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Violence in Pakistan: A Gendered Perspective

  • Violence in Pakistan: A Gendered…

gender based violence in pakistan essay

by Zainab Mustafa , Research Associate, RSIL

Pakistan has been ranked as the third most dangerous place in the world for women. [1] Gender Based Violence (GBV) in Pakistan has its roots in a patriarchal social structure under which women are considered inferior to men and are viewed as property. [2] Illiteracy, ignorance and blind faith in clergy provide a fertile ground for the maintenance of the status quo, and encourages this extreme form of patriarchal society. [3] This issue is further compounded by discriminatory legislation and a dysfunctional criminal justice system. [4]

Acts of violence committed against women including, inter alia , sexual violence, intimate partner or spousal abuse (domestic violence), sexual harassment, harmful traditional practices (forced marriage, vanni , karo kari ), and other discriminatory practices based on gender all fall within the ambit of GBV. [5] Over 10,000 cases of GBV were reported in Pakistan in 2014. [6]  According to official figures released by the Ministry of Human Rights, 8,648 human rights violations were reported in the country between January 2012 and September 15, 2015. These included 90 incidents of acid burning, 72 of burning, 535 cases of violence against women, 860 honour killings and 344 rape/gang rapes, 268 sexual assault/harassment, and 481 of domestic violence. [7]

Challenges faced

Despite this there is no specific federal law prohibiting domestic violence. [8] Women who have tried to report abuse have faced grave challenges, with the Police and judges hesitating to take action, deeming such matters private home affairs. Police officers often use the method of mediation to settle domestic disputes to save women the shame of going through courts, which does not always result in justice. [9] Women that wanted to take legal action were told to lodge an FIR in an environment which they described as “scary” and “confusing” and in some cases the process took between 3 to 6 months. Moreover, none of the women reported that they had been given any safety planning measures by the police. [10]

Rape victims are perceived as possessing immoral character and therefore blameworthy for getting raped. Some victims are pressurized to withdraw their complaint or settle out of court. The Station Chief of a busy Lahore police station told the Human Rights Watch that the crime of rape does not exist in Pakistan and that women normally consent to intercourse, subsequently lying to incriminate their male partners. [11] Judicial bias also sometimes leads to verdicts that penalize women. The International Crisis Group reported, “While researching on knowledge, attitudes and practices on rape, I was shocked to hear a [lower court] judge in Punjab say that if it was a gang rape, it could be considered zina-bil-jaber (rape). But if there was only one aggressor, then it was zina (consensual extramarital sex).” [12] According to reports, some rape victims have been forced to marry their attackers. Furthermore, prosecution in rape cases take years and is rarely successful. [13] In a paper submitted to CEDAW [14] it was noted that a rape trial can continue for a time period of between one and a half years to 10 years. [15] Moreover, medical personnel in many areas do not have the expertise required for such complicated prosecutions and do not gather evidence on time leading to acquittals. [16] The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has stated that less than four per cent of Pakistan’s rape cases result in a conviction. [17]

Legislative Measures and Lacunae in the Law

Pakistan has taken a significant number of steps to counter GBV through adopting legislation on the subject. However, the laws lack implementing measures and do not offer sufficient safeguards. Shelter homes for women facing violence have also been established in Pakistan but many of these lack basic facilities and are very few in number compared to the women who are seeking refuge. Reportedly, patterns of abuse have also emerged at these shelter homes where women found their movements strictly restricted and were also pressured to return to their abusers. [18]

The Government has established police stations for women staffed by female police officers to offer victims of violence a safe place to register complaints and file charges. However, there are very few in number and are often under staffed. Furthermore, the police often lack the expertise to handle GBV cases. [19] Evidence collection after rape cases is particularly poor which often results in the perpetrator going free. [20] Since 2006, National Police Academy’s curriculum includes a training module to increase gender sensitivity. This by itself is insufficient if it is not coupled with accountability for failure to investigate crimes. [21]

The Ministry of Women Development (MoWD) and the National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW), are responsible for the formulation of policies to eliminate GBV. [22] In 2006, the Gender Crime Cell was set up in the National Police Bureau to collect data on cases of GBV, and provide policy advice to the Government on particular cases. [23] The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act 2004 of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) outlawed karo kari, siyah kari and similar other customs, [24] however, the law leaves space for gender biases, which results in lenient sentences and the protection of perpetrators from maximum penalties. [25] An estimated 70 per cent of perpetrators go unpunished. [26] The Qisas and Diyat Ordinances are applied to negotiate compensation with the perpetrator. Furthermore, the police have in some cases been reported to be complicit with perpetrators of honour crimes. [27]

The Protection of Women (Criminal Law Amendment) Act 2006 has amended law governing rape in Pakistan. However, the law is poorly implemented and reportedly, police has also been implicated in some cases. [28] It has been reported that police have sometimes abused or threatened victims, especially in cases where they have received bribes. [29]

The Prevention of Anti-Women Practices [Criminal Law Amendment] Act, 2011 is considered ambiguous and there is a lack of clarity surrounding its application amongst police officers and public prosecutors. Furthermore, the law does not allow an arrest without a warrant or a court order. [30] A study conducted by Aurat Foundation in 2011 revealed that most police officers and lawyers were unaware of the existence of the AWP Act 2011 and that no trainings had been held for law enforcement officials. [31]

The Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Bill 2009 was unfortunately not passed by the Senate, accentuating the difficulty surrounding passing legislation related to women. [32] Balochistan, Sindh and Punjab have all passed laws against domestic violence, including other pro-women legislation such as the Punjab Women Protection Authority Act 2017, the Sindh Commission on the Status of Women Act 2015, and the Sindh Child Marriages Restraint Act 2013.

However, laws by themselves cannot successfully safeguard rights. The frighteningly high official figures released by the Ministry of Human rights is testament to that. Laws have to be accompanied with implementing measures and for most of the pro-women laws promulgated, the implementing and monitoring mechanisms are still pending.

gender based violence in pakistan essay

Author:  Research Society of International Law

Related posts.

gender based violence in pakistan essay

Violence in Pakistan may not be gender Specific, Around 60% of Crime is result of Debt. If we are Focusing some special feature the definition of that Crime may be required.

Violence against women and child is due to habit/ fashion in society. This can minimize by start of new fashion of women to be respected.

This is not the matter of law or police. I planned new ideas to stop violence against women. I will launch website, poster, song, slogan, film, tv show. Video messages. I am hopefully that violence against women will be minimized all over world. I live in India and no one ready to implement my ideas, male mind treat me as enemy.

Indeed, violence against woman still going on… Above 50% waman population occupy sapce on the earth…. And about 10%enjoy their basic right…. The major factors against woman violence are. Conservative mid set, illiteracy, no affective role of feminist organization etc….

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gender based violence in pakistan essay

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Pakistan’s Problem With Violence Against Women Is Growing Impossible to Ignore

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Features  |  society  |  south asia.

Pakistan witnessed several cases of gender-based violence within the month of July, shedding light on the deplorable state of women’s rights in the country.

Pakistan’s Problem With Violence Against Women Is Growing Impossible to Ignore

Women’s rights activist take part in a demonstration to condemn the violence against women, in Lahore, Pakistan, Saturday, July 24, 2021.

Mariam*, 30, is a house-help, working at three different houses to fulfill her duties as the sole bread-winner of her family consisting of her three children and husband. Her husband, roughly 70, hasn’t financially contributed to the household since the day they got married seven years ago. Instead, he physically and verbally abuses Mariam.

“As soon as I reach home, tired from a hard day’s work at different households, before I have even stepped foot inside the house, he starts with his tyranny and starts beating me,” recounted Mariam.

Mariam isn’t Razzak’s* first wife. Razzak married Mariam through the custom of  watta-satta,  a tradition of marriage exchanges common in rural areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan. Razzak’s daughter from his first marriage was wedded off to Mariam’s brother, in exchange for Mariam who was married to Razzak. This arrangement is one of the reasons binding Mariam in her physically abusive marriage. If she tries to leave Razzak, she would risk being socially shunned, as her brother’s marriage too will break.

“I have pleaded with my brother to help me. He says he can’t do anything to help me because he’s happily married with four children and ready to welcome the fifth. He says he isn’t ready to ruin his married life by raising his voice for me with my husband, who happens to be his father-in-law,” explained Mariam.

Mariam is not only physically abused by her husband. A few weeks ago, her step-son abused her too after a dispute between Mariam’s son, Ibrahim, 4, and his son, Mustafa, 7. When Mustafa repeatedly bullied Ibrahim, Mariam scolded him and raised her hand against him when Mustafa misbehaved further. This was a reason enough for her step-son to beat Mariam “to the extent that my clothes were soaked with blood.”

“My husband didn’t say even a word in my defense and watched over. He did not rescue me,” said Mariam while wiping her tears from her cheeks.

Mariam’s tale isn’t an isolated story. She is one of the thousands of women in Pakistan who face gender-based violence and crimes but are missing from the statistics, as they never officially report their abusers for various reasons.

A Horrific July

Pakistan witnessed several cases of gender-based violence in the month of July, shedding light on the deplorable state of women rights in the country.

Saima Ali, 23, was badly injured along with her brother when her father, Raza Ali, a police constable, opened fire on his family on July 3 in Peshawar city. Saima’s mother, Bushra Raza, died of her wounds and the sibling duo was seriously injured.

Raza Ali had a history of drug addiction and domestic violence. Saima can recall a childhood filled with abuse at the hands of her father, who stopped financing her and her brothers’ education. A case against the suspect was lodged at Machni Gate Police Station in Peshawar but weeks later, the suspect is still on the run.

On July 15, Qurat-ul-Ain Baloch, a mother of four, was allegedly tortured and murdered by her husband in Hyderabad in Pakistan’s Sindh province.

Both women had reportedly been victims of frequent domestic violence for years before they were murdered.

Social media in Pakistan was already trending with hashtags demanding #justiceforQuratulain and #justficeforSaima when the  brutal murder and beheading of Noor Mukadam , the 27-year-old daughter of Pakistan’s ex-ambassador to South Korea and Kazakhstan, at the hands of Zahir Jaffer, son of a business tycoon, in the capital city Islamabad shocked the country.

With the wave of horrific murders, Pakistan may finally be awakening to endemic gender-based violence.

“Noor Mukadam’s murder, along with a multitude of other recent instances of gender-based violence, is an indicator of the deepening unrest, insecurity, and inequality in Pakistani society,” Alia Amirali, a Pakistani feminist, academician, and political worker, told The Diplomat.

Zahir Jaffer was arrested by the police and later  confessed to the murder.  Also under arrest are Jaffer’s parents and two household staff – including security guards present at the house who were aware of that Mukadam was being held captive but chose to inform the parents of the accused in Karachi instead of informing the area police. On August 5, a bail plea by the parents of the suspect was  rejected  by the court.

The brutal murder of Mukadam and the recent cases of violence against women paints a bigger picture: The Pakistani state has failed to protect its women.

Pakistan ranked 153rd out of 156 nations on the  Global Gender Gap 2021  index by the World Economic Forum. In the South Asian region, it ranks seventh among the eight countries, with Afghanistan ranking the lowest. The report commented that “progress has stagnated,” thus increasing the estimated time to close the gender gap to 136.5 years.

Cases of gender-based violence are grossly underreported in Pakistan and there is no way to make a correct estimate. However, the few cases that make it to social media are a representation of the state of affairs of women rights in the country. The list of women facing violence, being killed and raped, is unending and tragic.

A Failure of Justice

Victims, especially those from lower-class backgrounds, can spend years fighting for justice in Pakistan’s infamous judicial system, but cases plod along seemingly endlessly, with no end result. It took decades for the country to  close a loophole  that allowed perpetrators of “honor killings” to seek forgiveness for the murder from the family members of the victim and escape punishment – a easy condition to fulfill, as many victims and perpetrators are part of the same family. The change in the law came after the murder of social media star Qandeel Baloch at the hands of her brother on the pretext of defending the family’s “honor.”

The early release of Shah Hussain, who stabbed Khadija Siddiqui 23 times in 2016, is further testament to the failure of Pakistan’s judicial system to provide justice to the women of the country. Hussain was sentenced to a mere five years for his gruesome crime but was released  after serving only 3.5 years of his sentence.

“Each day when a victim doesn’t get justice or when a perpetrator walks free after adding to the haunting toll of women being killed or violated in this country should be a watershed moment” for Pakistan, Rimmel Mohydin, South Asia campaigner at Amnesty International, told The Diplomat.

Unfortunately, too often the people in power have proven to be part of the problem. Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan has been criticized for his  victim-blaming remarks. When asked in an interview with the BBC about the rising sexual assault cases in the country, Khan replied that sexual violence was a result of “increasing obscenity” and that women should cover themselves to prevent “temptations” in society.

“Unfortunately, the prime minister’s statements belie the true nature of the crime and send the message to victims that they are somehow responsible for what happens to them. That can turn hesitation about coming forward into refusal to come forward, which in turn distances perpetrators even more from accountability,” explained Mohydin.

This is not the first time that Khan has blamed women for the crimes committed against them. His comments are a reflection of Pakistan’s culture of sexism and misogyny. When the prime minister of the country states that women should dress a certain way, he is essentially giving oppressors of women a narrative that they can use to justify their behavior.

Pakistan’s parliament passed the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Bill, 2021, recently. In July, the advisor to prime minister of Pakistan on parliamentary affairs, Babar Awan wrote a letter to the speaker of the National Assembly asking for the review of the passed bill against domestic violence and said that it should be sent to the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII).

Women’s rights activists criticized the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) government for sending the bill to the CII, which has previously stated that “lightly beating” a wife is permissible.

It is noteworthy that CII does not have any woman on its board of members and hence women’s perspectives are not taken into account while making decisions that have an impact on the lives of the women in Pakistan. Another point that remains unanswered is why is there a need to send legislation related to women’s rights to the CII at all, when these measures, like all other bills that are discussed and passed, have been debated and approved by elected members of the National Assembly.

The Most Forgotten Women

While many cases of violence against women in Pakistan go unreported, some cases that are particularly neglected and, even when reported, fail to reach the same level of outrage as other cases: women who are victims of state-sponsored violence.

As Pakistani Twitter trended with hashtags demanding justice for Saima, Quratulain, and Noor, one name failed to spark the same kind of activism – that of Keghad Baloch, a woman roughly in her early 50s, who was allegedly tortured and murdered by security forces in Kech, in Pakistan’s insurgency-ridden province Balochistan.

According to Mahrang Baloch, a student leader, brutality and violence against women in Balochistan have increased over the last few years.

“Entering her [Keghad Baloch’s] house, torturing her and murdering her is testimony to the increased state brutality against Baloch women,” said Mahrang Baloch.

In 2020, Maliknaz Baloch was  gunned down at her home  by three armed men during an armed robbery that also injured her 4-year-old daughter, Bramsh. The men had been sent by the alleged local leader of a locally known “death squad,” a private militia reportedly supported by the establishment to counter Baloch separatists.

Protests were held throughout the province and the “Bramsh Movement” started, but the movement didn’t get the same kind of support elsewhere in the country. Mahrang pointed this out, stating that “ no more than five people  showed up at the protest in solidarity for Bramsh in Lahore.”

Mahrang recalled the difficulties she has had raising the plight of Baloch women, even among those who support women’s rights in general. “In 2019, I was a part of the first Women Democratic Front (WDF) Convention, where WDF added some points regarding Baloch women, but they were not addressed. When I would interact with these women activists and ask about those points, I would be told they were receiving threats. For me, threats are an excuse in activism.”

Mahrang sees her and other Baloch women rights activists’ struggle as different from the rest of the feminists in the country. “We think we can’t talk about women rights in Balochistan without talking about state oppression, because the biggest oppressor of women is the state.”

All of this points toward one thing: The Pakistani state has failed its women. While there are different layers, nuances, and subtleties to the feminist movement and demands in different parts of Pakistan, all women in the country collectively want the state to do better to ensure that they are safe.

Pakistan has seen enough hashtags and cries for justice; it now must focus time and resources toward taking preventative steps.

Alia Amir Ali said that the first hurdle is that people have come to accept violence in general, and violence against women in particular, as part of everyday life. Violence has become naturalized, acceptable, and even glorified, over time. Though there are spurts of outrage on social media, these die down as soon as the news cycle shifts and each incident is replaced by another trending topic or a different horror story. And even that short-lived outrage only appears on social media in particular instances – the cases that the people who are most vocal and visible on Twitter can relate to, possibly due to their own class and ethic/regional backgrounds.

“Solutions require an acknowledgement of the problem, and an openness to discovering uncomfortable truths about ourselves and others. I do not know how many people are willing to do this. Our collective dehumanization is something that all of us in Pakistani society must accept as a reality if we are to step towards transforming it,” said Ali.

*Names have been changed at the interviewee’s request.

