the extent that they are mutually beneficial and focus on areas of interest to both academics and practitioners. Internal champions and crime analysts can also be utilized to embed research into practice. Evidence-based policing does have its critics, which has led to recent debates in the field. Some, for example, argue that the evidence-based movement has overemphasized rigorous methodologies at the expense of officer experience and expertise. Others point to a concern about blindly following empirical research without considering normative, practical, and financial constraints that should also impact policing practice. Recent work on receptivity to research in policing suggests that officers are generally open to evidence-based policing and partnering with researchers, although gaps remain in officer knowledge about existing research. Evidence-based policing is likely to remain a prominent topic in the years to come, as researchers, practitioners, and policymakers consider ways to ensure fair and effective policing in communities around the world.

The papers in this section introduce the topic of evidence-based policing, defining the term and providing examples of what evidence-based policing looks like in practice. These definitions vary somewhat across papers. Sherman 1998 is the seminal paper on evidence-based policing and represents perhaps the first time the terminology of evidence-based medicine was ever applied to policing. Sherman 2013 revisits this seminal work fifteen years later, providing updates on the state and status of evidence-based policing around the world. Mears 2007 notes the challenges in making crime policy in general more evidence based, while Welsh 2006 focuses on these challenges in particular in policing and the benefits of an evidence-based approach. Bueermann 2012 focuses on the necessity of evidence-based policing for agencies to be as effective and efficient as possible in an era of limited resources for law enforcement. A number of recent works provide a good overview of evidence-based policing. Fyfe 2017 defines the term and focuses in particular on efforts to make policing in Scotland more evidence based. Tilley and Laycock 2017 describes different types of evidence that can be incorporated into evidence-based policing and what can be learned from the evidence-based movements in other fields. Lum and Koper 2017 is a comprehensive volume on evidence-based policing, providing a broad definition of the term, focused on research and science playing a role in decision making. The book profiles several agency projects to better integrate research into practice.

Bueermann, J. 2012. Being smart on crime with evidence-based policing. National Institute of Justice Journal 269:12–15.

In this paper a former police chief focuses on the importance of using scientific evidence to guide policing practice. The author suggests being evidence-based is especially important in an era of limited financial resources when agencies must maximize their effectiveness and efficiency. The author also points to the value of police departments partnering with universities to assist in evaluations and learning about science.

Fyfe, N. 2017. Evidence-based policing . In Policing 2026 evidence review . Edited by Scottish Institute for Policing Research, 9–20. Dundee, UK: Scottish Institute for Policing Research.

The author of this paper defines evidence-based policing, discusses its benefits, and reviews barriers to using research in practice. The author focuses in particular on efforts to make policing in Scotland more evidence based, through close collaboration between Police Scotland and the Scottish Institute for Policing Research (SIPR), a consortium of researchers from thirteen universities who focus on conducting high-quality research and working to translate this research into policing practice.

Lum, C., and C. S. Koper. 2017. Evidence-based policing: Translating research into practice . New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

This book provides an extensive overview of the concept of evidence-based policing, reviewing policing practices with strong evidence of effectiveness, as well as a number of approaches to better integrate and embed research into practice. These approaches draw from the Matrix Demonstration Project, an effort to test strategies for institutionalizing research into practice in multiple agencies (see Evidence-Based Policing Matrix Demonstration Project , cited under Resources and Translation Tools for more information). This is the most comprehensive volume to date on evidence-based policing.

Mears, D. P. 2007. Towards rational and evidence-based crime policy. Journal of Criminal Justice 35:667–682.

DOI: 10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2007.09.003

This article describes evidence-based crime policy in general, pointing to a mismatch between much of current crime policy and a rational, evidence-based approach. The author points to a number of problems with current practice, including gaps between theory and the design of practices, gaps between ideal and actual practice implementation, a lack of rigorous evaluations, and a lack of cost-efficiency assessments.

Sherman, L. W. 1998. Evidence-based policing . Ideas in American Policing. Washington, DC: Police Foundation.

This Ideas in American Policing lecture introduces the concept of evidence-based policing. It is essential reading for anyone interested in the topic. The author argues police practices should be based on scientific evidence about what works and points to the importance of agencies both using prior research to design interventions and constantly engaging in internal research to assess effectiveness. This paper sparked much of the subsequent research on evidence-based policing.