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Gender-based violence in pakistan and public health measures: a call to action.

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Gender-based violence in Pakistan and public health measures: a call to action

Affiliations.

  • 1 Department of Pediatrics and Child Health, Aga Khan University, Stadium Road, Karachi 74800, Pakistan.
  • 2 Department of Research and Publications, Fatima Jinnah Medical University, Lahore, Pakistan.
  • 3 Medical College, King Edward Medical University, Lahore, Pakistan.
  • 4 Department of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, Aga Khan University, Karachi, Pakistan.
  • PMID: 35813516
  • PMCID: PMC9243683
  • DOI: 10.2471/BLT.21.287188

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Proposed health-care response to violence against women in Pakistan

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National Report on the Status of Women in Pakistan - A Summary

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In seeking to uphold its international and national commitments on gender equality and women’s empowerment (GEWE), limited availability and analysis of comprehensive gender disaggregated data remain key gaps that hinder quality reporting as well as priority setting and decision-making. To address this gap, the National Gender Data Portal (NGDP) was established in 2021 by the National Commission on the Status of Women in collaboration with UN Women Pakistan. It is the first effort to consolidate gender data at a national level using digital tools, triangulating data from various official sources. This data will be used to publish periodic reports on the status of women, which will be instrumental for analyzing trends and reviewing progress, and, most importantly, formulating evidence-based policies and programmes to advance the gender equality agenda in the country.

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Gender-Based Violence in Pakistan's Digital Spaces

  • Published: 10 October 2021
  • Volume 30 , pages 29–50, ( 2022 )

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gender based violence in pakistan essay

  • Shirin Naseer 1 &
  • Cameran Ashraf   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3275-3624 1  

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The provisions of United Nations’ Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) provisions and the CEDAW Committee’s recommendations expand on the theoretical and practical ways in which countries can combat gender-based discrimination. In Pakistan, the digitisation of women and feminist collectives and their experience of violent misogyny on the internet accentuates the weakness of the country’s internet security mechanisms. This study utilises the human rights framework of CEDAW to assess the performance of Pakistan’s internet security mechanisms, and highlights the state’s obligations towards women’s digital safety. Informed by the CEDAW’s provisions and the Committee’s contributions, this paper provides recommendations to combat gender-based violence and improve Pakistan’s internet security mechanisms.

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The Punjab Protection of Women Against Violence Act XVI. 2016. Punjab Laws. http://punjablaws.gov.pk/laws/2634.html . Accessed 10 Sept 2020.

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Naseer, S., Ashraf, C. Gender-Based Violence in Pakistan's Digital Spaces. Fem Leg Stud 30 , 29–50 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10691-021-09473-3

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Patriarchy and Gender-Based Violence in Pakistan

  • Published 19 May 2017
  • European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research

91 Citations

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Topic

A staggering 32 per cent of women have experienced physical violence in Pakistan and 40 per cent of ever-married women have suffered from spousal abuse at some point in their life (The Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 2012-2013). However, these statistics do not accurately represent the full extent of cases. One in two Pakistani women who have experienced violence never sought help or told anyone about the violence they had experienced.

While the Government of Pakistan has passed various laws to prevent violence and support those affected by it, the conviction rate for violence against women sits at only 1-2.5 per cent. Resources and services for women survivors of gender-based violence (GBV) remain scarce. Health services personnel are inadequately equipped, referral systems are limited, and insufficient training on GBV combined with low investment in human capital enhances the vulnerability of women. These gaps exist on the backdrop of a structurally and culturally patriarchal society, where social norms promote gender-based abuses, disclosure to violence is discouraged and women are often blamed for their abuse. The need to change minds and behaviors is immense, and it is within this landscape that UNFPA continues to work toward change.

Preventing and addressing GBV

There are numerous barriers in the prevention of and response to GBV in Pakistan, including misperceptions around GBV, limited or ineffectual legislation and lack of support systems and safety nets for those who do attempt to seek support. Insufficient systems at the state, civil society and community levels are serious obstacles to comprehensively addressing GBV.

This situation is exacerbated in emergencies, where GBV is known to increase due to the breakdown of social structures and protective mechanisms, the weakening of norms regulating social behavior and traditional social systems, the separation of family members, increased male responsibility for the distribution of goods, lack of opportunity for women’s and children’s voices and opinions to be heard by decision makers and failure of decision makers to consider the security of women and children in emergencies.

UNFPA’s role

UNFPA’s work in Pakistan strengthens the capacity of both public sector and civil society partners to prevent and respond to GBV, including in cases of humanitarian crisis.

UNFPA works in schools to promote gender-responsive and age-appropriate life skills-based education for in and out of school youth, covering topics such as equality, respect and rights of both boys and girls.

In partnership with WHO, UNFPA also works in developing the capacity of the health sector to respond to GBV by integrating gender issues at a policy level, training health-care workers and building the capacity of the administrative infrastructure to be able to effectively and safely respond to the needs of GBV survivors. Using a survivor-centered approach is instrumental to UNFPA’s programme management and aims at mainstreaming behavioural changes throughout the health sector.

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Combatting Gender Based Violence in Pakistan Through Feminist Edutainment Television

South Asian Journal of Law, Policy, and Social Research, Vol. 1, No. 2, 2022

31 Pages Posted: 28 Feb 2022

Aisha Malik

The University of Sydney

Date Written: February 21, 2022

The Urdu serial drama first appeared on Pakistani state-controlled broadcast television in 1960. Over the years, the serial drama format and content has undergone significant changes, but one thing has remained constant: its popularity with female audiences. This article examines how institutional changes have altered the thematic content of these texts to include topics such as domestic violence, sexual abuse, and rape. Using the case study of the drama serial Dar Si Jaati Hai Sila (2017), I explore how these serials dramas can loosely be considered Feminist Edutainment (FE), a neologism that intentionally recalls the form of Entertainment Education (EE) associated with Miguel Sabido’s work on Mexican television with an educational remit. I draw on my ethnographic research to argue that contemporary serial dramas persist in engaging women in the domestic reception space and in doing so provide Pakistani women with useful tools to combat direct acts of violence such as sexual assault and rape. By creating points of identification, these serial dramas help women negotiate various identities and by implicitly questioning patriarchal structures, including the culture of honour and gender roles, these serial dramas further help women deconstruct and resist underlying notions of cultural violence.

Keywords: Urdu, drama serials, serials, sexual abuse, Entertainment Education (EE), Feminist Edutainment (FE), Pakistan, Pakistani television, Gender-based Violence (GBV), zanaana, televisual commons, enter-educate, Pakistani drama serials, Pakistani women

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Aisha Malik (Contact Author)

The university of sydney ( email ).

University of Sydney Sydney, NSW 2006 Australia

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Perpetuation of gender discrimination in Pakistani society: results from a scoping review and qualitative study conducted in three provinces of Pakistan

Tazeen saeed ali.

1 School of Nursing and Midwifery, Aga Khan University, Stadium Road, P.O. Box 3500, Karachi, Pakistan

2 Department of Community Health Sciences, Aga Khan University, Stadium Road, P.O. Box 3500, Karachi, Pakistan

Shahnaz Shahid Ali

Sanober nadeem.

3 Aga Khan Health Services, Karachi, Pakistan

Zahid Memon

4 Center of Excellence Women & Child Health, Aga Khan University, Karachi, Pakistan

Sajid Soofi

Falak madhani, yasmin karim.

5 Aga Khan Rural Service Pakistan, Gilgit, Pakistan

Shah Mohammad

Zulfiqar ahmed bhutta.

6 Institute for Global Health, Karachi, Pakistan

7 Department of Paediatrics & Child Health, Aga Khan University, Karachi, Pakistan

Associated Data

On request, the data will be available by hiding the IDs.

Though we have already provided the transcripts, yet there is a need of further information then kindly contact the corresponding author. Dr. Tazeen Saeed Ali: [email protected].

Gender discrimination is any unequal treatment of a person based on their sex. Women and girls are most likely to experience the negative impact of gender discrimination. The aim of this study is to assess the factors that influence gender discrimination in Pakistan, and its impact on women’s life.

A mixed method approach was used in the study in which a systematic review was done in phase one to explore the themes on gender discrimination, and qualitative interviews were conducted in phase two to explore the perception of people regarding gender discrimination. The qualitative interviews (in-depth interviews and focus group discussions) were conducted from married men and women, adolescent boys and girls, Healthcare Professionals (HCPs), Lady Health Visitors (LHVs) and Community Midwives (CMWs). The qualitative interviews were analyzed both manually and electronically through QSR NVivo 10. The triangulation of data from the systematic review and qualitative interviews were done to explore the gender discrimination related issues in Pakistan.

The six major themes have emerged from the systematic review and qualitative interviews. It includes (1) Status of a woman in the society (2) Gender inequality in health (3) Gender inequality in education (4) Gender inequality in employment (5) Gender biased social norms and cultural practices and (6) Micro and macro level recommendations. In addition, a woman is often viewed as a sexual object and dependent being who lacks self identity unless being married. Furthermore, women are restricted to household and child rearing responsibilities and are often neglected and forced to suppress self-expression. Likewise, men are viewed as dominant figures in lives of women who usually makes all family decisions. They are considered as financial providers and source of protection. Moreover, women face gender discrimination in many aspects of life including education and access to health care.

Gender discrimination is deeply rooted in the Pakistani society. To prevent gender discrimination, the entire society, especially women should be educated and gendered sensitized to improve the status of women in Pakistan.

Gender discrimination refers to any situation where a person is treated differently because they are male or female, rather than based on their competency or proficiency [ 1 , 2 ]. Gender discrimination harms all of society and negatively impacts the economy, education, health and life expectancy [ 1 , 2 ]. Women and girls are most likely to experience the negative impacts of gender discrimination. It include inadequate educational opportunities, low status in society and lack of freedom to take decisions for self and family [ 1 , 3 ].

Likewise, gender discrimination is one of the human rights issues in Pakistan and is affecting huge proportion of women in the country [ 1 , 2 ]. In Pakistan, nearly 50% of the women lacks basic education [ 4 ]. In addition, women in Pakistan have lower health and nutritional status. Furthermore, most of the women are restricted in their homes with minimal or no rights to make choices, judgments, and decisions, that directly affect their living conditions and other familial aspects [ 2 ]. In contrast, men are considered dominant in the Pakistani society [ 5 ]. This subordination of women has negative influences on different stages of women’s life.

Study design

The mixed method study design was used. Systematic review was done in phase one and qualitative interviews; in-depth interviews (IDIs) and focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted in phase two.

The objective of the systematic review

To map a broad topic, gender discrimination/inequality research in Pakistan including women undergoing any form of intimate partner violence.

Systematic review

The three authors (TSA, SSA and SN) independently performed an extensive literature search using two databases: PubMed and Google Scholar and reports from organizations such as WHO and the Aurat Foundation. Quantitative and Boolean operators were used to narrow down the search results. The following keywords and phrases were used: Intimate partner violence (IPV), domestic violence, violence against women, domestic abuse, spousal violence, and Pakistan. Articles from 2008 to 2021 were assessed. The selection criteria of the articles included: women undergoing any form of IPV (physical, psychological, and sexual); quantitative study design; English as the publication language; and articles in which Pakistan was the study setting. The shortlisted articles were cross-checked by two of the authors (TSA, and SN) for final selection. The quality of the selected articles was reviewed using a STROBE (Strengthening the Reporting of Observational Studies in Epidemiology) checklist, which ensured all articles followed a structured approach, including an introduction, methodology, results, and a discussion section. It was also determined that all selected articles are published in peer-reviewed journals and have been used nationally or internationally. The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) chart was used for study selection (Fig.  1 ).

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Object name is 12905_2022_2011_Fig1_HTML.jpg

PRISMA Diagram to select the final articles

The selected articles were approved by one of the authors (TSA), who is an expert in the field of IPV. Articles were excluded: (i) If the study was not conducted in Pakistan; (ii) Studied spousal violence against men and (iii) Domestic violence involving in-laws or other family members. Furthermore, from the selected articles, the data were extracted by 3 authors (TSA, SSA, SN) by carefully studying the methodology and results. The methodology was entered into an extraction template in which location was summarized including the study design and sample size in the articles. The results covered: (i) The title, (ii) Authors, (iii) Publication year, (iv) Objectives of the research, (v) Population and Setting, (vi) Research design, (vii) Data collection methods, (ix) Results, (x) Perpetuating factors (xi) Recommendations and (xii) prevalence of Intimate Partners Violence (IPV) faced by women, which was further categorized into: (a) Psychological/emotional violence, (b) Physical violence, (c) Sexual violence, (d) Both combined and (e) Violence of any other type.

Qualitative data collection

Participants selection.

Purposeful sampling was done to recruit the participants for qualitative data collection. Participants included groups of married men and women aged between 18 to 49 years, groups of unmarried adolescent boys and girls aged between 14 to 21 years, and groups of healthcare professionals (HCPs), comprising of doctors, nurses, Lady Health Visitors (LHVs), Lady Health Workers (LHWs) and Community Midwives (CMWs). Ethics approval was obtained from the Aga Khan University, Ethics Review Committee.

Study sites

The selected study sites included two districts from Chitral (Upper and Lower Chitral), six districts from Gilgit (Gilgit, Ghizer, Hunza, Nagar, Astore, and Skardu), and two districts from Sindh (Matiari and Qambar Shadadkot). The following are the details of the data collection (Refer Table  1 ).

Details of Qualitative assessments of community members and Health care professionals

DistrictsQualitative assessment typeStudy participants

(Skardu, Astore, Ghizer, Gilgit, Hunza, Nagar)

IDIs

(  = 18)

Gynaecologist (  = 4), Hospital administrator (  = 1), CMW (  = 4), HOD (  = 4) and LHV (  = 5).

FGDs

(  = 32)

Adolescent girls (  = 6), Adolescent Boys (  = 8), Married Men (  = 6), Married women (  = 6) and HCP (  = 6)

(Upper and Lower Chitral)

IDIs

(  = 8)

Gynaecologist (  = 2), Hospital administrator (  = 2), CMW (  = 1), LHV (  = 2) and Head nurse (  = 1).

FGDs

(  = 14)

Adolescent girls (  = 3), Adolescent Boys (  = 4), Married Men (  = 2), Married women (  = 3) and HCP (  = 2)

(Matiari, and Qambar Shadadkot)

IDIs

(  = 11)

Gynaecologist (  = 3), Hospital administrator (  = 1), CMW (  = 1), LHV (  = 2), Staff nurse (  = 1), HOD (  = 1), LHW (  = 1) and midwife (  = 1).

FGDs

(  = 11)

Adolescent girls (  = 2), Adolescent Boys (  = 2), Married Men (  = 2), Married women (  = 3) and HCP (  = 2)

Data collection

Data were collected by conducting (IDIs) and (FGDs). The IDI and FGD interview guides were developed specifically for the study and reviewed based on the literature. IDIs were conducted with the healthcare industry administrators, Heads of the Departments (HODs), and HCPs of private and government health settings, including gynaecologists, LHWs, LHVs, and CMWs. The IDI interview guides comprised of the questions related to knowledge, sources of information, and attitudes regarding gender-based discrimination (how each gender is perceived in society and how physical and social differences in the roles of males and females affect an individual or society). The IDIs were conducted in Urdu and local language. The interviews were audio-recorded. Each IDIs lasted for 45–60 minutes.

Likewise, the FGDs were conducted using different interview guides, which were designed to assess the perception of adolescent girls and boys, married men and women and health care workers regarding gender discrimination in the society (perceptions of masculinity and femininity, and gender role expectations of a society). The FGDs were conducted in Urdu and local language. The interviews were audio-recorded. Each FGDs lasted for 60–120 minutes.

Data analysis

All interviews were audio recorded and transcribed in English. Training was provided to the data collectors, and they were supervised by the authors throughout the process to ensure transcriptions are written accurately and correctly, representing the actual data collected during interviews. Thematic analysis was carried out in four different steps. Firstly, manual analysis was done by the research team where transcriptions were thoroughly read, and codes were identified. These codes were combined according to their contextual similarity which followed the derivation of categories, based on which, themes were developed. Secondly, similar manual analysis was conducted by an expert data analyst. Thirdly, analysis was conducted using QSR NVivo 10. In the final step, all three analyses were combined and verified by the research team followed by the compilation of results.

Data integrity

To maintain the credibility or truthfulness of the data, the following strategies were used: (1) Prolonged engagement: Various distinct questions were asked related to the topic and participants were encouraged to share their statements with examples, (2) Triangulation: Data was analyzed by the author, expert data analyst and through QSR NVivo10, (3) Persistent observation: The authors read and reread the data, analyzed them recoded and relabeled codes and categories and revised the concepts accordingly, and (4) Transferability: The ability to generalize or transfer the findings to other context or settings, was ensured by explaining in detail the research context and its conclusions [ 6 ].