Sherman, L. W. 2013. The rise of evidence-based policing: Targeting, testing, and tracking. In Crime and justice in America, 1975–2025 . Edited by M. Tonry, 377–451. Crime and Justice 42. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

This article reviews the state of evidence-based policing in the fifteen years since the author originally wrote about the concept. The author in particular describes the importance of the “triple-T” strategy of policing. This involves police targeting the highest-risk places and people, testing to ensure strategies are effective and not harmful, and tracking what officers are doing in the field and how that relates to policy goals.

Tilley, N., and G. Laycock. 2017. The why, what, when and how of evidence-based policing. In Advances in evidence-based policing . Edited by J. Knutsson and L. Tompson, 10–26. Oxford and New York: Routledge.

This chapter provides an overview of evidence-based policing, describing why evidence should be used in policing, detailing different types of evidence that can be useful in guiding policing, and offering suggestions on how evidence can best be incorporated into practice. The authors point to lessons learned from the fields of medicine and engineering to suggest how evidence might be better incorporated into police training and work.

Welsh, B. C. 2006. Evidence-based policing for crime prevention. In Policing innovation: Contrasting perspectives . Edited by D. Weisburd and A. A. Braga, 305–321. New York: Cambridge Univ. Press.

This chapter provides an overview of what evidence-based policing is and the benefits of an evidence-based approach to crime reduction. In summarizing prior reviews of the policing research evidence base, the author concludes there is sufficient knowledge available for policing practices to be guided by science and argues that evidence-based policing is an innovation worth adopting for police to maximize their crime prevention potential.

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Evidence-Based Policing Is Here to Stay: Innovative Research, Meaningful Practice, and Global Reach

• Scientific Communication
• Published: 24 May 2022
• Volume 6 , pages 42–53, ( 2022 )

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• Eric L. Piza 1 &
• Brandon C. Welsh 1  

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Research Question

In the context of important advances as well as global reach, what more is needed for evidence-based policing to bridge the divide between academic research and police practice?

We draw on 18 case studies reported in The Globalization of Evidence-Based Policing: Innovations in Bridging the Research-Practice Divide (Piza and Welsh, 2022). These accounts of innovations provide a range of qualitative evidence on the integration of scientific research in contemporary policing.

The case studies describe some plausible causal links in four key processes: (a) transferring scientific knowledge to the practice community, (b) empowering officers to conduct police-led science, (c) aligning the work of researchers and practitioners, and (d) incorporating evidence-based policing in daily police functions.

Conclusions

While there is much work to do to achieve population-level impacts, many innovative efforts at bridging the research-practice divide in policing are becoming embedded enough to make that happen.

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Introduction

The title of this article is neither hyperbole nor wishful thinking on our part. After almost three decades of thinking, writing, research, and practice, the idea of EBP is very much a reality. For sure, there is much work to do: overcoming institutional resistance, bridging the research-practice divide, and furnishing police leaders and practitioners with the tools necessary to adopt an evidence-based approach in their day-to-day operations. In all these tasks, the key challenge, as Millenson ( 2021 ) astutely observes, remains whether EBP can make a real, lasting difference for citizens as well as the police institution.

We think EBP is on the road to making such a difference. It is certainly not happening at the pace that many would like, and there have been setbacks and failures along the way (see Lum & Koper, 2017 ; Millenson, 2021 ). Like other disciplines or professions purporting to embrace the evidence-based paradigm, failure is to be expected. Just as accepting the principle that failure is at the core of advancing science (Firestein, 2016 ), it is what is done with these failures that is crucial to advancement of knowledge. As a pioneering historian of evidence-based medicine, Millenson ( 2021 ) is still not convinced that either medical doctors or police officers have sufficiently embraced this view of failure as indispensable to success: to “learn from our errors and misadventures” (p. 148). At least in some circumstances, however, we think otherwise. The present article profiles some innovations in helping to make this happen.

Demonstrating that EBP is making a difference for citizens and law enforcement is going to take some time, inasmuch as the goal is to transform policing into a “totally evidenced” profession (Sherman, 2015 ) to achieve “population-level” impacts (Dodge, 2020 ) across a majority of police agencies or officers. Part of getting there involves overcoming the divide that exists between academic research and police practice (or between scholars and police practitioners). That divide is the main focus of the article. Aiding this effort is an emerging globalization or global reach of EBP. Again, there is work to do on this front, especially in countries in transition and developing countries. The good news is that no longer is the real-world practice of EBP limited to a handful of developed countries.

The purpose of this article is to summarize the evidence for that claim from the main findings of a new book on the subject: The Globalization of Evidence-Based Policing: Innovations in Bridging the Research-Practice Divide (Piza and Welsh, 2022 ). The article is organized around four themes that are central to advancing EBP: (a) transferring scientific knowledge to the practice community, (b) empowering officers to conduct police-led science, (c) aligning the work of researchers and practitioners, and (d) incorporating EBP in daily police functions. The article ends with some concluding remarks and directions for the future.

Transferring Scientific Knowledge to the Practice Community

Evidence-based policing is an active process requiring reciprocity between research and practice for maximum benefits to be achieved (Huey & Mitchell, 2019 ). The generation of scientific knowledge by academic researchers must be consulted by police practitioners in order for EBP to realize its full potential. Unfortunately, EBP remains a foreign concept to millions of police officers and leaders around the world (Sherman, 2015 ). While higher-ranking officers exhibit more knowledge of EBP than lower-ranking officers, they tend to define it in a way that is different from the intended meaning (Telep & Bottema, 2020 ).

Key to navigating such impediments is the design of research projects that stand to directly benefit police agencies. This process could be further assisted by involving police practitioners directly in the interpretation of findings and discussion of their implications for policy and practice. In our book, Neyroud ( 2022 ) connects such active research processes to Rogers’ ( 2003 ) diffusion of innovation theory, by which the acquisition of knowledge leads an institution to be persuaded to adopt a given innovation. Neyroud demonstrates this process through case studies on police-led diversion models, the global implementation of community policing, and the use of EBP to support police reform in India. Neyroud was personally involved in each case as both a police professional and academic, providing insight into the institutional processes driving the diffusion of policing innovations. Key across his case studies is the increased engagement of police personnel with research evidence, largely made possible by such developments as the investment in and dissemination of systematic reviews, increased willingness on the part of local governments to fund primary research, and technical assistance in program implementation offered by international bodies like the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime.

A key impediment to the wide-scale adoption of EBP pertains to lack of training opportunities in police departments. Despite education levels of police leaders substantially increasing since the 1970s, less progress has been made in the application of scientific knowledge to practice (Sherman, 2013 ). Furthermore, education and training have typically focused on police leaders rather than mid-managers who directly oversee daily operations (Ratcliffe, 2019 ). This creates a situation where police have access to evidence on “what works,” but are given little capacity to implement such strategies in a manner that maximizes the likelihood of success (Johnson et al., 2015 ).

Ratcliffe’s ( 2022 ) evidence discusses the development and delivery of an EBP training program for mid-level command staff. As argued by Ratcliffe, while police agencies often view tactical operations as hard skills requiring constant training, setting crime reduction strategy and policy is often considered a skill one can learn “on the job.” Ratcliffe’s police commander crime reduction course enhances the SARA (Scanning, Analysis, Response, and Assessment) model popularized by problem-oriented policing through specific practices and checklists to introduce more structured working practices into command work function. Building on SARA, the PANDA model has been developed: Problem scan, Analyze problem, Nominate strategy, Deploy strategy, and Assess outcomes. PANDA retains aspects of SARA while adding more specificity to the articulation and deployment of a response. Each stage of the PANDA model has an accompanying checklist to foster a structured approach to decision-making to enhance the existing skillset of police leaders.

La Vigne’s ( 2022 ) evidence provides a retrospective accounting of efforts to translate research findings for lay audiences to inform policing policy and practice. Her interviews with American policymakers and criminal justice influencers show that in the latter half of the twentieth century, criminology had a tenuous (at best) tie to policy relevance and media engagement. The interviews demonstrate how policing’s advancement towards more policy relevance and media impact developed within a complex ecosystem of actors in the criminal justice and policing space. That ecosystem, in the USA, consists of academic researchers and research centers within universities; scholars housed in non-academic research institutes; the academy, as represented primarily by the two most prominent criminology associations; the federal government; and philanthropy.