Ethical considerations

Ethical approval was obtained from the ethics review committee (ERC), Aga Khan University. The ERC number is 2020-3606-11,489. To ensure voluntary participation of the study participants both verbal and written consent were obtained. For those who were younger than 18 years of age were given written assent, and their parent, or guardian’ verbally consented due to literacy issues. In addition to anonymity of the study participants were maintained by assigning codes to the study participants. To avoid loss of data, interview recordings were saved on a hard drive and in the email account of the author. The data on hard copies such as note pads used during IDIs and informed consents were kept in lock and key. All the data present in hard copy was scanned and saved in the hard drive with password protection. To ensure confidentiality, only the authors had access to hard and soft data of the study.

The studies selected were scrutinized to form a data extraction template with all the relevant data such as author, publication year, study title, purpose, design, setting, sampling, main results, perpetuating factors, and recommendations (Refer Table  2 , provided in the attachment). Most of the 20 studies included in the review were conducted in Pakistan however the most frequent study design was cross-sectional ( n  = 9) followed by narrative research based on desk reviews ( n  = 8), one was a case study, and two were cross-country comparison by using secondary data. Four studies were conducted in Province Punjab, three studies were conducted in KPK, and one in both KPK and Punjab. Only one study was conducted in Sindh province. The remaining used whole Pakistan in systematic review. The maximum sample size in a cross-sectional study was ( n  = 506). Six major themes have emerged from the review which included (1) Status of Women in Society (2) Gender Inequality in Health (3) Gender Inequality in Education (4) Gender Inequality in Employment (5) Gender Biased Social Norms and Cultural Practices (6) Micro and Macro Level Recommendations.

S #First Author, Year & TitleObjectivesPopulation & SettingResearch Design & Data CollectionMain ResultsPerpetuating factorsRecommendations
1

Iqbal (2012)

Gender Discrimination: Implications for Pakistan Security [ ]

• To describe the gender discrimination in Pakistan

• To describe gender discrimination in education and employment

• To discuss gender and human security

PakistanDesk review, narrative research

Gender balance can be improved by enhancing non-traditional security

Gender discrimination against females can be reduce by providing them equal chances at the workplace and in society.

-Patriarchal society

-Honor killing

-low social, economic, and political status in society

-DV is personal matter

-Cultural boundaries

-Co-education

-poor physical environment and lack of fundamental services in education sector

-limited opportunities for rural girl for education

low literacy rate

-Marriage

-Childbearing

-unfavorable work environment

-discrimination in male and female pay scale

-Low promotion

-Fewer female in decision making and leading position.

Eliminate discriminatory attitude of the society towards the women.

The constitution of Pakistan guarantees equal rights to all citizens and make sure the forceful implementation.

Govt must start mass media awareness campaign on gender discrimination in employment.

Female employees must be informed about their rights and privileges.

NGOs should come forward to support the victimized female employees to get justice.

-Govt should compilation annual reports of Human resource in Govt. and private sector.

More investment on female education

2

Delavande (2013)

Gender Discrimination and Social Identity: Experimental Evidence from Urban Pakistan [ ]

To find out the discrimination against females regarding gender and social class

 = 2836

male and female students

from Islamabad, Rawalpindi and Lahore

Experimental design

-Survey questionnaire

Nature and intensity of gender discrimination is not same in all educated class

Higher socioeconomic status females are not discriminated and are even favored in some instances by males

Women of lower socioeconomic status are discriminated against by certain groups of men

-Low socioeconomic status

-Discrimination because of Social Identities (Class, ethnicity, race)

-Push for policies favoring economic development, such as education policy, will lead to an improvement in women’s rights and status.

-Male education can play an important role in discrimination as educated males tend to discriminate less

-Gender equitable child rearing practices at home including education to boys.

3

Alam (2011)

Impact of Gender Discrimination On Gender Development and Poverty Alleviation [ ]

To know the main reasons and areas of gender discrimination and its impact on development and poverty alleviation

 = 50

25 Male and 25 female selected from purposive sampling from Peshawar

Cross-sectional study

Survey questionnaire and Interview

Gender disparity exists in targeted geographies.

women have no or low share in income / earnings of the family

Women are more vulnerable to poverty; women share more burden of productive and household work.

Women are not given equal opportunities in jobs

Gender inequalities hinder poverty alleviation.

Lack of women participation in development and women have no political and propriety rights.

Lack of skill enhancement opportunities for women would affect poverty alleviation and gender development

No equal status of women in family as she didn’t contribute to family earning.

Female were not allowed to work outside home.

Decision makers are male in household.

No equal opportunity in higher education for females

Old traditional role of male and female hindering the women development

Sex segregated occupational choices; females are only in teaching.

Females are economically dependent on man

Exclusion from development and it affects poverty alleviation.

Equal educational opportunities and quality education should be provided to women for different jobs.

Women should be given equal rights and power of decision-making.

Equal opportunities of Participation

to bring equality in resources distribution

Household and productive burden should be share equally that may help in poverty alleviation.

Skills training facilities should be available for females

Equal opportunity in family affairs.

Need of policy formation focused on women empowerment for poverty alleviation and gender development.

4

Bukhari (2019)

Gender Inequality: Problems & Its Solutions In Pakistan [ ]

To highlights the practices of gender discrimination, identifies the problems and its solutions in PakistanPakistanDesk Review, narrative research

Female discrimination is present due to socio-cultural norms in Pakistan.

Gender discrimination mostly influence by tribal, feudal and religious social formations.

Financial problems are a major concern for educating the women

Girls face harassment and criticism from society while traveling

- Rural females are suffering more in terms of getting education.

-Government seats mostly occupied by males.

Male dominancy

Lack of participation in discission making

Social cultural norms and inhuman cultural practices

Co-education and boarding facilities are hindrances in girl education.

Provide equal status and opportunities to women in society

Empower women by promoting education, training, and professional development

Ensure the Health, safety, and well-being of all women and men.

Protection against domestic violence and legislation against Domestic violence

Equal representation in public and private sector

5

Ejaz (2011)

Gender Discrimination and The Role of Women in Pakistan [ ]

To review the practices of gender discrimination, its contributing factors and recommendation to make women powerful in society.PakistanDesk review, narrative research

In Pakistan as Muslim society gender discrimination, it is in the most hideous form

Islamic values and laws were fabricated and presented as subliminal messages.

Some writers use their venomous words to disgrace and degrade women openly

Girls passively wait to accept their destiny with anticipation of discrimination, injustice, and unequal distribution of human rights.

Patriarchal society

Low education level.

Discriminatory laws in Pakistan

Unequal Sexual division of labor

Reproductive activities

Cultural Norms and practices

Early and forced marriages

Fabricated Islamic messages

Brainwashing at toddler age and intergenerational passing of submissiveness by mothers

Stereotype role of women in media.

Women themselves must understand their proper status in the society

Awareness of rights are important for both male and female and they need to respect each other,

Efforts can be made to make people understand the translation of the holy Qur’an.

Unbiased teaching of Islam to provide women with appropriate knowledge making them all-powerful in the society

6

Ferrant (2016)

Does gender discrimination in social institutions matter for long-term growth? [ ]

To estimate the potential income gains associated with gender parity and the cost of the current level of discrimination.Multicultural study including PakistanCross country secondary data analysis

Gender-based discrimination in social institutions obstructs the economic development and income of the country

The association between low economic development gender disparity is stronger in low-income countries.

Per-Capita income of both and females are reducing because of gender discrimination

High income

countries have lower levels of gender-based discrimination in social institutions

Less access to education

Gender disparity in social institutions need to be integrated in growth analysis of the country.

More investment on girl education and trainings.

Social institutions should be gender responsive and have gender-transformative policies.

Identify the bottlenecks of gender parity and unlock the growth potential of social institutions.

Dire need to identify which type of institution have greater effect and which intervention will be needed to reduce the gap.

7

Mahmood (2012)

Gender-Specific Barriers to Female Entrepreneurs in Pakistan: A Study in Urban Areas of Pakistan [ ]

To determine gender-specific barriers and its impact for female entrepreneurs in Pakistan

 = 160

Females from

Faisalabad Multan Sukkur Sargodha Sialkot

Cross sectional Study

Self-administered survey questionnaire and in-depth interviews

Female entrepreneurs are very important to economic and social development in Pakistan.

Female entrepreneurship is a grater tool to transform economy of Pakistan.

Female participation in entrepreneurial activities is not only empower them economically but also have positive social influences on women themselves, their families, and their social environment.

Lack of finance

Poor knowledge about loan process

discrepancy in property rights

Restriction on mobility

Communication gap with men Limited decision making role models and guiders

Lack of education

Men’s hold on market

Childcare burden

Family pressure

Discrimination

Harassment

For the development of full potential of women there is a need to understand recognize and support them.

Make sure the women participation in economic activities to achieve sustainable goals.

Ensure the provision of finance.

8

Tarar (2014)

Patriarchy, Gender Violence and Poverty amongst Pakistani Women: A Social Work Inquiry [ ]

To find out discrimination and violence against women in Pakistan and its interplay with patriarchy and poverty.

To examine how the patriarchy, us a tool to

 = 52

Females living in Shelter home Punjab Pakistan

Descriptive qualitative, Primary research paper Interviews

Women are vulnerable to different types of violence, and this vary by class

There is a relationship between patriarchy, poverty, and gender violence

Poverty appears to be the direct cause of gender violence

Poverty

Patriarchal society

Economical dependency less access to education

Husband’s drug addiction

Understanding of psychological, social, and gender aspects of violence to eradicate poverty.

Educate and empower women to promote economic, social, and gender equalities as well as to improve the social structure.

Empowerment oriented social workers to focus on victim’s strengths, adaptive skills, and competencies to resolve their problems.

9

Kazimi (2019)

Mothers Role and Perception in Developing Gender Discrimination [ ]

To analyze role of mothers in developing child personality and social behavior.

To explore mother role in developing gender discrimination.

 = 183

Mothers

Residing in urban and rural Sindh province selected through purposive and random sampling

Mix Method research Design

Survey Questionnaire and narrative inquiry

Urban and rural mothers both have discriminatory behavior

Mother’s attitudes towards boys and girls are highly biased and both treated differently.

Mother’s discriminative behavior helping in promoting and developing gender discriminated behavior in society especially in rural areas

-Mothers are not aware that they are harvesting the gender gap in society with their discriminative behavior

-Mother can play a role to reduce gender discrimination.

Discriminatory child rearing practices

Son preference

Pro male behavior

Patriarchy

Lack of participation in decision making.

Violation of property rights.

Women education and adult education programs for the awareness of the consequences of mother behavior

Provision of equal rights and opportunities for both men and women

Mother education for gender parity in practices.

Schools can play a role and should focus on this problem and guide parents.

Use of Media especially television for developing awareness among mothers

10

Atif (2016)

Son Preference in Pakistan: A Myth or Reality [ ]

To study the relationship between various demographic characteristics and desire for son

 = 506

Married females of Childbearing age from Peshawar, Pakistan

Cross-sectional Study

Survey questionnaire

Significant relation between sons desired and female education, husband’s education, and socioeconomic class.

No significant impact of religion on desire for sons.

Significantly higher desire for infinite number of sons than daughters, or want at least one son

Dowery

Lack of social support

Couple counseling to reduce gender bias

Girls should be given equal chances to be wishfully borne by their parents, and live with equal right

11

Rabia (2019)

Gender Inequality: A Case Study in Pakistan [ ]

To explore the perception of male and females on gender inequality in Pakistan

 = 357

Male and female College students from Sialkot Punjab, Pakistan

Cross sectional Study

Survey questionnaire

There is gender discrimination in home, in education and at workplace.

Parents give more importance to boys as compared to girls

Women can work outside their home if the income is not adequate.

Mostly backward area people have controversial thoughts about women and more women experienced gender inequality

-Honor killing and practices like acid attacks are very common.

-Son preferences

-Child rearing practices

-Social norms

Government and public both should work to promote education and professional development for women.

Removal of discriminatory attitude

of the society towards the women.

Encourage women participation in economic growth.

Equal opportunity to both men and women at home, education and workplace.

Ensure health, protection, and happiness for all women

Provide protection against domestic violence and mistreatments

12

Shah (2012)

Girl Education in Rural Pakistan [ ]

To identify the barriers of girl’s education in rural areas and recommendations to eliminate these barriers.

 = 35

Stakeholders in education including parents and teacher from a rural Punjab, Pakistan

Case study

In-depth interviews

Field notes/ Observations

Muslim girl should be brought up as she can become good wife, daughter, sister, mother and wife.

Poverty and lack of public

education is considerably lower in rural areas

Cultural norms

Child rearing practices

Patriarchy

Religious leaders

Poverty

Co-education

Distance of school

Child labor

Early Marriages

Domestic role of female

Lower status of female in society

Absence of female teachers

Creates proactive policies, essential infrastructures, and necessary resources

Ensure the safety and protection of girls.

Awareness and community sensitization for girl education.

Create girl’s enrollment campaigns at local level with some incentives on enrollments

Partnership between all stakeholders at all levels.

13

Hamid (2011)

An Analysis of Multi-dimensional Gender Inequality in Pakistan [ ]

To investigate multi-dimensional gender inequalities faced by women in the socio-economic and political scenario of Pakistan

Pakistan

Comparison made between male and female

Desk review

Women in Pakistan are suffering from multi-dimensional inequality

The dimensions of family, women identity, health, education, women access to economic resources, employment and participation in politics contribute significantly to the discrimination of women

Discrimination against women starts from the very beginning

Poor and inadequate health and nutrition facilities for antenatal women and SRHR

Very low women employment in non-agricultural sector and mostly are in informal sector where wages are very low

Patriarchy

Child rearing practices

Poor and inadequate services

Male control over financial and physical assets

Son preferences

Lack of participation in decision making

Poverty

domestic and farming Responsibilities

low access to schools

Early marriages

Socio-cultural practices.

Unsafe places

Lower education

Social cultural norms constraints on women’s mobility

Provision of opportunities to women in the form of education, better health, possession of assets, employment and for participation in politics

-Legislation of laws to protect women rights

Creation of gender friendly enabling environment for economic, social, and political participation.

Parents sensitization on right of female child and make sure the active participation of girls at all levels.

Provision of Child Friendly Schools, trainings and skills program for females

Introduction of uniform wages and salaries for both gender

14

Bhattacharya (2014)

Status of Women in Pakistan [ ]

To evaluate the role of women in relation to various layer of state and society.Pakistan

Desk Review

Narrative

Quranic principles are frequently avoided and twisted, especially regarding the status of women

Guardians of the faith take them as customary to ‘punish’ women and ostracize them

Islam not only gives basic equality to women but also equal legal rights

Patriarchy has caused a total disregard for women in Pakistani society.

Feudal system in society has also caused severe antipathy towards women.

Medieval cultural practice

Women ignorance about their rights.

Anti-Islamic cultural practices and traditions (Haq Bakhshish)

Tribal judicial system

Institutional and individual violence

Patriarchy

Female viewed as inferior.

Feudal system

Violence at home

Honor killing

Selling of Bride

Dowery

Acid Attack

Frequent training and awareness programmers are needed to be arranged periodically to make women aware of their rights

Public, as well as private sectors, should be established to provide job opportunities to rural women so that they can earn income

Laws need to be reviewed and adequate implementation of laws to provide a safe and secure environment for women

Education and awareness of men and women both are very important

15

But (2016)

Social Policy and Women Status in Pakistan: A Situation Analysis [ ]

To review status of women and social policies in PakistanPakistan

Desk Review

Descriptive research

Govt. is unwilling to improve women status in country.

Women face poverty, lack of access to health and education services

There is unavailability of domestic policies to protect women from violence and gaps in implementation

The is a high ratio of gender inequality and sone preference in rural and urban areas

- Property rights is often transferred to the male members of the society

-Political instability worsen the situation and increase the gender gap.

lack of gender friendly policies and implementation.

Patriarchy

No property rights

Gender Based Violence-

No equal rights

Sexual abuse/rape

inaccessibility of health facilities

Cultural norms and taboos poverty-lack of services domestic violence

-Child Marriages

-lack employment opportunities

-sex segregation

-school distance

Domestic chores

Co-education

Son preference

Parents illiteracy

-Narrow job opportunities

-home responsibility

-small industries

-traditional division of labor

-temporary positions

Provision of equal rights for women.

Awareness and education to both males and females about equal rights

Actual Islamic practice should be followed.

Proper allocation of budget for women empowerment

16

Khurshid (2020)

Analyzing the Impact of Gender Inequality on Economic Development in Pakistan: ARDL Bound Test Cointegration Analysis [ ]

To assess the relationship between gender inequality and economic development and also analyze the short term and long-term impact of gender inequality on economic developmentPakistanTime series Analysis

Gender inequality delayed both long term and short-term economic growth.