Dissemination represents a key aspect of police research translation (Lum & Koper, 2017 ). The College of Policing (UK), founded in 2012, is one example, which communicates research evidence through its What Works Centre for Crime Reduction (WWCCR). Sidebottom and Tilley ( 2022 ) discuss the work of the WWCCR and its Crime Reduction Toolkit ( https://www.college.police.uk/research/crime-reduction-toolkit ), which is used as its primary research translation tool—measuring the quality of systematic reviews of crime and justice interventions. For example, the authors discuss how well the programmatic needs of policymakers are addressed by systematic reviews on a range of crime prevention approaches (e.g., alley gating, CCTV, hot spots policing, focused deterrence), diversion (e.g., drug substitutes, mentoring), and reoffending programs (e.g., domestic abuse sanctions, electronic tagging). The authors report that most systematic reviews provide rich data on program effects, but provide less information on monetary costs and benefits, mechanisms and moderators, and implementation challenges.

Empowering Officers to Conduct Police-Led Science

Piza et al. ( 2021 ) argue that the institutionalization of evidence-based policing requires understanding how scientific knowledge is produced. Knowledge internalization, where academics draw from generalizable knowledge to inform the narrower, specific actions of practitioners (Nonaka, 1994 ), has been the predominant model in policing since the professional era starting in the mid-1900s (Sherman, 2011 : 531). There are a number of inherent limitations in such an approach, including the typically slow-moving process of research not fitting an expedited timeline needed to inform policy and practice, and academic researchers lacking the skill to help with specific problems facing practitioners. For such reasons, Sherman ( 2011 ) proposes a move towards a model of police-led science, which puts police officers at the forefront of generating evidence, with agencies empowering their officers to develop and test research questions.

Four chapters in Piza and Welsh ( 2022 ) focus on efforts to foster police-led science. Smith ( 2022 ), for example, recounts his lived experience of higher education as a mechanism for securing greater influence and autonomy as a senior police officer of the Metropolitan Police Service of London. Smith concludes that many problems of the police profession are not due to a lack of credible scientific evidence, but rather to an organizational behavior that is unable to readily apply such evidence in practice. Smith demonstrates how police reform requires leaders highly skilled in change management who can develop critical insights on how their organization functions—and simultaneously secure new knowledge from academic partners who seek to shape policing practice. Smith argues that such a context transforms EBP from something that is “done to the police service” by those on the outside looking in, to something driven by the police service itself.

The empowerment necessary to support police-led science can also be fostered by professional societies, two of which are profiled in the book. Prince et al. ( 2022 ) recount the formation of the American Society of Evidence-Based Policing (ASEBP) and its organizational activities. Huey and Ferguson ( 2022 ) do likewise for the Canadian Society of Evidence-Based Policing (Can-SEBP). Both organizations were developed out of unique needs in the two countries, and they now form part of a much larger global network of EBP societies.

Prince et al. ( 2022 ) demonstrate the evolution of ASEBP as a series of “starts and stops” that allowed the organization to organically find its purpose. Over its first 6 years, ASEBP has grown from a group of 10 to over 350 members, offering an annual research conference that attracts attendees from around the world and from which applied research projects often emerge. Huey and Ferguson ( 2022 ) discuss how Can-SEBP resulted from a distinct need of the Canadian government to better foster evidence-based approaches to public safety, with the objective of rebuilding Canada’s capacity for applied policing research.

Perhaps the most promising direction for developing police-led science is by enabling police officers to directly generate their own scientific research evidence through designing and implementing field experiments. Doing so requires a departure from standard procedure, as policing primarily relies on police academies to provide initial and ongoing training for officers in legal frameworks guiding the policing profession and the proper use of law enforcement tactics (Ratcliffe, 2022 ). Mazerolle et al. ( 2022 ), however, describe supplemental EBP workshops developed and offered by the University of Queensland for the purpose of empowering police to drive for themselves the reform agenda around EBP.