Gender inequality has an inverse relationship with economic development.

State of gender equality is abysmal in Pakistan that decreased their decreased roles in different spheres of life.

Inflation rate has negative impact on economic growth.

Low women Literacy is the primary indicator of economic delayed

Interest rate negatively but highly significant impact on economic development.

Female access to higher education and health can increase economic growth.

Reduce in gender discrimination needed in education sector.

Trade has a positive effect on economic growth.

Holistic approach can overcome the consequences of gender inequality and crucial for economic development.

Government should make policies to increase job opportunities for female.

17

Mahmood (2021)

Sociological Analysis of Women’s Empowerment in Pakistan [ ]

To explore the relationship between type of employment, employment status, occupation, and empowerment in Pakistan.

To explore the relationship between demographics variables, financial contribution and empowerment in Pakistan.

PakistanDescriptive research

Women access to services and her contribution to extent family income has significant role to eliminate gender discrimination

Mostly females are motivated to opt limited occupations.

Women are less empowered in all fields of activities

Lack of access to services

Lack of participation in economic activities and have limited job opportunities.

Lack of empowerment in all fields.

Lack of authority, Mobility restrictions and less resource control

Domestic violence

Patriarchy

Create more professional markets to empower women particularly for rural areas women.

Include women in earnings

Access to education

Remove all the barriers that hinder women empowerment

Need structural changings for gender equality

Develop professional competencies by continue trainings and support.

Educate women to know their rights

Practice right to take decision

18

Mumtaz (2019)

Frequency and Psychosocial Determinants of Gender Discrimination Regarding Food Distribution among Families [ ]

To study the psychosocial factors causing gender discrimination

regarding food distribution among families

Pakistan

 = 50 females

Cross sectional study design

Higher discrimination in food distribution due to large family size

Food discrimination 4 times higher in females

Low income contributes to higher discrimination

Maternal education lead reduction in food discrimination

Large family size

Low income

Male earners

Lack of control on capital

Policies to promote Female education

Create earning opportunities

Provision of foods for poor families

Awareness raising on print and social media for gender parity

19

Ahmed (2019)

Impact of Gender-Specific Causes on Women Entrepreneurship: An Opportunity Structure for Entrepreneurial Women in Rural Areas [ ]

to assess impact of gender-specific causes and factors on women entrepreneurship in rural areas of Pakistan.

 = 342 women and men from rural areas from

Pakistan

Cross sectional study

Gender discrimination is one of the major causes affecting women’s entrance in the process of entrepreneurship

Men seen as bread earner primary source of income and woman seen a key caretaker, inside the home

Safety, security issues and lack of education have further

contributed to gender discrimination

Gender discrimination practices

Lack of education

Lack of access to capital and family support

Inferior female status, lack of women’s role in decision making and early marriages

Monopoly of men in the market

Negligence of government

Create supportive environment for female entrepreneurs

Provide entrepreneurial opportunities

Provide public safety nets to improve women status as entrepreneur

Offer vocational trainings

Cash transfer for girls schooling

Flexibility in working hours for females

20

Ahmad (2020)

Men’s Perception of Women Regarding the Internet Usage in the Khyber Agency Pakistan: An Exploratory Study [ ]

To investigate the gender discrimination in the use of the internet in KPK

To explore the reason of gender discrimination

 = 100

15–29 years old youth

KPK, Pakistan

Mix method approach

Digital divide in internet usage promotes gender discrimination

KPK women suffered from gender discrimination

Women has lack of access to the internet and the usage of the internet compared to men

Most of the people are far from digital devices

Men has decision making power for health education, marriage etc.

Internet use not allowed to female by male members of the family because of misuse and content on internet.

Internet seems threat to traditional Parda system (Veil)

Patriarchy

Deprivation from digital world

Stereotypical discourse of women

Traditional values

Religious restrictions

Lack of participation in decision making

Awareness raising

Development of local women organizations

Promote women education

Campaign on the benefit of internet by Govt. and NGOs

Dialogue with male members of the society

IT related scholarships for females

Women empowerment campaigns

Women access to technology

Status of a woman in the society

The Pakistani women often face gender inequality [ 13 ]. Women are seen as a sexual object who are not allowed to take decision for self or their family. However, the male is seen as a symbol of power. Due to male ownership and the patriarchal structure of the Pakistani society women are submissive to men, their rights are ignored, and their identity is lost. Out of twenty, nine studies reported that a female can not take an independent decision, someone else decides on her behalf, mainly father before marriage then-husband and son [ 1 , 3 , 4 , 6 – 8 , 13 ]. The three studies report that women are not allowed to participate in elections or have very limited participation in politics. Furthermore, women often face inequalities and discrimination in access to health, education, and employment that have negative impact in their lives [ 1 , 2 ]. In addition, media often portrays women in the stereotyped role whose only responsibility is to look after the family and household chores [ 2 ]. Likewise, women have less access and control over financial and physical assets [ 13 ]. Similarly, in most of the low economic and tribal families’ women face verbal and physical abuse [ 8 ].

Gender inequality in health

Gender disparity in health is obvious in Pakistan. Women suffer from neglect of health and nutrition. They don’t have reproductive health rights, appropriate prenatal and postnatal care, and decision-making power for birth spacing those results in maternal mortality and morbidity [ 13 ]. Women can not take decision for her and her children’s health; she doesn’t have access to quality education and health services [ 13 , 15 ]. Furthermore, many papers report son preference [ 1 , 3 ]. Gender-based violence is also very common in Pakistan that leads to harmful consequences on the health and wellbeing of women [ 9 ].

Gender inequality in education

Low investment in girls’ education has been reported in almost all the papers reviewed. The major reason for low investment is low returns from girls, as boys are perceived to be potential head of the house and future bread winner [ 6 , 10 – 13 , 15 ]. One of the case study reports, people believe, Muslim women should be brought up in a way that they can fulfill the role of a good daughter, wife, and a mother; and education can have a “bad influence” to develop these characteristics in women [ 12 ]. If girls are educated, they become less obedient and evil and don’t take interest in household chores that is the primary responsibility of her [ 12 ]. Moreover, religious leaders have strong authority in rural areas. They often misuse Islamic teaching and educate parents that through education, women become independent and cannot become a good mother, daughter, and a wife. These teachings mostly hinder girl’s education. Other barriers in girls’ education are access to the facility and women’s safety. Five studies reported that most of the schools are on long distances and have co-education system that is perceived as un-Islamic. Parents are reluctant to send their daughters for education as they feel unsafe and threatened [ 1 , 4 , 12 , 13 , 15 ]. Poverty is another root cause of gender disparity in education, as parents cannot afford the education of their children and when there is a choice, preference is given to boys due to their perceived productive role in future. As a result, more dropouts and lower attainment of education by girls particularly living in rural areas [ 6 – 9 , 11 , 13 ].

Gender inequality in employment

Economic disparity due to gender inequality is an alarming issue in Pakistan. The low status of women in society, home care responsibilities, gender stereotyping, and social-cultural humiliated practices against women are the main hurdles in women’s growth and employment opportunities. Low education of females, restriction on mobility, lack of required skillsets, sex-segregated occupational choices are also big obstacles in the attainment of economic opportunities. Most of the women are out of employment, however those who are in economic stream are facing several challenges [ 7 ]. They face discrimination in all layers of the economy. Men are mostly on the leadership positions, fewer females are involved in decision making, wages are low for females if compared with males, workplace harassment and unfavourable work environment is common that hinders long stay in job [ 1 , 7 , 8 ]. Moreover, a study reported that in a patriarchal society very limited number of females are in business field and entrepreneurship. The main hurdles are capital unavailability, lack of role models, gender discrimination in business, cultural and local customs, and lack of training and education [ 8 ].

Gender biased social norms and cultural practices

The gender discrimination is deeply rooted in the Pakistani society. The gender disparity in Pakistan is evident at household level. It includes Distribution of food, education, health care, early and forced marriages, denial of inheritance right, mobility restriction, abuse, and violence [ 1 , 2 , 4 , 6 , 7 , 11 ]. Furthermore, birth of a boy child is celebrated, and the girl is seen as a burden. Likewise, household chores are duty of a female, and she cannot demand or expect any reward for it. On the other hand, male work has socio-economic value [ 2 , 7 , 15 ]. Furthermore, the female has limited decision making power and most of the decisions are done by male figures in a family or a leader of the tribe or community who is always a male. This patriarchal system is sustained and practiced under the name of Islamic teaching [ 2 , 12 , 13 ]. The prevalence of gender-based violence is also high, in form of verbal abuse, physical abuse, sexual assault, rape and forced sex, etc., In addition, it is usually considered a private matter and legal actions are not taken against it [ 8 ] . Moreover, Karo Kari or honor killing of a female is observed in Pakistan. It is justified as killing in the name of honor . Similarly, women face other forms of gender-based violence that include: (i) bride price (The family of the groom pay their future in-laws at the start of their marriage), (ii) Watta Satta (simultaneous marriage of a brother-sister pair from two households.), (iii) Vani (girls, often minors, are given in marriage or servitude to an aggrieved family as compensation to end disputes, often murder) and (iv) marriage with Quran (the male members of the families marry off their girl child to Holy Quran in order to take control of the property that legally belongs to the girl and would get transferred to her after marriage) [ 1 , 4 , 9 , 14 , 15 ]. Furthermore, the women are restricted to choose political career [ 13 ].

Micro and macro level recommendations

The women should have equal status and participation in all aspects of life that include, health, nutrition, education, employment, and politics [ 1 , 4 , 7 , 9 , 11 ]. Women empowerment should be reinforced at policy level [ 1 , 7 ]. For this, constitution of Pakistan should give equal rights to all citizens. Women should be educated about their rights [ 1 , 2 , 4 , 6 , 13 – 15 ]. To improve status of women, utmost intervention is an investment in girls education. If women is not educated she cannot fight for her rights. Gender parity can only be achieved if women is educated and allowed to participate in decision-making process of law and policies [ 4 – 6 , 9 , 11 , 14 ]. Similarly, access to health care services is women’s right. Quality education, adequate nutrition, antenatal and post-natal care services, skilled birth attendants, and access and awareness about contraceptives is important to improve women’s health and reduce maternal mortality.

Similarly, women should be given equal opportunities to take part in national development and economic activities of the country to reduce poverty. This is possible through fair employment opportunities, support in women’s own business, equitable policies at workplace and uniform wages and salaries. Besides these, female employees must be informed about their rights and privileges at workplace and employment [ 1 , 7 , 8 , 11 ]. Policy actions should be taken to increase the level of women’s participation in economic growth and entrepreneurship opportunities. There should be active actions to identify bottlenecks of gender parity and unlock growth potential of social institutions [ 5 ]. Another barrier for women empowerment is threatened and unsafe environment to thrive. There should be policies and legislation to protect women from harm, violence, and honor killing that ensure their health, safety, and wellbeing [ 4 , 12 ]. Educational institutions and mass media are two powerful sources that can bring change in society. Government must initiate mass media awareness campaign on gender discrimination at household level, educational institutes, and employment sectors to break discriminatory norms of patriarchal society and to reduce the monopoly of males in marketplace. Parent’s education on gender-equitable practices is also important to bring change at the microlevel. It includes gender-equitable child-rearing practices at home including boys mentoring because they think discrimination against females is a very normal practice and part of a culture [ 3 ]. There is insufficient data on women’s participation and gender parity in health, education, and employment. Thus, there is a strong need to identify effective interventions and relevant stakeholders to reduce the gender discrimination in Pakistan [ 5 ] .

Findings from primary data collection

The following are the major themes emerged from the primary data collection (Refer Table  3 ).

Major themes emerged from the primary data collection

ThemesCategories
Theme: 1 Perception of women regarding gender discrimination in societya) Woman as a sexual object
b) Women as dependent beings
c) Women’s autonomy
d) Males as an identity for females
e) Child’s upbringing responsibility
f) Unrecognized contribution of women
g) Gender differences in daily activities
h) Deprivation of women’s rights
Theme 2: Perception of men regarding gender discrimination in societya) Male Dominance
b) Preference of male child
c) Lack of communication among husband and wife
d) Men are protectors
Theme 3: Factors influencing gender discrimination.a) Role of family head
b) Media influence

Theme 1: perception of women regarding gender discrimination in society

Woman as a sexual object.

Female participants highlighted that they are seen as “sexual objects” and “a mean of physical attraction” which prevents them from comfortably leaving their homes. One female participant explained this further as,

“We are asked to stay inside the house because men and boys would look at our body and may have bad intentions about us” (Adolescent girl, FGD).

Male participants echoed this narrative as they agreed that women are judged by their physical appearance, such as the shape of their bodies. A male participant stated,

“ Woman is a symbol of beauty and she's seen by the society as the symbol of sex for a man" (Male HCP, IDI).

A male participant reported,

“Women should cover themselves and stay inside the house” (married man, FGD).

One female participant verbalized,

“ We have breasts, and therefore, we are asked to dress properly". (adolescent girls, FGD).

Another stated,

“ Girls are supposed to dress properly and avoid eye contact with boys while walking on the road” (adolescent girls, FGD).

Women as dependent beings

One of the major study findings suggests the idea that women must be “helped” at all times, as they are naturally dependent upon other persons to protect them. One participant stated,

“If a woman is alone, she is afraid of the man's actions ” (adolescent girl, FGD).

Some female participants, however, agreed with this statement to some extent because they felt that men help women to fit into society. Oftentimes, judgment is passed for women without an accompanying male. Participants verbalized that wife cannot survive without husband and similarly daughter cannot live without her father. One participant mentioned,

“We are only allowed to go out when we have our father or brothers to accompany us” (Adolescent girl, FGD).

Other participants agreed with the sentiment differently. Since it is implied that men easily get attracted to women, having a male figure with female will protect her from naturally prying eyes. However, if she cannot be accompanied by a male, she must protect herself by covering fully and maintain distance with males.

Women’s autonomy

Female participants, especially young adolescent girls, shared how restrictions have affected their livelihoods. Participants expressed how easy it is for males to gain permission and leave the house, while females often have series of obstacles in front of them. A young girl stated,

“ There are lot of constraints when we see women in our culture. They must take care of everything at home, yet they must get everybody's permission to go five minutes away. Whereas a boy can go out of town and that too, without anyone’s permission. Looking at this, I wish I were a boy. I'd go wherever I want, and I could do whatever I want” (adolescent girl, FGD).

Males as an identity for females

Women are often identified through a prominent male figure in their life and are not considered to have individual personalities and identities. A female participant mentioned that,

“Woman is someone having a low status in society. People know her through their husband or father name” (married women, FGD).

Child’s upbringing responsibility

Culturally, it is expected from the female members of the family, often mothers, to rear children and take care of their upbringing. Male members, mainly fathers, are expected to look after finances. Thus, mothers usually take a greater portion of responsibility for child’s upbringing and blame in case of misconduct. A married woman explained that,

"If a girl does something, the mother is blamed for that. Even in our house, my mother-in-law talks to my mother if I argue or refuse for anything. This is the culture in my maiden home as well" (Married Woman, FGD).

Unrecognized contribution of women

Many female participants verbalized their concern for disregard they receive from their families despite contributing significantly. Women who perform major roles in maintaining the family and household chores are not recognized for their efforts. By doing cleaning, cooking and other duties, they keep family healthy and help keep costs low. One participant mentioned,

“If women don’t clean the house, it is extremely dirty. If women do not rear children, no one else would do it. We do so much for the family” (married woman, FGD).

Gender differences in daily activities

Both men and women struggle with self-expression as certain expectations from both genders hold people back from expressing their views and opinions. Men, for example, as indicated by participants, are expected to remain firm in challenging situations and not show emotions. Even for hobbies, participants shared that, parks and recreational activities are geared towards young boys and men, while girls and women are given more quiet and indoor activities. A female participant verbalized that,

“ Boys have a separate area where they play cricket and football daily but for girls like us, only indoor activities are arranged” (adolescent girl, FGD).

In places where males and females freely mix or live closely in one area, people often find themselves taking extra precautions in their actions, as to not be seen disgraceful by the community. One female participant reported,

“ Two communities are residing in our area. Events for females, such as sports day, are very rarely arranged. Even then we cannot fully enjoy because if we'll shout to cheer up other players, we would be scolded as our community is very cautious for portraying a soft image of females of our community ” (adolescent girl, FGD).

Another participant stated that,

“ After prayers, we cannot spend time with friends as people would point that girl and say that she always stays late after prayers to gossip when she is supposed to go home ” (adolescent girl, FGD).

Deprivation of women’s rights

A woman’s liberty has always struggled to be accepted and males are always favoured. Thus, women are given lower status. Participants highlighted that, in general, men are seen as superior to women. One participant stated,

“ Men are the masters of women…” (FGD married women).

On the other side, male suppress female liberty and women are unaware of their rights leaving them vulnerable to deprivation. A female participant explained,

“Women do not dominate society that's why people take away their rights from them” (married woman, FGD).

Female participants also shared that they see men as strong and dominant personalities, making them better decision makers regarding health care acquisition, family income, availing opportunities and producing offspring. One female participant verbalized,

“If there's one egg on the table and two children to be fed, it is considered that males should get it as it is believed that males need more nutrition than us” (HCP, IDI).

Another reported that,

“There is a lack of equal accessibility of health care facilities and lack of employment equality for women” (HCP, IDI).

Theme 2: perception of men regarding gender discrimination in society

Male dominance.

Inferiority and superiority are common phenomenon in Pakistan’s largely patriarchal society. This allows men to be seen as dominant, decision-maker of family and the sole bread winner. Women, however, are caught in a culture of subordination to men with little power over family and individual affairs. A female participant said,

“If we look at our society, men are dominant. They can do anything while a woman cannot, as she is afraid of the man's reactions [gussa] and aggression” (adolescent girl, FGD).

While another reported,

"In our society, husband makes his wife feel his superiority over her and would make her realize that it is him, who has all the authority and power” (married woman, FGD).

Preference for male child

There is often an extreme desire for birth of sons over daughters, which adds to the culture of gender discrimination in Pakistan. Male children are important to the family as they often serve their parents financially, once they are able. This is one of the main reasons that parents are more inclined towards birth of a male child rather than female. Consequently, education is prioritized for male children. Female participants expressed that their desire for a male child is to appease their husband’s family and reduce the pressure on her to fit in the house. According to a female participant,

“When my son was born, I was satisfied as now nobody would pressurize me. I noticed a huge difference in the behavior of my in-laws after I gave birth to my son. I felt I have an existence in their family” (married woman, FGD).

Participants highlighted that, women who have brothers are often more protected. According to a young participant,

“Brothers give us the confidence to move within the society because people think before saying anything about us” (adolescent girl, FGD).

Lack of communication among husband and wife

Married couples often lack communication and rarely discuss important matters with each other. Men often choose not to share issues with their wives as they believe they are not rational enough to understand the situation. A male participant stated,

“ Women are so sensitive to share anything. They can only reproduce and cook food inside the home” (married man, FGD).

Men are protectors

Many female participants considered men as a source of protection, as they manage finances and ensure safety of family members. They feel confident in man’s ability to contribute to their livelihoods. One participant mentioned,

“We go out when we have our father or brothers to accompany us” (Adolescent girl, FGD).

Another highlighted,

“Men are our protectors. We can only survive in the society because of them” (Married woman, FGD).

Theme 3: factors influencing gender discrimination

The role of family head.

A tight-knit family situation, difference of opinions, cultural values and generation gap can highly affect one’s view on gender. Participants highlighted the role of elders in the family who often favor their sons and male family members. Married women expressed that daughter in-laws often struggle to raise their voice or express their concerns in such family situation. One participant mentioned,

“We don’t take decisions on when to have the child or what method needs to be used for family planning. Our mothers-in-law decide and we must obey” (married woman, FGD).

The family system that often includes three generations living closely, allows traditional norms to carry forward, as opposed to a typical nuclear family. This includes attire, conduct, and relationships. One participant mentioned,

“I live with my mother-in-law. I must cover my head whenever I had to leave the house”. (Married woman, FGD).

Media influence

Media plays an important role in disseminating gender awareness. For example, advertisements of cooking oils and spices usually show young girls helping their mothers in kitchen, while men and boys are observed enjoying something else or not present. These short advertisements are impactful in perpetuating gender conduct solely for societal acceptance. One participant verbalized,

“Every household has a radio, on which different advertisements are going on. People get messages through media” (married man, FGD).

The study reveals that women are seen as sexual objects and therefore confined to their homes. Women are often judged on their physical appearance that hinders their autonomy in various aspects of life. Many women face difficulties in leaving their homes alone and require protection from men [ 3 ]. Men are, therefore, labeled as protectors while women are regarded as dependent beings who need man’s identity. The role of men inside the house is identified as authoritative, while women need approval from male because they are considered incapable of making appropriate decisions. Women are caretaker of their families and have primary responsibility of husband, children, and in-laws. However, these contributions are mostly unnoticed. These gender power differentials are so strong in households, that many women do not know their rights. Women comply with societal and cultural values that force them to become lesser beings in the society. Girls in society grow up and eventually adopt the traditional role of women [ 8 ]. Increased education and awareness level among communities can improve status of women in the Pakistani society [ 3 ].

Moreover, males have dominant role in the society [ 1 ]. Likewise, there is discrepancy in power structures between male and female in the family system that often leads to lack of communication especially between married couples as husbands do not share concerns with their wives nor ask for their advice, considering women incapable to understand anything [ 5 ].

Furthermore, a common phenomenon observed in the Pakistani society, is the strong desire for a male child, while the birth of a female child is mourned [ 5 ]. Girls are seen as a liability, while the birth of a male child is celebrated as it is believed that males will be the breadwinner of the family in the future [ 5 ]. Thus, preference for a male child leads to illegal termination of pregnancies with female fetuses in many situations [ 9 ]. In addition, some of the studies suggest that the preference for a son is significantly high in low socioeconomic areas if compared with the middle and upper ones. Men are seen as economic and social security providers of the household. Therefore, men are tagged as manhood in the society as it is considered that hierarchal familial structures are produced from them, and all powers are attributed to men. This increases the disparity of roles between men and women leading to gender discrimination [ 5 ]. Our study also reveals that media has important influence towards gender discrimination. It is commonly observed in the Pakistani TV advertisements, that household chores are mostly performed by women while men have professional roles in the society [ 6 ].

Thus, lack of female autonomy and empowerment are recognized as the major reasons of discrimination of women in our society. They do not have the means to participate in society, neither they are allowed to speak against traditions. Therefore, interventions are required to increase female autonomy and decision-making capacity. The other significant contributor to gender discrimination is male dominance, which must be brought down to empower women. To reduce this, communication is key between spouses, family members and community members. Gender discrimination has greater influence at different levels of Pakistani society. Certain schools and television advertisements portrays stereotypes, such as allowing boys to be active outdoors and forcing girls to remain indoors. Therefore, media channels and other public systems such as healthcare facilities and schooling systems must promote gender equity and equality. In terms of Sexual and Reproductive health (SRH), the health care facilities should play an important role in providing knowledge and effective treatment to both males and females. The SRH related services are often compromised for people due to lack of resources, staff, and attention. Schools and communities should play an important role in creating SRH related awareness among youth and adults that include puberty, pregnancy, and motherhood. SRH should also be made part of curriculum in educational institutes.

The use of group interviews allowed rapport development with communities. With multiple people present sharing similar views, many were inclined to give purposeful answers and recommendations regarding gender roles in communities. Based on previous literature searches, this study, to the best of our knowledge, has not been published in Pakistan at the community level. No other study explores the views of Pakistanis on gender discrimination with inclusion of multiple community groups and across multiple districts. In limitations, due to the topic’s sensitive topic, may have held back participants from answering fully and truthfully. Thus, considerable time was taken to develop trust and rapport. Therefore, it is possible that some study subjects might not have answered to the best of their ability. Furthermore, challenges were faced due to the COVID-19 pandemic and extreme weather conditions in some areas, as some participants could not reach the venue. Also, the lockdowns following the pandemic made it very difficult to gather 10–12 people at one place for the FGDs. Interviews could not be done virtually as the information was very sensitive.

Gender roles in Pakistani society are extremely complex and are transferred from generation to generation with minimal changes since ages. This study reveals some of the factors due to which women in Pakistan face gender discrimination. The cultural and societal values place women in a nurturing role in the Pakistani society. Through reinforcement of these roles by different family members, as well as by the dominant men in the society, women face adverse challenges to seek empowerment that will help them defy such repressive roles assigned to them. Gender discrimination is evident in public institutions such as healthcare facilities and schooling systems. Thus, administrative reorganization and improved awareness in the healthcare facilities, and appropriate education in schools for boys and girls will help decrease gender discrimination in the Pakistani societies.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank the research specialist, coordinator, and research associates for data collection, and the study participants for their time and valuable data. We would also like to appreciate and thank Mr. Adil Ali Saeed for helping us with the literature for the systematic review of the paper, and Ms. Amirah Nazir and Daman Dhunna for the overall cleaning of document. We are thankful to UNFPA and AKF for providing advisory and monitoring support. We would like to acknowledgment UNFPA Pakistan that through them the funding was received from Global Affairs Canada.

Abbreviations

AKFAga Khan Foundation
PRISMAPreferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses
STROBEReporting of Observational studies in Epidemiology
IPVIntimate Partner Violence
HCPHealthcare Professionals
LHVLady Health Visitors
LHWsLady Health Workers
CMWsCommunity Midwives
IDIsIn-Depth Interviews
FGDsFocus Group Discussions
HODsHeads of the Departments
SRHSexual and Reproductive health
UNFPAUnited Nations Population Fund
ERCEthics Review Committee

Authors’ contributions

All authors have read and approved the manuscript. Their contribution is as follows: TSA contributed to proposal development, interview guide development, ERC approval, data supervision, data validation, systematic review, data analysis, manuscript development, and overall supervision. SSA assisted in proposal development, data collection supervision, data validation, systematic review, data analysis, and reviewed manuscript. SN, contributed in -literature Review, analysis of literature review and write up of findings. ZM reviewed interview guides, assisted in ERC approval, filed preparation for data collection, assisted in data validation and enhancing the approval processing, reviewed data analysis, and the final manuscript. SSA, contributed to proposal development, assisted in ERC approval, overall supervision, filed preparation for data collection and training of data collectors, assisted in data validation and enhancing the approval process and review of final manuscript. FM contributed to the interview guide development, facilitated field data collection, and contributed to the validation and analysis processes. Reviewed the final manuscript before submission. YK contributed to the interview guide development, facilitated field data collection, and contributed to the validation and analysis processes. Reviewed the final manuscript before submission. SM, contributed to proposal development, field preparation for data collection, validation, and review of the final manuscript. ZB, contributed to proposal development, brought the funding, assisted in ERC approval, overall supervision, data validation and enhancing the approval process and reviewed the final manuscript. He provided overall mentorship.

Global Affairs Canada (GAC). Project No: P006434; Arrangement #: 7414620.

Role of the funder: This is to declare that there was no role of the funding agency for planning and implementation of this study.

Availability of data and materials

Declarations.

The ERC approval was taken from the Aga Khan University Ethics Review Committee for primary data collection. The ERC number is 2020-3606-11489. The written informed consent was taken from all the participants. For those who were younger than 18 years of age were given written assent, and their parent, or guardian verbally consented.

We declare that this is original research and all the authors have contributed to the proposal writing, funding management, data collection, analysis, and manuscript development.

Authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

gender based violence in pakistan essay

Aurat_March_2019 (1)

Aurat March 2019 by Nawab Afridi, via Wikimedia Commons

Gender Based Violence Courts in Pakistan: A Gap in Gender Equality Remains, but a Promising Start

by Zarizana Aziz | Jun 7, 2020

author profile picture

About Zarizana Aziz

Zarizana Abdul Aziz, “Gender Based Violence Courts in Pakistan: A Gap in Gender Equality Remains, but a Promising Start”, (OxHRH Blog, June 2020), <https://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/gender-based-violence-courts-in-pakistan-a-gap-in-gender-equality-remains-but-a-promising-start/>, [Date of access].

Available data indicated that in Pakistan, only 2-3% of rape perpetrators were convicted. In light of this, the then Chief Justice of the Lahore (Punjab) High Court invited the Asian Development Bank to provide technical assistance on judicial training, capacity building initiatives and the first-ever gender-based violence court in Asia.

In order to design the optimal judicial training programme, a needs assessment was conducted. The needs assessment identified several barriers complainants of gender-based violence encounter in accessing the justice system.

Firstly, there was a widespread belief (not confined to Pakistan) that false rape claims were common. This was because complainants in almost all of the cases, recanted/resiled after reporting. Upon further inquiry, the findings disclosed that the women were pressured into recanting/resiling by male family members who had invariably reached a ‘compromise’ with and/or received compensation from the perpetrators out of court.

Secondly, while the Supreme Court had issued guidelines on women testifying in sexual assault cases, it was generally not implemented. The general atmosphere of the courts — the loud environment, the imposing counsels and the close proximity of the victim/survivor to the perpetrator combine to intimidate and traumatise victims/survivors. There was also a need to understand and address gender bias in court.

A programme was conceived with the objective to provide a series of gender sensitivity and gender-based violence trainings that emphasized understanding gender stereotypes/bias and gender based violence. In aggregate, approximately 450 district level judges and 100 prosecutors were trained over 1½ years.

The trainings were delivered in six interactive modules covering: (1) Gender Sensitization; (2) National Gender Laws and the Culture of Pakistan; (3) Relevance of International Standards; (4) Gender-sensitized Judicial Conduct; (5) GBV Against Women; and (6) Case Attrition. Module 1 challenged participants’ understanding of gender and invited participants to begin examining their own assumptions and implicit biases surrounding gender. Module 2 looks at domestic laws and culture while Module 3 introduced the relevance of domestic application of international standards and norms, including gender equality and discrimination. Module 4 discussed judicial conduct and temperament including appropriate conduct in sexual violence cases. Module 5 unpacks gender-based violence, its causes and consequences, the cycle of violence as well as myths and assumptions relating to late reporting, evidence of physical hurt, and medical evidence. Module 6 explores the problem of case attrition and proposed ways to lower the attrition rate. All the modules were customized to the Pakistan socio-cultural-religious context.

The modules were interactive. Each module also allocated time for activities, which the participants enjoyed and found useful. Where relevant, references were also made to religious texts and precedents. Discussion and the opportunity for reflection on one’s own beliefs and assumptions were key elements of each module. The legal professionals involved in the trainings responded positively to the contents of the trainings and rated the trainings as among the best they had received.

Simultaneously, the judiciary also requested that technical assistance be provided to set up the first gender-based violence (GBV) court in Pakistan which included practice notes and rules of court as well as the court physical layout. Changes suggested and implemented included: provision of seating and a screen for the victim/witness, allocation of a separate waiting room for the complainant and vulnerable witnesses (for example children), video conferencing facilities, apart from case management skills and appointment of female support staff. Specialised prosecutors were also identified and trained.

Finally evaluation of the gender-based violence court was undertaken after six months. The evaluation disclosed that the GBV Court was well received by defence counsels, prosecutors and victims/survivors, though there were some teething problems that needed attending. After a year, the conviction rate for rape cases heard in the specialized court rose to 16.5 per cent. Consequent thereon, Pakistan’s Supreme Court approved the establishment of specialized gender-based violence courts (“GBV Courts”) in each of Pakistan’s 116 districts.

The success of the programme lies in its boldly and thoughtfully addressing all issues, including ‘sensitive’ issues as well as customization of international norms and good practices to the national context. In 2020, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) acknowledged and commended the State of Pakistan for setting up GBV courts. At the same time, the Committee stressed that more can be done to improve access to justice by ensuring nondiscrimination, removing economic barriers, and implementing further capacity building measures.

Pakistan may serve as a microcosm of societal power relations that leads to female victimization. Victims/survivors are more likely to turn to trusted associates for help than members of law enforcement or the medical community. It is estimated that less than 10% of female victims/survivors globally seek assistance from the justice system. The trainings of judges and prosecutors as well as the establishments of GBV courts in Pakistan is transforming the judicial landscape. The changes implemented can serve as an exemplar of how political will and technical assistance can serve to build judicial capacity, streamline the judicial process and make justice more accessible to victims/survivors of GBV.

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  • Published: 09 July 2024

A scoping review on the nature and impact of gender based violence on women primary producers

  • Cathy O’Mullan 1 ,
  • Saba Sinai 1 &
  • Sabitra Kaphle 1  

BMC Women's Health volume  24 , Article number:  395 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Women in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) are primary producers of subsistence food and significant contributors to the agricultural economy. Gender Based Violence (GBV) adversely impacts their capacity to contribute and sustain their families and undermines social, economic, and human capital. Addressing GBV, therefore, is critical to creating safe and inclusive environments for women as primary producers to participate fully in rural communities. The aim of this scoping review is to explore the existing evidence on GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs to inform research gaps and priorities.

A scoping review was conducted using PubMed, Web of Science, Ebscohost and Google Scholar using keywords related to GBV and women producers in LMICs. Peer-reviewed journal articles published between January 2012 and June 2022 were included in the review. Duplicates were removed, titles and abstracts were screened, and characteristics and main results of included studies were recorded in a data charting form. A total of 579 records were identified, of which 49 studies were eligible for inclusion in this study.