These EBP workshops are intentionally designed to promote meaningful academic-practitioner partnerships for research production. The police participants come to a workshop with a specific problem facing their agency and draw upon their operational knowledge and experience to design an innovative response. The academic facilitator supplies research methodology to develop the idea and generate evidence of effectiveness. Police then use this information to lead field experiments. The field experiments emerging from the EBP workshops have explored a range of contemporary policing issues, including the capacity of third-party policing to disrupt the sale of illicit drugs from hotel rooms, the effect of procedural justice principles on routine encounters with citizens, and the long-term effect of diversion on repeat offending (see also Cowan et al., 2019 ).

Aligning the Work of Researchers and Practitioners

Researcher-practitioner partnerships can provide an environment that fosters evidence-based policing, especially when both parties contribute to problem identification, strategy development, and strategy implementation (Mock, 2010 ). A partnership environment helps both sides to navigate the competing interests and incentive structures of academia and policing. Todak et al. ( 2022 ), for example, draw upon their experiences with the inaugural cohort of the National Institute of Justice’s Law Enforcement Advancing Data and Science (LEADS) Academics program. This program has contributed to the development of many productive research collaborations between practitioners and academics, including the design, deployment, and evaluation of the effect of foot patrols in Dayton, Ohio (Haberman & Stiver, 2019 ).

Action-research partnerships can be improved through the involvement of embedded criminologists who take an active role in the day-to-day routine of police agencies. The presence of an in-house academic can provide police agencies with uninhibited access to rigorously trained, scientifically objective scholars in support of agency operations. The integration of embedded criminologists in policing follows the successful application of the model in corrections (Petersilia, 2008 ), and has thus far involved academics working in close concert with command-staff police personnel. Gerell ( 2022 ) provides an account of his work with the intelligence unit of Sweden’s National Police, which expanded the embedded criminologist model into the field of crime analysis.

The potential of embedded criminologists and police “pracademics” to accelerate these partnerships is taken up by Douglas and Braga ( 2022 ) who describe their role in promoting the adoption of EBP within police agencies. In the past, academic partnerships with police departments have largely been project-based enterprises that rarely continued beyond the project’s end (Rojek et al., 2012 ). Embedded criminologists help create a more lasting effect by their continuing presence, while pracademics — police officers who have received academic training in research and evaluation — can act as knowledge “brokers” in their organizations, who can align perspectives across multiple constituencies (Posner, 2009 : 16). These capacities may make pracademics the most likely mechanism for successfully integrating the “craft” of police work and the “hard science” of empirical research (Willis & Mastrofski, 2018 ).

Gimenez-Santana et al. ( 2022 ) present their work with a Newark public safety initiative developed at the Rutgers-Newark School of Criminal Justice. The project uses a model of data-informed community engagement (DICE) to assist a working group of community partner organizations in identifying crime problems and developing evidence-based solutions. DICE involves the public presentation and discussions of data analysis findings at community meetings attended by all stakeholder agencies. Risk-Terrain Modeling (RTM) for spatial analysis of crime is at the heart of DICE by identifying the risks that come from the physical environment’s crime attractors and generators (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1995 ), and models how they co-locate to create unique behavior settings for crime.

Piza et al. ( 2022 ) present a proposal for police technology research to be guided by Community Technology Oversight Boards (CTOBs), to better inform the design, implementation, and evaluation of police technology interventions, emphasizing active collaboration and continuous feedback. The authors propose CTOBs following a critical assessment of Piza’s experience in analyzing closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras in Newark, New Jersey (see, e.g., Piza et al., 2014 , 2015 ). The purpose of CTOBs is to formalize community-focused partnerships to inform police surveillance technologies. They should comprise practitioners, researchers, and community stakeholders to encourage the adoption of sound science and efficient, effective, and equitable technology interventions. For best results, these stakeholders would work collaboratively to identify and analyze problems, consider and select specific technology for deployment, conduct in-depth assessments to understand the potential community impact, and conduct rigorous process and outcome evaluations to determine whether technology interventions should be adjusted. While this model can be readily applied to contemporary police technologies, such as CCTV, it holds particular promise for emerging surveillance technologies such as facial recognition and aerial drones. Given the rapidly expanding popularity of these tools, as well as their potentially enhanced intrusiveness and the general controversy surrounding their use, a CTOB provides a platform for consultation and negotiation.

Incorporating Evidence-Based Policing in Daily Police Functions

A wide range of innovative approaches have been carried out in recent years as part of a growing effort to embed evidence-based policing principles in daily police functions. Our book (Piza and Welsh, 2022 ) profiles five such approaches. In the early 2010s, Lum et al. ( 2011 ) launched an innovative and user-friendly tool known as the Evidence-Based Policing Matrix. Viewed at the time as the “next phase of evidence-based policing,” the Matrix was designed to aid police agencies in using scientific evidence in a strategic manner. It did so by “developing generalizations or principles on the nature of effective police strategies and translating the field of police evaluation research into digestible forms that can be used to alter police tactics, strategies, accountability systems, and training” (Lum et al., 2011 : 3). The first test of the Matrix reaffirmed some of the scientific evidence on police effectiveness in reducing crime. It continues to serve as a key resource for updating the evidence base in a timely manner and tailoring the evidence to the needs of police agencies.

In the next phase of the Matrix, known as the Matrix Demonstration Projects (MDP), Lum and Koper ( 2022 ) illustrate how the MDP facilitates three activities that are essential to achieving EBP: translation, receptivity, and institutionalization. These core activities come with the added benefit of contributing to the development of high-quality research evidence. The authors discuss in detail the creation of tools to support the application of EBP in the field (e.g., the Evidence-Based Policing Playbook) and the communication of EBP principles to police management and leadership.

Another innovative approach is the CompStat360 platform, which harnesses the benefits of both the traditional CompStat model and community policing perspectives. Neusteter and Magnus ( 2022 ) describe how CompStat360 was piloted and developed through a practitioner-researcher partnership in Tucson, Arizona. The platform consists of planned connections or feedback loops among three overlapping dimensions: (a) prevention, intervention, and clearance of crimes; (b) maximization of organizational effectiveness; and (c) integration of community support and involvement. Key lessons from CompsStat360 include these:

not all projects required crime analysis resources or the use of a “rigid” problem-solving structure;

the importance of targeting micro-problem areas or places (e.g., a motel generating a high volume of 911 calls); and

police commanders going beyond “siloed” problem solving to establishing ad hoc multidisciplinary teams.

As an example of the global reach of EBP, O’Brien and Evans ( 2022 ) describe the development, early initiatives, and current scope of the New Zealand Police Service’s Evidence-Based Policing Centre (EBPC). Established in early 2019, the Centre is dedicated to institutionalizing EBP in day-to-day operations of the police service. The EBPC strategy is structured around four key functions: (a) data science; (b) performance, research, and insights; (c) delivery and improvements; and (d) implementation and evaluation. Teams assigned to each of these functions combine police practitioners, researchers, and other stakeholders to carry out these functions. At the time of writing, there were more than 50 active projects in these four functions, with another 100 projects in the scoping and development phase. In recognition of the many challenges of embedding EBP in operational policing and sustaining it over time, the Centre’s efforts are guided by a number of “success criteria.” These include meeting specific targets, including making New Zealand the safest country in the world, fostering a culture of learning and innovation, and forming strong partnerships with others who aspire to similar goals.

Turning back to the USA, Green and Bates ( 2022 ) profile a state-wide initiative (in the state of New York) that relies on EBP practices to reduce urban gun violence at the local level. Facilitated by technical support, training, and assistance in data collection from the New York Division of Criminal Justice Services (DCJS), the initiative leverages a network of crime analysis centers (as a way to bolster the analytical capacity of local police agencies), an innovative street outreach program, a tested gun violence prevention program, and efforts to improve clearance rates for non-fatal gun crimes. By embracing a more active role than most traditional state grant-awarding systems, DCJS has also been in a position to help agencies respond to changing conditions on the ground, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic, and address implementation challenges.

The final innovative approach profiled in the book for embedding EBP principles in daily police functions concerns the Cambridge Police Executive Programme (CPEP). Building on a program for certifying police leaders launched at Cambridge University’s Institute of Criminology in 1996 and directed by Lawrence Sherman with an EBP curriculum since 2008, the Programme offers a part-time master’s degree to mid-career police officers. Its aim is training “pracademics” in policing both to do research and lead its application. Its diverse student body enables its effort to institutionalize EBP across the world.