Five major themes were identified from our analysis: (1) extent and nature of GBV, (2) the impact of GBV on agricultural/primary production livelihood activities, (3) sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes, (4) aggravating or protective factors, and (5) GBV interventions. Addressing GBV in agriculture requires inclusive research approaches and targeted interventions to empower women producers, promote gender equality, enhance agricultural productivity, and contribute to broader societal development. Despite attempts by researchers to delve into this issue, the pervasive under-reporting of GBV remains a challenge. The true extent and nature of GBV perpetrated against women is far from fully understood in this context.

Despite the significant challenges posed by GBV to the health, economy and livelihoods of women primary producers in LMICs, there is a paucity in the current state of knowledge. To make meaningful progress, more research is required to understand the relationship between GBV and agricultural settings, and to gain nuanced insight into the nature and impact of GBV on women primary producers in different regions and contexts.

Peer Review reports

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a widespread public health issue that affects people of all genders, but disproportionately impacts women and girls [ 1 ]. GBV is deeply rooted in gender inequality, and is reinforced by patriarchal norms, discriminatory laws, and socio-cultural practice that violate women’s rights [ 2 ]. Although GBV can affect individuals from all backgrounds, women living in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) experience a disproportionate burden due to a range of complex socio-economic and cultural factors [ 3 ].

Given women have a significant representation in the agricultural workforce in LMICs and substantial contributions to food and crop production, the impacts of GBV have far-reaching consequences on agricultural productivity and food security [ 4 ]. In the context of ongoing climate change, the urgency to address GBV within agricultural settings becomes even more pronounced as climate shocks create a strain on food production and exacerbate food insecurity [ 5 ]. Women and girls are often the first to be negatively impacted by increased food insecurity which tends to lead to an increased incidence of violence against women [ 5 , 6 ]. While GBV is a highly concerning issue gaining increasing attention, particularly within the public health and humanitarian fields, the relationship between GBV and agriculture lacks focus and recognition.

GBV, as defined by UN Women, refers to “harmful acts directed at an individual or a group of individuals based on their gender” [ 7 ]. While there is debate over which forms of violence fall under the GBV umbrella [ 8 ], for the purposes of this review, we include physical, sexual, economic, and psychological violence. Gender is a product of social and cultural influences rather than an innate characteristic [ 9 ], and GBV is intricately linked to the social constructs of gender. Deeply ingrained patriarchy and harmful beliefs and stereotypes about masculinity and femininity shape the roles of men and women, exerting significant power dynamics that perpetuate oppression and gender inequalities [ 10 , 11 ].

Cultural practices, attitudes and traditions that contribute to GBV in LMICs, such as forced marriage, bride price and female genital mutilation, originate from systemic gender inequality, coercive control, and harmful social norms [ 12 , 13 , 14 ]. Although GBV affects individuals of all genders, women experience heightened risks due to gender-based power inequalities and discriminatory laws perpetuated by social norms and practices [ 12 ]. Global perspectives on GBV recognize the phenomenon is not incidental or indicative of a woman’s vulnerability; rather it is “embedded in structural systems, norms and long-standing discrimination” [ 15 ].

According to the World Health Organization, around one in three women worldwide experience physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner at some point in their lives [ 1 ]. Women in LMICs are disproportionately impacted by GBV, with prevalence rates of up to 50% in some countries. In LMICs, however, the true extent of GBV is difficult to quantify due to several reasons, including lack of reliable data and the often-hidden nature of this form of violence [ 2 , 16 ]. Tools and methods to capture the prevalence of GBV are often inadequate [ 17 , 18 ]; furthermore, cultural, historical, and legal understandings of GBV vary across regions and culture, compounding the risk of under reporting or double counting [ 19 , 20 ]. The under reporting of GBV is a critical challenge in LMICs due to cultural and social norms that discourage women from reporting abuse [ 3 ]. Women may face various barriers, including fear of stigma and shame, financial constraints, lack of services, fear of revenge, limited law enforcement action, and societal attitudes that normalise violence [ 4 , 21 ].

Women and girls play a vital role in the economic, social, and cultural life of rural communities in LMICs. Rural women make significant contributions to household income through their participation in agricultural and other economic activities, such as home-based enterprises and small-scale agricultural ventures [ 3 ]. Globally, 36% of women work in agrifood systems; however, women are more likely to be employed in less-profitable value chains and activities due to traditional social norms or poor access to assets and resources [ 22 ]. In LMICs, in addition to agricultural roles, women are traditionally assigned to household work, child and elder care responsibilities, and other unpaid care work due to existing gendered divisions of labor.

Feminist economists refer to the concept of a “care economy” to describe the invisible and unpaid work undertaken by women globally [ 23 ]. While the valuable contributions of rural women are often overlooked and undervalued, their work is fundamental to the functioning of families, communities, and societies [ 24 ]. Rural women can also act as community leaders, change agents and decision makers, serving as role models for women and girls and breaking down barriers that hinder their full participation in society [ 25 ]. In LMICs, where rural women play a significant role in the social system and family economy, GBV limits their potential and has negative impacts on their well-being [ 16 , 26 ]. Addressing GBV, therefore, is critical to creating safe and inclusive environments for women to participate fully in rural communities and contribute to economic, social, and cultural development.

While women’s contributions are central to the food and nutrition security of households and communities, the gendered nature of food systems is well established [ 16 ]. Women producers face unique challenges which limit their ability to fully participate in and benefit from agricultural activities [ 6 ]. Challenges include limited access to land, credit, and other resources necessary for agricultural production, as well as gender-based discrimination and limited participation in decision-making processes [ 5 , 25 ]. Women producers frequently lack access to education and training opportunities, which can hinder their ability to adopt new technologies and practices to improve productivity and profitability [ 27 ]. Additionally, women may face discrimination and harassment in their work, as well as limited access to markets and other economic opportunities [ 28 ].

While there are some programs and strategies that have been implemented to address GBV in agricultural settings, such as microfinance programs, advocacy for equal land rights and the promotion of gender-sensitive training [ 25 , 29 ], GBV remains an under-recognised reality, compounding the existing challenges faced by women producers in LMICs. As noted by Okpara and Anugwa, “GBV is not only a human rights violation, but also a catalyst to social degradation and food insecurity” [ 28 ] (p.12). The significance of addressing GBV, particularly in the context of women producers in LMICs, cannot be overstated. While research on GBV in agricultural settings is growing, it remains relatively underexplored [ 16 , 30 ]. To make meaningful progress, more research is needed to understand the relationship between GBV and agriculture and gain insight into the impact of GBV on women producers in different regions and contexts. By undertaking a comprehensive review of the existing literature on GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs, this study aims to identify research gaps and priorities, and contribute to the advancement of knowledge in this field.

Scoping reviews serve as valuable tools in health research, enabling researchers to map essential concepts and identify gaps in the existing literature. As the impact of GBV on women producers remains poorly understood, a scoping review was deemed appropriate as it provides a comprehensive overview of the available literature, including its volume, nature, and characteristics, while also revealing areas where research gaps exist. To conduct the scoping review, the frameworks developed by Arksey and O’Malley [ 31 ] and Levac, Colquhoun, and O’Brien [ 32 ] were employed. These frameworks include, in broad terms, the following stages: [ 1 ] identification of research questions, [ 2 ] a search of the relevant databases, [ 3 ] selection of articles, [ 4 ] making a chart of findings from reading the articles and extracting relevant information, and [ 5 ] collection, summary, and report of the results.

Research questions and study purpose

The scoping review process was guided by the following research question:

What is the current state of knowledge regarding GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs?

For the purposes of this scoping review, “women primary producers” were defined as women involved in agriculture and food production; this included plant production, livestock production, fisheries and aquaculture. In addition to this, the definition of food systems used by the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR) and defined by the High-Level Panel of Experts on Food Security and Nutrition of the Committee on World Food Security (HLPE) was utilised [ 33 , 34 ]. There was no threshold of involvement in primary production applied to inclusion; papers that discussed women involved in primary production whether as a full-time occupation or as one part of their livelihood activities, were included. If women had been involved in primary production but this involvement was curtailed because of GBV or GBV-associated factors, these studies were also included.

Article search and selection

The project team consisted of three investigators with expertise on subject matter relevant to the scoping study. A librarian also assisted in performing the initial search and in refining search terms relevant to the research question. The search was conducted using PubMed, Web of Science and Ebscohost. Search terms relevant to gender-based violence, such as “Violence against Women”, “Domestic Violence”, “Intimate Partner Violence” and “Gender-Based Violence”, together with relevant acronyms were used. Search terms relevant to primary production, such as “farming”, “food production”. “agriculture”, “aquaculture”, “food systems” and “agribusiness” were also included. Only peer-reviewed journal articles published between January 2012 and June 2022 were included in the review. Through this initial search of three databases, 579 articles were found. Removal of duplicates using EndNote (a reference management software package) resulted in 452 remaining articles.

To be included in the review, papers had to meet the following inclusion criteria; (a) based on research in LMICs, as defined by the World Bank, (b) peer-reviewed journal articles, including systematic reviews, mixed methods, qualitative and quantitative papers, (c) published between 2012 and 2022, (d) considered food systems as per our definition, (e) considered GBV as per our definition, (f) and considered women and girls 15 and over (economically active) were included. Exclusion criteria included (a) men of any age, (b) grey literature, (c) research in High Income Countries (HIC), as defined by the World Bank and (d) articles not published in English. The team had initially planned to limit the scoping review to Melanesia but found only six suitable peer reviewed articles since 2012. The search was, therefore, expanded to all LMICs.

In the title and abstract round of reviews two investigators (CO & SS) independently reviewed paper titles and abstracts. This process yielded a total of 72 articles between both reviewers. Both investigators were in complete agreement on 35 of these articles for inclusion. Both investigators met to discuss discrepancies between their included/excluded articles. After considering the inclusion and exclusion criteria, together with the research question, both investigators reached a consensus on the inclusion of 49 papers. A Google Scholar search for any additional peer-reviewed journal articles not included in the initial database search was then completed using the terms: ‘“Gender Based Violence” “Women Farmers”. We included only the first 100 search results from Google Scholar for further rounds of title and abstract filtration. This process yielded a further 11 papers based on the inclusion criteria. One of these papers was already captured in the list of papers from the database searches and was therefore excluded. The combined 59 papers (49 from databases, 10 from Google Scholar) were then distributed among both investigators for a full text review, after which a total of 49 articles were deemed suitable for data extraction (See Fig.  1 ).

figure 1

Article selection process conducted in this scoping review (adapted from the PRISMA flow diagram)

Data extraction and analysis

The investigators collaborated to develop a data-charting form for tabulating relevant aspects of each reviewed article. In addition to author(s), year, title and journal, these data-chart categories were: country; aims of study; study population/sample size; methodology/methods; intervention type and duration (if applicable); outcomes; and key findings relating to the research question. Because of the volume of articles under review, two authors (CO and SS) divided the papers into two groups for data extraction. The authors met regularly to discuss progress and ensure that data extraction remained aligned with the research question (Levac et al., 2010). Data charts from both authors were combined and discussed jointly. During the data extraction process, broad themes were identified among the body of included studies. Five overarching themes (discussed below) were then identified; included articles were mapped against these themes. Many articles were assigned to more than one theme (See Table  1 ).

Findings/results

Description of studies: populations, research designs.

While the included 49 studies varied in their aims, all considered GBV within agricultural or rural settings. All studies that drew on primary data sought contributions from the economically active workforce (women or girls over 15 years). Often these were women primary producers, as defined above, or the study identified a subpopulation of women primary producers within the broader sample population. At times, male partners or other male household members were also included in the study. Other relevant stakeholders, such as educators, were at times included. The studies included in our scoping review employed a range of methods. While many were based on mixed methods, commonly interviews together with surveys and/or focus groups, studies utilizing only interviews or surveys/questionnaires were also common. Six studies drew on secondary data, particularly data from the Demographic Health Survey (DHS) [ 36 ]. Literature reviews, standalone focus groups, and observation-based studies were also included but not to the extent of other research approaches.

Using the World Health Organization (WHO) six regional groupings [ 37 ], geographical classifications were assigned to the articles in this scoping review. These groupings are the Africa Region; Region of the Americas; South-East Asia Region; European Region; Eastern Mediterranean Region; and Western Pacific Region. While forty-four of the included papers could be placed in one of these regions, five articles, all literature reviews or studies involving secondary data, were based in more than one country and across two or more of these groupings. Twenty-two papers (44.9%) were based on research in the Africa Region, two articles (4.1%) were based on research conducted in the Region of the Americas; 10 articles (20.4%) in the South-East Asia Region; three (6.1%) in the European Region; two (4.1%) in the Eastern Mediterranean; and five (10.2%) in the Western Pacific Region. The African Region was by far the most represented across the articles in the scoping study (see Fig.  2 ).

figure 2

Number of peer-reviewed journal articles selected from each WHO region

The 5 major themes identified from our analysis are discussed below: [ 1 ] extent and nature of GBV, [ 2 ] the impact of GBV on agricultural/primary production livelihood activities, [ 3 ] sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes, [ 4 ] aggravating or protective factors, and [ 5 ] GBV interventions. These themes are explained using a narrative approach.

Extent and nature of GBV

The first theme, extent and nature of GBV, was assigned to papers that explored or highlighted the prevalence of GBV and/or the extent to which data on GBV is collected, and manifestations of GBV in the settings concerned. Papers that explored under-reporting or inadequate tools for capturing data were also included here. Our review categorized fifteen (31.25%) articles under this theme. In terms of extent, the literature revealed that GBV is prevalent in many primary production-based communities in LMICs, with numerous women reporting they had experienced or are currently experiencing GBV [ 38 , 39 ]. However, due to the limitations in adequately capturing data on GBV in these settings, the true extent of GBV is likely underestimated. Of note, some papers discussing GBV in primary production settings in LMICs, specifically highlighted how poor screening methods or research approaches inadequately captured or ignored women’s experiences, therefore affecting the reliability of data [ 35 , 40 , 41 , 42 ]. Under reporting of GBV is a critical challenge; several papers explored the use and efficacy of methods to capture data on GBV, including through surveys, interviews, focus group discussions and tools such as the Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEAI) [ 11 , 18 , 38 , 42 ]. These studies also explored inadequacies in fully capturing the true extent of GBV, indicating the actual prevalence is underestimated.

The nature of GBV encompassed various forms in the context of LMIC-primary production settings and included physical violence [ 38 , 43 , 44 , 45 ] sexual violence [ 38 , 43 , 44 ], economic violence [ 44 , 46 , 47 , 48 ] and psychological violence [ 38 , 45 ]. In the realm of GBV reporting and monitoring, however, certain types of violence, such as physical violence and sexual violence received more attention and focus compared to other forms of violence. Psychological violence, for example, can be challenging to recognise, monitor and report and therefore hindered our understanding of the full scope of GBV in this setting.

Men perpetrate violence against women for various reasons, influenced by a combination of individual, social, economic and cultural factors. Our review highlighted some common underlying factors including refusal of partners to engage in sexual intercourse, to achieve a self-image of masculinity, and transgression of cultural norms related to women’s roles in society and primary production-related work [ 43 , 44 , 45 ]. In the study conducted by Simsek et al. [ 46 ] on seasonal agricultural workers in Turkey, husbands and/or fathers denied women the ability to make decisions about their earnings, which was identified as a form of economic violence. Similarly, in Papua New Guinea, Eves [ 44 ] highlighted the prevention of economic decision-making as a feature of GBV. This form of economic violence frequently affected women’s participation in agricultural livelihoods [ 48 ].

The impact of GBV on agricultural/primary production livelihood activities

The second theme, the impact of GBV on agricultural/primary production livelihood activities focused on the impact of GBV on women’s engagement and participation. Within the scoping review, thirteen (27.08%) articles were identified. These articles revealed that GBV negatively impacted on women’s benefits from and engagement with agricultural and other primary production livelihood activities [ 49 ]. Furthermore, the articles discussed how GBV, and the associated power dynamics restricted women’s decision-making abilities, limited their access to resources, impeded their skills development, and hindered their agency. Within this context, several interrelated themes emerged, highlighting the complex way in which GBV affects women primary producers. One recurring theme was the physical and mental toll of GBV on women’s health, directly impacting their ability to work and engage in agricultural activities. Instances of morbidity resulting from GBV created barriers that limited women’s productivity and hampered their active participation in the agricultural sector [ 26 ].

Furthermore, women producers working in isolated settings faced an increased risk of sexual violence and other forms of GBV [ 26 , 40 ]. The inherent vulnerability of their surroundings exposed them to heightened dangers, undermining their sense of safety and well-being [ 40 , 45 , 50 ]. Not surprisingly, the demands and pressures associated with primary production and household responsibilities, including food scarcity, exacerbated GBV. Women producers facing economic and emotional strain, were more vulnerable to GBV, further undermining their well-being, and hindering their productive contributions [ 26 , 40 ]. In the context of GBV in agricultural settings, these interlinkages were particularly evident and created a vicious cycle that exacerbated the negative effects of violence on women producers.

Land rights, as a cultural phenomenon and a barrier, played a significant role in limiting women’s engagement in livelihood activities [ 25 , 40 , 51 ]. While land rights may not be inherently classified as GBV, the denial or restriction of women’s land rights can contribute to and perpetuate GBV. Cultural norms, traditions, and patriarchal systems often intersected with land ownership and inheritance, creating obstacles for women’s access to and control over land resources [ 40 , 44 , 51 ]. The theme of land rights and land ownership featured prominently in the literature and will be discussed again later in this paper.

Economic control, a recognised and insidious form of GBV, was also a recurring theme in the literature. Lack of economic agency, for example, withholding women’s farm income restricted their decision-making abilities, curtailed their economic mobility, and had the potential to stifle entrepreneurial and innovative potential [ 40 , 44 , 45 , 47 , 52 ]. Additionally, women faced limitations on the type of livelihood activities they could engage in due to gender norms and expectations; such limitations further perpetuated gender inequalities [ 47 , 48 , 52 , 53 ]. Male producers, for example, were typically given control over cash crops or high-value agricultural activities; in contrast, women were often assigned tasks related to subsistence farming or low-value crops [ 47 , 52 ]. This gendered division of labour reinforced gender disparities in agricultural productivity.

Coping strategies used by women to mitigate these impacts on agricultural livelihoods were also discussed. These strategies included fighting back against GBV and asserting rights, appeasing the perpetrator to minimise the occurrence of GBV and seeking social support from family and friends [ 54 ]. In some instances, women producers sought the intervention of law enforcement, resorting to police intervention, seeking counsel, and instituting legal action [ 53 , 54 ]. Several articles highlighted strategies to mitigate the impact of GBV on livelihoods; these articles will be discussed later in this paper under the theme GBV interventions.

Sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes

The issue of GBV is multifaceted, and the third theme, sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes, provided valuable insights into the underlying factors that contribute to GBV. Nineteen articles (39.6%) grouped under this theme highlighted how gender inequality underpinned GBV through factors such as culturally sustained gender norms and schemas, historical factors, traditional inheritance practices, policy and customary norms.

Research revealed that GBV is sometimes approved or tolerated by both women and men in certain contexts. Several studies, including those by Eves [ 44 ], Simsek et al. [ 46 ], Sandberg et al. [ 55 ], and Crookston et al. [ 56 ], highlighted this acceptance of GBV. Studies also highlighted the acceptance of GBV in response to specific behaviors, such as the refusal of sex [ 44 ]. Not surprisingly, sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes were identified as influential in shaping the occurrence and acceptability of GBV. For example, households where wealth is derived from agricultural production were found to be more likely to exhibit attitudes that sustained GBV [ 55 ].

As highlighted by Maduekwe et al. [ 57 ], in research from Malawi, women who work in agriculture, are more likely to be “human recognition deprived’; that is, undervalued and under-recognised by society. Cultural norms and attitudes, in this context, were seen to support male dominance, foster conservative perspectives on women’s societal value, and potentially facilitate a more accepting environment for GBV. While one study from South Sulawesi reported strong disapproval of GBV, other studies highlighted the influence of social norms and the networks through which they were disseminated [ 11 , 38 , 55 , 58 , 59 , 60 ]. These social norms created conditions that enabled GBV to persist not only in primary-producer settings but also throughout agricultural value chains.

The connection between agricultural livelihoods, history and tradition contributed to attitudes that sustained gender inequality and GBV [ 38 , 59 , 61 ]. Research demonstrates that in certain contexts, sociocultural factors shaped gender roles centered around responsibilities related to primary production [ 49 , 59 , 62 ]. These gender roles reinforced power inequalities, and further perpetuated GBV [ 38 , 52 , 60 , 61 , 63 ]. Of note, women’s engagement in primary production activities was, at times, perceived by men as a threat to their traditional masculine identities [ 53 , 59 ]. A particularly notable association between sociocultural norms related to agriculture and GBV was observed by Alesina et al. [ 59 ]. This research, utilising the Demographic Health Survey [ 36 ] and Murdock’s Ethnographic Atlas [ 64 ] linked present-day GBV occurrences to historical forms of agriculture in Africa. Societies with historical forms of production such as plough agriculture, fishing, and husbandry (primarily male dominated) were found to have higher rates of GBV, even when present-day descendants were no longer engaged in primary production. Conversely, societies in Africa with non-plough-based agriculture, where agricultural tasks were historically more equally shared between women and men, exhibited lower rates of GBV [ 59 ].

Research revealed that land ownership is connected to agency and a woman’s economic independence; several articles explored the connection between traditional modes of land rights or land inheritance/ownership and GBV [ 25 , 40 , 44 ]. The association between traditional modes of inheritance or land rights and GBV, revealed two distinct outcomes for women producers. In cases where cultural practices provide women with land, these traditional practices contributed to increased agency and decision-making power for women [ 25 ]. Conversely, when women were excluded from inheriting land, this limited autonomy and had a detrimental effect on women producers. The exclusion of women from inheriting land may lead to a dependency on marriage as the primary means of acquiring a livelihood [ 40 , 44 ] (Chipuriro, 2018; Eves, 2021). Of note, Mienzen-Dick et al. [ 25 ] (p77) described the relationship between women’s land rights and GBV as “one of the clearest indicators of disempowerment”. In their review of the literature on women’s land rights and poverty reduction, Mienzen-Dick and colleagues [ 25 ] revealed that women’s property (land or house) ownership is “significantly and negatively associated with both long-term and current physical and psychological violence.” In summary, the literature suggested that land ownership has the potential to protect against GBV.

The topics of bride price and marital customs also emerged within the literature. Three papers examined how these customs intersect with GBV in such communities [ 40 , 44 , 59 ]. Bride price, sometimes paid through the provision of livestock and agricultural goods, was associated with a sense of ‘ownership’ by men over their wives, including control over their bodies, time, labour and assets [ 40 , 44 , 59 ]. Chipuriro [ 40 ] described one case from Zimbabwe in which the husband of a woman who had harvested crops together with her children, took her harvest to the market himself and withheld the money from its sale from his wife. He then used this money to purchase cattle for “lobola” (payment in cattle or cash to a bride’s family shortly before the marriage) for new wives. Customs such as bride price reinforced attitudes regarding women as the ‘property’ of their husbands; furthermore, the requirement to repay bride price created further barriers for women seeking to leave abusive relationships [ 59 ].

Aggravating or protective factors

The fourth theme, “aggravating or protective factors,” focused on examining individual and environmental factors that either aggravated or mitigated GBV. Unlike the third theme, which explored social and cultural norms, this theme delved into additional aspects that influence GBV. In this context, aggravating factors referred to any factor or condition that exacerbated or worsened the severity, frequency, or impact of GBV. Protective factors referred to any factor or condition that reduced the risk or impact of GBV. These protective factors differed from prevention strategies as they were not interventions designed to reduce the incidence or prevalence of GBV. Twenty-one papers (43.75%) were grouped under this theme.

We identified several aggravating factors that exacerbated the risk of GBV. One notable aggravating factor related to the historical forms of agriculture practiced in certain societies and discussed earlier in this paper [ 59 ]. In African societies, where plough agriculture, fishing, and husbandry have traditionally held prominence, there was a strong association between masculinity and these occupations. The pressure to conform to these masculine ideals may have contributed to the aggravation of GBV in this context [ 59 ]. Work in the agricultural sector, as opposed to the non-agricultural sector, was also identified as an aggravating factor. The challenging and hazardous nature of agricultural work, coupled with unequal gender roles, increased the vulnerability of women producers in such settings [ 55 , 62 ]. In the context of primary production, alcohol abuse by intimate partners was a common aggravating factor in GBV situations. Several studies discussed how high levels of alcohol consumption, primarily among men, contributed to an environment of coercion, control, and physical harm [ 53 , 58 , 60 , 61 , 65 , 66 , 67 ]; all primarily among men authors advocated for interventions to address substance misuse.

Not surprisingly, challenging traditional gender roles and norms was recognised as an aggravating factor for GBV. Women who challenged gender roles or asserted their rights to land, for example, were more likely to trigger a backlash and increase the risk of GBV. Even small acts of defiance by women producers threatened existing power relationships and led to heightened tensions and escalating violence [ 53 , 60 , 67 , 68 ]. Weak law enforcement and inadequate responses further aggravated GBV in such settings [ 26 ]. Concerningly, women who did report GBV, faced significant barriers to justice [ 26 ]. Other aggravating factors included household economic instability, extreme shocks and reductions in farm income, water scarcity, and the concentration of household wealth in agriculture [ 26 , 55 , 65 , 66 , 67 , 69 , 70 , 71 ]. These factors created additional stresses, exacerbated existing power imbalances, and contributed to the increased prevalence of GBV.

Some of these reported aggravating factors were disputed by other papers included in the review. Cooper et al. [ 72 ], for example, explored the association between intimate partner violence and drought and found no significant relationship. However, it is important to note that this research focused on regions such as Africa, the Americas, and Asia, leaving room for further investigation in other LMICs. Additionally, the work status of women was examined in relation to protection from GBV. Zafar et al. [ 73 ] conducted a study comparing an association between a woman’s work status in agriculture versus blue-collar or white-collar work and protection from GBV. Interestingly, their findings did not show a significant association between work status and protection from GBV. These results challenged the notion that a woman’s occupation alone can serve as a protective factor against GBV. These discrepancies highlight the complexity of aggravating factors influencing GBV, and the importance of conducting further research.

Protective factors that contributed to mitigating GBV merit further attention. These factors encompassed various aspects, including socioeconomic characteristics, household income, and some features of development programs. Examples of such factors include women’s ownership of land and homes, independent income, access to production-related natural resources, involvement in agricultural projects, and higher levels of education [ 25 , 46 , 53 , 62 , 65 ]. Additionally, women themselves adopted protective measures, such as working away from abusive partners [ 53 ]. The influence of culturally appropriate and context specific development programs, training initiatives, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) also played a protective role. For instance, in Papua New Guinea, men showed more support for women’s involvement in beekeeping when they were engaged from the start of the program [ 52 ]. In Brazil, however, women revealed resistance to the presence of men in agricultural training, as it hindered willingness to share their perspectives and experiences, including those related to GBV [ 39 ]. Women-only spaces were viewed as opportunities for shaping an “agroecological popular feminist identity” and emancipation from oppressive social structures (38). These discrepancies highlight the need for interventions that are tailored to the specific cultural context.

GBV interventions

Our review identified seventeen (35.42%) peer-reviewed journal articles that discussed primary and secondary prevention interventions. Primary prevention interventions focused on addressing the root causes of GBV to prevent violence from occurring; secondary interventions involved early intervention and measures to identify and respond to GBV incidents promptly [ 74 ].

Various primary prevention interventions were implemented to address GBV in agricultural settings. These diverse interventions aimed to create safer environments and promote gender equality in farming communities. Examples of interventions included: the prevention of GBV as a key demand in the collective bargaining agreements of agricultural workers to create supportive and respectful work environments [ 50 ]; poverty alleviation programs to address economic disparities and vulnerabilities that can contribute to violence [ 75 ]; to include gender mainstreaming within food security programs [ 76 ]; and interventions such as cash transfers, provision of supplies and targeted income support to address the underlying stressors that can fuel GBV [ 18 , 70 ]. Engaging women in agricultural programs that increase food access, improve natural resource management and reduce family stress was also identified as an effective intervention [ 66 , 69 , 70 , 77 ]. By empowering women and promoting their active participation in agricultural activities, these programs enhanced their economic independence and contributed to more equitable and harmonious family dynamics.

Integrated community-based education and economic empowerment programs were identified as potentially effective primary prevention approaches to addressing GBV. By addressing attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours that perpetuate violence, these programs focused on transforming social norms and promoting positive masculinity [ 66 , 78 ]. Simultaneously, such programs provided opportunities for economic empowerment, giving individuals the means to thrive and reducing their vulnerability to GBV [ 18 ]. Gender dialogue groups involving women and their male partners were also implemented as part of economic empowerment programs. These groups provided a platform for open discussions on gender roles, norms and power dynamics, facilitating a deeper understanding and encouraging joint efforts to challenge and overcome GBV [ 78 ].

Research in Cambodia, for example, highlighted the role of economic development and primary production training programs in fostering increased recognition of gender equality [ 61 ]. Agricultural colleges also played a role in addressing GBV by delivering interventions and staff training to address GBV issues [ 79 , 80 ]. By incorporating GBV education and awareness into the curriculum, and by using innovative approaches to address GBV, for example through “serious games” which included digital storytelling involving action characters and avatars, colleges were able to shape the attitudes and behaviours of future agricultural professionals and foster a culture of respect and equality [ 79 , 80 ]. Finally, the promotion of ‘agrofeminist’ movements which sought to address gender inequality and promote women’s rights and agency, contributed to raising awareness of the unique challenges faced by women producers [ 81 ].

While primary prevention strategies focus on preventing GBV before it occurs, secondary prevention strategies are equally crucial to respond to the experiences and impacts of violence. Integrated approaches that addressed GBV in agricultural communities were crucial for fostering safer and more equitable environments [ 18 , 50 , 66 , 69 , 70 , 75 , 79 , 80 , 82 ]. In the context of addressing GBV in the agricultural sector, the emphasis on secondary prevention measures was relatively limited. However, interventions such as couple mediation, conflict resolution, and programs targeting husbands and fathers did demonstrate positive impacts on promoting healthier relationships [ 66 , 79 , 82 ]. These initiatives sought to engage men as allies in the fight against GBV and encouraged them to become active participants in fostering gender equality [ 78 ]. To ensure the effectiveness of interventions, a case-by-case approach to the interaction and engagement of both men and women was highlighted [ 63 , 83 ]. Authors also highlighted the importance of developing context specific programs that address the social norms perpetuating GBV and aim to dispel the stigma associated with this issue [ 18 , 66 , 73 , 80 ]. The importance of thoroughly evaluating prevention strategies, both within and beyond the intervention period, was also highlighted [ 18 , 55 ].

As this scoping review reveals, there is a paucity in current state of knowledge regarding GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs. With just 49 relevant published research studies in the period from 2012 to June 2022, the body of research is not commensurate with the magnitude of the issue of GBV. Several authors have attempted to address the knowledge gap on GBV in agriculture, however, they face challenges due to under-reporting of GBV among women primary producers. Under reporting of GBV occurs worldwide and is not limited to LMICs [ 84 , 85 ]. As such, the true extent of GBV perpetrated against women globally is far from fully understood. To gain sufficient insights into the extent of the challenge of GBV faced by women primary producers in LMICs, strategies for capturing data on GBV must be improved. Contextual research to better understand the reasons for under reporting is being undertaken [ 86 , 87 ]. Furthermore, novel data collection approaches to capture prevalence data, including methods that increase respondent privacy and anonymity, are being trialed worldwide [ 84 , 88 ]. Recent research from HICs underscores the crucial role of healthcare professionals in recognising and responding to GBV [ 89 , 90 ]. These studies show promising outcomes, and highlight the importance of creating private, secure, and supportive settings where women can feel at ease to disclose and possibly report such incidents. Scant as the body of research may be, our scoping review did reveal that the forms and nature of GBV in agricultural settings is varied and complex. Our scoping review was, therefore, able to identify several research gaps and recommendations for future investigation.

Our findings highlight the limited focus on exploring and reporting women’s experiences of violence. The issue of under-reporting of GBV experiences among women is significant, contributing to a limited understanding of the nature of experiences and the likelihood of its impacts on women’s everyday life [ 2 ]. Efforts to capture the nature and extent of GBV have been made, employing quantitative survey approaches and tools like the Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEAI) [ 91 ]. However, these approaches sit uneasily alongside feminist critiques of quantitative approaches in adequately capturing women’s lived experiences [ 92 ]. Our findings support the use of qualitative approaches to better understand the unique experiences of women, and the complexities of violence within specific cultural and contextual settings [ 16 , 92 ]. By centering the voices and experiences of women producers who have lived through GBV, lived experience research empowers women to share their stories and ensures their perspectives are heard.

Our findings also draw attention to the limited scholarship on psychological forms of GBV in this setting. Women who are exposed to ongoing psychological abuse often suffer from long-term chronic mental health issues [ 93 ]. Unfortunately, most cases are treated without recognising GBV as a factor influencing mental health and overall well-being [ 94 ]. The limited data on this issue may be attributed to local understandings of what constitutes GBV; research that explores the cultural context and local understandings of GBV is warranted. Future research could also focus on psychological forms of GBV and how this intersects with other social and environmental factors that come into play in production settings. More specifically, survivor-led, trauma informed research approaches which draw upon women’s diverse and intersectional lived experiences [ 95 , 96 ] are suggested to explore the complex and lasting impacts of GBV on women producers.