Two main perspectives guide this Programme’s approach to EBP: (a) EBP should serve as a “general framework for making decisions” and (b) EBP is a “strategy for organizing police activities around a holistic mission of reducing total harm from crimes” (Sherman, 2022 : 301). Undergirding these views has been the mission of getting research into practice, culminating in scores of applied research projects by the student pracademics, in collaboration with their faculty thesis advisors, and leading to scientific discoveries and changes in police practices. The Cambridge Programme shows how academic training can directly, and in short order, impact police agency operations. It also serves as a proof of concept for replication in other top-tier universities, as a way to get more pracademics in policing and help institutionalize EBP.

Conclusions and Future Directions

Our conclusion from these 18 case studies is that the evidence-based policing movement has expanded rapidly across the world. It has gained a foothold in a large number of police agencies. It has become part of the institutional landscape of policing, through international, regional, and country-level professional societies dedicated to its advancement.

At the same time, and undergirding some of the movement’s success, there has been a growing body of scientific research. From experimental and quasi-experimental evaluations (many published in this journal) to Campbell Collaboration reviews of the highest quality studies, research has demonstrated the effectiveness of a diverse range of proactive policing strategies (Lum & Koper, 2017 ; Telep & Weisburd, 2016 ; Weisburd and Majmundar, 2018 ; Welsh, 2019 ). In parallel to this work has been a growing body of survey research that has documented the receptivity of police to evidence-based policing (see, e.g., Lum & Koper, 2017 ; Telep, 2017 ; Telep & Lum, 2014 ).

These case studies of EBP innovations from across the world have had a particular focus on bridging the research-practice divide. They demonstrate just how far the movement has advanced in the last three decades. They also provide us with greater insights and, in many cases, research evidence on how to bring about more effective and fair policing through an evidence-based approach. This is no less than a major achievement.

Building on this work and advancing the body of knowledge that we now have calls attention to several key priorities for the years ahead. One priority for global expansion of EBP is moving beyond rich, industrialized countries. Practitioner and researcher outreach with resources at-hand, on-site, and university/college training, and building capacity with regional partners will go a long way to making this happen. The Cambridge Police Executive Programme may provide a framework for how these objectives can be accomplished on a large scale, even fostering the ability to achieve population-level impacts.

Another priority is police-led and researcher-supported innovations, with a clear focus on sustainable change. This calls for moving beyond one-off, short-term projects, and in some cases attending to the underlying causes of crime rather than its symptoms alone. EBP could be a leader on this front.

A key priority remains the need for an unrelenting focus on evaluation of all dimensions of policing. As shown in Piza and Welsh ( 2022 ), almost every element of policing is testable. Creativity and ingenuity, along with an unwavering commitment to do no harm, are the engines driving EBP innovations. These qualities also need to be harnessed for experimentation. With a rich and deep supply of police practitioners and researchers who exhibit these qualities, we think EBP is up to the challenge.

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Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to the journal editor, Lawrence Sherman, for insightful revisions to an earlier version of this article.

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Piza, E., Welsh, B. Evidence-Based Policing Is Here to Stay: Innovative Research, Meaningful Practice, and Global Reach. Camb J Evid Based Polic 6 , 42–53 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s41887-022-00074-x

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Published : 24 May 2022

Issue Date : June 2022

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s41887-022-00074-x

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Evidence-Based Policing

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Lawrence W. Sherman, Ph.D.

The new paradigm of “evidence-based medicine” holds important implications for policing. It suggests that just doing research is not enough and that proactive efforts are required to push accumulated research evidence into practice through national and community guidelines. These guidelines can then focus in-house evaluations of what works best across agencies, units,victims, and officers. Statistical adjustments for the risk factors shaping crime can provide fair comparisons across police units,including national rankings of police agencies by their crime prevention effectiveness. The example of domestic violence, for which accumulated National Institute of Justice research could lead to evidence-based guidelines, illustrates the way in which agency-based outcomes research could further reduce violence against victims. National pressure to adopt this paradigm could come from agency-ranking studies, but police agency capacity to adopt it will require new data systems creating “medical charts”for crime victims, annual audits of crime reporting systems, and in-house “evidence cops” who document the ongoing patterns and effects of police practices in light of published and in-house research. These analyses can then be integrated into the NYPD Compstat feedback model for management accountability and continuous quality improvement.

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