The influence of underlying social, cultural, economic and political factors leading to various forms of GBV have also been highlighted. In line with research undertaken by Hatcher et al. [ 6 ], we argue that more context specific research is required to better understand the extent and impact of GBV on women producers in LMICs. Power inequalities have historically been a significant feature of research in LMICs [ 97 ]. As noted by Thomas et al. [ 98 ], the power differentials are amplified further in the context of GBV research, with gender-based structural and cultural inequalities perpetuating the conditions in which violence can occur.

Participatory research approaches in tandem with meaningful research partnerships, offer a potential route to explore the issue of GBV in agricultural settings. Approaches such as Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR) [ 99 ], enable local research capacity and seek to redress the power imbalance that underpin violence and gender inequalities [ 95 , 98 ]. We also argue for inclusive research approaches that incorporate the voices and lived experiences of women and men from diverse social groups. Research undertaken by CGIAR [ 100 ] to explore how gender norms affect, access and benefit from agricultural innovation, also notes the importance of participatory research approaches which gather contextually grounded evidence from “locals who crosscut society groupings”.

Our findings highlight the influence of deeply rooted patriarchy within many LMICs, where prevailing models of masculinity typically normalize violence as a legitimate means of resolving conflict or expressing anger, and where GBV is often dismissed [ 101 ]. In many LMICs, women producers face limited power in decisions about production, lack access to resources, and experience a lack of control over household incomes derived from agricultural activities [ 102 ]. Despite the submissive status of women in most LMICs, women bear responsibility for feeding their families and ensuring household food security [ 103 ]. This creates a critical paradox where women with limited access to decision-making, resources, and finances face the highest pressure to increase productivity to sustain the income required to manage the everyday essentials for their families.

In LMICS, women’s marginalised status is intensified by the consistent threat of violence if they fail to fulfill their sanctioned roles in the family and society. With the direct link between experiences of GBV, women’s capacity to participate in social and economic activities, and their sense of wellbeing, it remains critical to highlight the influence of patriarchal systems that further restrict women’s agency [ 104 ]. Future qualitative research could explore how deeply rooted patriarchy and rights to inheritance, such as land rights, contribute to gender-based violence in agriculture in LMICs. Research could also explore how cultural norms, traditions, and patriarchal systems restrict women producers from having ownership and control of their lives in LMICs. Importantly, men’s involvement in research is critical in addressing the gendered dynamics around GBV; men’s involvement demonstrates solidarity and shared responsibility in addressing GBV [ 16 , 105 ]. Identifying ways in which men as well as women in LMICs can be safely engaged in future research, is an important step.

Our review also notes that, to identify effective interventions, an understanding of the context in which GBV occurs is needed. A blanket approach to developing interventions risks being ineffective, or worse, exacerbating the risks for women and girls [ 16 , 92 ]; so context specific and culturally responsive approaches are necessary to address GBV in LMICs. Just as the factors that lead to GBV are complex, so too are the measures needed to devise culturally effective interventions for reducing GBV [ 4 , 5 ]. A range of intersecting factors, such as coping strategies used by women primary producers, historical or traditional foundations of gender norms, government policy, the efficacy of the justice system, education, economic situation, resource availability, marital customs, and land inheritance customs, contribute to the complexity of developing effective GBV interventions. There is a need, therefore, to approach these intersecting factors at a fundamental level. Future research should focus on how to develop a comprehensive framework to guide the design and implementation of GBV interventions in agriculture, considering the intersecting factors and complexities involved. Culturally appropriate and gender-sensitive monitoring indicators of interventions on men and women are also an important area for future research.

Finally, the interaction between climate change and GBV in agricultural settings in LMICs is a significant gap in the literature. While some studies have highlighted the link between climate change and GBV risk [ 67 , 71 , 72 , 77 ], the impact of climate change on primary production and its potential to exacerbate GBV risk remains unclear in the peer-reviewed literature. Although, there is increasing recognition that in some contexts, women in agriculture and food systems are more impacted by the adverse effects of climate change compared to men [ 106 ], further investigation into the complex interplay between climate change and GBV is warranted.

Limitations.

Although this scoping reviewed 49 articles and provides a baseline understanding regarding GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs, the review had several limitations. Firstly, the inclusion criteria were restricted to studies published in English in a peer-reviewed journal. We may have missed critical points published in the grey literature or presented in another language, however, given the wide range of results from quality studies, it is unlikely that significant findings were missed. The use of scoping review methodology is a comprehensive, rigorous, and a well-applied method of searching evidence [ 31 ], however, the review did not include a critical appraisal of the studies included, which may have limited the ability to assess the validity and reliability of the findings. Using multiple reviewers at each stage of review, and inclusion criteria forms added strength to the review.

The effectiveness of search terms in scoping reviews is crucial for ensuring a comprehensive range of relevant studies is included in the analysis. It is important, therefore, to acknowledge the inherent limitations of relying solely on specific keywords to capture the breadth of a particular field, especially in a context where culturally aligned terms exist. In regions such as Melanesia, for example, small area vegetable and fruit gardening systems, may constitute a predominant form of agriculture, but may not be referred to as such. The narrow scope of search terms such as “agriculture” or “farming”, for example, may have inadvertently excluded such studies from the review. Moreover, the scoping review was also challenged by different meanings and definitions of GBV. Depending on the specific definition used, certain studies or aspects of GBV may have been excluded, leading to a narrower scope. While the authors considered various terms and synonyms associated with GBV as part of the search strategy, the different meanings and definitions posed challenges in terms of the scope, comparability, and interpretation of findings.

Many articles in our scoping review were able to articulate the often-unique challenges faced by women primary producers or women who live in agricultural/rural settings with regards to GBV. While studies varied in their findings on some of the interactions between GBV and agricultural settings, like the role of climate change and the impact of involving men in interventions, common threads bound the body of research together. These included the role of sociocultural factors in GBV, the impact of GBV on women’s agricultural livelihood activities and contemporary or historical aspects of primary production that shape attitudes toward GBV. The links between patterns or attitudes of GBV and the agricultural context was a common feature of study findings and informed recommendations for future research or interventions.

Our findings call for more qualitative and participatory research approaches to better understand the unique experiences of women and the complexities of violence within specific cultural and contextual settings. Our findings also highlight the limited scholarship on psychological forms of GBV in this setting, and the need for survivor-led, trauma-informed research approaches which draw upon women’s diverse and intersectional lived experiences. The importance of understanding the sociocultural and economic context in which GBV occurs to identify effective interventions, and the need for culturally appropriate and gender-sensitive indicators that can monitor the impact of interventions on men and women is required. Finally, our findings highlight the influence of deeply rooted patriarchy within many LMICs, where prevailing models of masculinity typically normalize violence as a legitimate means of resolving conflict or expressing anger, and where GBV is often dismissed. Future research needs to explore how deeply rooted patriarchy contributes to gender-based violence in agriculture in LMICs, and importantly involve both men and women in the dialogue.

Data availability

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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C.O. and S.S were both involved in the entire scoping review process, from conceptualization to writing of this manuscript. S.K. SB provided senior technical input throughout the process. All authors reviewed and contributed to the final manuscript. All authors read and approved final manuscript.Acknowledgements: The authors would like to acknowledge Ms Rebecca Pepame Robinson for her constructive feedback on the final draft of the manuscript. The authors would also like to thank the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR), for funding this reserach.

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O’Mullan, C., Sinai, S. & Kaphle, S. A scoping review on the nature and impact of gender based violence on women primary producers. BMC Women's Health 24 , 395 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-024-03228-3

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gender based violence in pakistan essay

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Changing regional dynamics and pakistan, aurat azadi march: they should fight for equity not equality, why pakistan can’t recognize israel, has pakistan shifted its foreign policy from geo-politics to geo-economics, gender-based violence: violence against women in pakistan.

saddam hussain samo

Any form of violence that targets a person or a group based on their gender or perceived gender is referred to as gender-based violence (GBV). Both women and men experience gender-based violence; however, the majority of victims are often women and girls. In Pakistan as well, mostly women and girls face violence in different forms, including physical, sexual, psychological, and economic abuse.

 The gender-based violence in Pakistan mainly faced by women and girls is given as follows:

Honor killing:

Honor killing is a type of gender-based violence that is prevalent in Pakistan, particularly in rural regions. Honor killings refer to the killing of a woman by a family member, often a male relative, for allegedly bringing shame to the family by indulging in sex outside marriage.

According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, 898 women, including girls, were killed in the name of honor in 2014. The numbers have decreased to 277 in 2020. However, there are many unreported cases of honor killing in the remote rural regions of Pakistan. Since a family member is involved in the killing, the whole household tries to cover up the issue. Hence, the actual data must have been greater than that mentioned in the reports of the commission.

Domestic violence:

Domestic violence is violence that occurs within the home or family premises against women or girls. It is another type of gender-based violence observed in Pakistani society. It is mostly faced by the victim in the form of physical, psychological, and sexual abuse.

According to Pakistan’s demographic and health survey, 39% of women between the ages of 15 and 49 are physically and emotionally abused by their spouses. Besides, 1 out of 10 women is a victim of violence during pregnancy, according to the same survey. Another study by the United Nations Population Fund found that 70% of married women in Pakistan have experienced some form of physical or sexual violence from their husbands. According to the Aurat Foundation, there was a 200% increase in cases of domestic violence during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Acid attacks:

It is the throwing of acid, particularly on the face of the victim, with the intention of making her face ugly. It is mostly carried out against girls by the known victim when he is refused to get married, enter into the relationship, or when the marriage of the victim is set by the family with someone else. The major portion of acid attack victims in Pakistan are women and girls, who make up roughly 80% of reported incidents. Between 2007 and 2017, the Acid Survivors Foundation Pakistan (ASF-P) identified 1,385 cases of acid assault in Pakistan. According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, 232 women suffered acid attacks in 2014 alone.

In order to control the growing incidents of acid attacks against women and girls, the government of Pakistan enacted a law called “The Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Act, 2011.” The law imposes severe punishments on those who commit acts of acid violence, including 14 years to life in jail and fines of up to Rs. 1 million. After the passing of the act, the cases of acid attacks decreased drastically, as only 74 cases were reported in 2019.

Sexual violence including rapes:

Around 5,000 instances of sexual violence, including rape, gang-rape, and other types of sexual assault, were reported in Pakistan in 2020, according to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. It is well accepted that many instances of sexual assault in Pakistan go unreported as a result of societal stigma, apprehension about retaliation, and a lack of confidence in the legal system. Besides, between 2014 and 2016, there were over 11,000 documented incidents of rape in Pakistan, according to the Aurat Foundation, a women’s rights organization.

The rape case of Mukhtaran Mai is a classic example in this regard. She was gang-raped in 2002 at the direction of the local council in retaliation for an alleged crime her brother may have committed. However, she stood up against the crime and highlighted the issue to get her culprits punished. Many similar cases are often unreported by women in Pakistan, mainly due to the fear of family and a decision-making council comprised of some powerful landlords of the area.

Women trafficking:

Women’s trafficking refers to the illegal trade of women and girls for the purpose of exploitation, including sexual exploitation, forced labor, and forced marriage. Women in Pakistan are mostly trafficked to Gulf countries by making false promises of better job opportunities, where they are subjected to sexual abuse. Some women are married and then taken to foreign countries where they are forced into the profession of prostitution. Many cases of women’s trafficking are not recorded. However, in 2010, 2236 cases of women’s trafficking were registered in Pakistan.

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan reported in 2020 that there were 166 cases of human trafficking in the country, including 127 cases of forced labor and 39 cases of sexual exploitation. In 2019, Chinese nations involved in women’s trafficking under the name “bride trafficking scheme.” They married Pakistani women and promised them a better life in China. However, many of them were subjected to sexual exploitation, forced labor, and other forms of abuse. In connection with a suspected human trafficking ring that was allegedly operating in the country, the Federal Investigation Agency of Pakistan announced in 2019 that it had detained 17 Chinese nationals. In the same year, the Associated Press reported that an estimated 750 Pakistani women had been sold as brides to Chinese men in the previous 18 months.

Girls as compensation:

For a crime committed by a male member of the family, particularly sex outside the marriage, the village council (an assembly of landlords, local leaders, or influential persons to settle the issue without involving courts) often punishes the culprits by giving either a young sister or daughter in a marriage to the victim’s family as compensation. Although it is illegal in Pakistan, the culture is still followed in remote tribal areas. In this situation, it is always a female member of the family that suffers without any fault or for the crime of a male member.

Forced marriage and child marriage:

Forced and child marriage is commonly seen in rural regions of Pakistan and is one of the most serious problems facing women. In most of the cases, it is carried out to settle the debt, get a hefty amount from the groom’s side, or under the duress of a powerful landlord.

Approximately 1026 incidents of forced marriage were reported in Pakistan in 2020, according to a Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. UNICEF reports that 3% of Pakistani girls get married before the age of 15, and 21% of females get married prior to reaching the age of 18. Over 3% of Pakistani women reported being forced into marriage against their will, according to data from the Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey, which was conducted in 2017–2018.

Female genital mutilation and cutting (FGM/C)

The partial or complete removal of the external female genitalia for non-medical purposes is referred to as FGM/C. It is regarded as a violation of human rights and may have detrimental effects on girls’ and women’s physical and mental health. It is not common and is only observed by one tiny religious sect. The occurrence of FGM/C is less than 0.1 percent. It is a serious issue for the women belonging to a certain community.

Thus, there are eight common forms of gender-based violence faced, particularly by women and girls. These are all illegal, and many acts and laws have been enacted by the government to control this violence against a particular gender. The instances of violence have been decreasing with the passage of time due to the passing of laws.

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  1. PDF Gender based Violence in Pakistan

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  9. Violence against Women in Pakistan: Causes, Consequences ...

    Patriarchy and gender-based violence in Pakistan. European Journal of Social Science Education and Research, 4(4), 297-304. Covid-19 and gender. The News International. Aug 2020;

  10. Gender-based violence in Pakistan and public health measures: a call to

    Sarfraz, Azza, Sarfraz, Zouina, Sarfraz, Muzna & Qarnain, Zul. (‎2022)‎. Gender-based violence in Pakistan and public health measures: a call to action. Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 100 (‎7)‎, 462 - 464. World Health Organization.

  11. PDF Gender Based Violence in Pakistan Policy Brief

    Key Messages. Ÿ Gender Based Violence (GBV) is the most pervasive form of discrimination and a violation of basic human rights. Thirty ve percent of women over the age of 15 have experienced GBV in their lifetime globally, most often at the hands of an intimate partner Ÿ In Pakistan, GBV is pervasive in both physical and verbal forms. 40% of ...

  12. Gender-based violence in Pakistan and public health measures ...

    Gender-based violence in Pakistan and public health measures: a call to action Bull World Health Organ. 2022 Jul 1;100(7):462-464. doi: 10.2471/BLT.21.287188. Epub 2022 Jun 6. Authors Azza Sarfraz 1 , Zouina Sarfraz 2 , Muzna Sarfraz 3 , Zul Qarnain 4 Affiliations 1 Department of Pediatrics and Child ...

  13. National Report on the Status of Women in Pakistan

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  16. Patriarchy and Gender-Based Violence in Pakistan

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  17. Perpetuation of gender discrimination in Pakistani society: results

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  18. UNFPA Pakistan

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  19. Combatting Gender Based Violence in Pakistan Through Feminist ...

    Malik, Aisha, Combatting Gender Based Violence in Pakistan Through Feminist Edutainment Television (February 21, 2022). South Asian Journal of Law, Policy, and Social Research, Vol. 1, No. 2, 2022, ... PAPERS. 14. This Journal is curated by: Umair Ahmed Andrabi at Foundation for Academia, ...

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  21. Perpetuation of gender discrimination in Pakistani society: results

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  22. Gender Based Violence Courts in Pakistan: A Gap in Gender ...

    Available data indicated that in Pakistan, only 2-3% of rape perpetrators were convicted. In light of this, the then Chief Justice of the Lahore (Punjab) High Court invited the Asian Development Bank to provide technical assistance on judicial training, capacity building initiatives and the first-ever gender-based violence court in Asia.

  23. A scoping review on the nature and impact of gender based violence on

    Gender-based violence (GBV) is a widespread public health issue that affects people of all genders, but disproportionately impacts women and girls [].GBV is deeply rooted in gender inequality, and is reinforced by patriarchal norms, discriminatory laws, and socio-cultural practice that violate women's rights [].Although GBV can affect individuals from all backgrounds, women living in low ...

  24. Gender-based violence: violence against women in Pakistan

    It is another type of gender-based violence observed in Pakistani society. It is mostly faced by the victim in the form of physical, psychological, and sexual abuse. According to Pakistan's demographic and health survey, 39% of women between the ages of 15 and 49 are physically and emotionally abused by their spouses.